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743-745 BROADWAY. 

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S7", by 

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This volume completes the Commentary on the Historical Books of the Old Testament, 
written during the period of the reconstruction of the theocracy after the return from ex- 
ile. It contains : 

1. The First and Second Book of Chronicles, by L>r. Otto Zockler, Professor in 
the Prussian University of Greifswald (1874), translated and edited by Professor James G. 
Murphy, LL.D., of Belfast, who is already well known to the American public by his Com- 
mentaries on Genesis, Exodus, and the Psalms. Professor Murphy has departed from the 
method of the other volumes by giving a literal translation of the text instead of the autho- 
rized version with emendations in brackets. 

2. Ezra, by Dr Fr. U. Schtjltz, Professor in the University of Breslau (1876), trans- 
lated and edited by Dr. Charles A. Briggs, Professor of Hebrew and the C"gnate Lan- 
guages in the Union Theological Seminary, New York, who prepared in part the Commentary 
on the Psalms for ihis work. 

3. Nehemiah, by Dr. Howard Crosby, Chancellor of the University of New York. 
Dr. Crosby had finished his work in manuscript before the German Commentary of Dr. Schultz 
appeared (1876), but he has added a translation of the Homiletical sections from Schultz. 

4. Esther, by Dr. Schtjltz, translated and edited by Dr. James Strong, Professor of 
Exegetical Theology in Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J. Dr. Strong has 
translated the frequent Latin citations, added the Textual and Grammatical notes, enlarged 
the list of exegetical helps, and furnished an excursus on the Apocryphal additions to Es- 
ther, and another on the liturgical use of the book among the Jews. 

The remaining three of the twenty-four volumes of this Commentary are in the hands 
of the printer, and will be published at short intervals. 


Bible Houbk, New York, December, I87f». 


The matter and the whole form of the books of Chronicles afford a sufficient warrant for 
allowing the homiletic and even the theological part of the exposition to fall more into tL 
background here than elsewhere in this Bible-work. In the following work also, on account 
of the numerous parallels with the books of Samuel and Kings, an almost exclusive pre- 
dominance of the historical element might easily be permitted. For with regard to theological 
and homiletic comment, the corresponding portions of these books have already received a 
fruitful and valuable treatment in the able works of Bahr and Erdmann, so that reference to 
them might in every instance have been sufficient. And where anything peculiar to Chronicles 
was to be explained, it almost always referred to portions like the genealogical lists in 1 Chron. 
ii.-ix., the various supplements to the history of war, and the highly characteristic episodes on 
the history of worship, which belonged rather to the outer surface, the rind and shell of the 
theocratic and evangelical system, than to its spiritual ground and essence, and therefore 
needed rather to be explained historically, than to be considered or applied dogmatically or 
practically. The homiletic remarks might, therefore, in this volume be omitted as a distinct 
section, and a group of sections might be thrown together as a basis for the development of 
theological or evangelical and ethical principles. But besides, it appeared necessary \a 
Chronicles to dwell more frequently on difficulties of a chronological kind, and on apologetic 
problems connected therewith, on account of which it was requisite, besides and along with 
those evangelical reflections, to introduce several excursus, some of considerable length, as 
that on Ophir after 2 Chron. viii., and that on the chronology of the kings during the time of 
the separate kingdom after 2 Chron. xxxii. 

Of recent literary helps, some that appeared in the course of printing could not be fully 
employed ; for example, the second edition of the commentary of Thenius on the books of 
Kings (in the Kurzgefasstes exegethsches Hanrlbuch sum Allen Testament, Leipzig, S. Hirzel), 
and the treatise of H. Brande, Die Konigsreihen von Juda and Israel nach den biblischi n Berichten 
midden Kt Uinschriften (Leipzig, Al. Edelniaim), — a praiseworthy attempt to remove the chrono- 
logical differences between the statements of the books of Kings and Chronicles on the one 
hand, and those of the Assyrian monuments on the other, in which some at least of the dis- 
crepancies between the biblical and Assyro-Babylonian computation of time brought forward 
by Assyriologists, especially by Schrader, have met with an interesting, if not quite satisfactory 
explanation. And of the simultaneously-appearing third revised edition of C. F. Keil's 
Lehrbuch der hiftnrisch-kritischen Einleituug in die kanonischen Schriften des Alten Testaments, 
(Frankfurt a. M., Heyder und Zimmer) obviously no use could be made. 

With regard to the question. How the very numerous proper names, especially of persons, 
in the text of Chronicles were to be treated in their transference into German, the author was 
presented with a problem not quite easy to solve. Perfect consistency could oidy be attained 
either by a close adherence to the text of Luther, or by the thorough restoration of a spelling 
adapted as strictly as possible to the Hebrew sound; in which latter case, however, names 
such as Jchova, and the household words Noah, Isaak, Israel, Saul, Salomo, Hiskia. etc., r.ust 


have given way to the more correct forms Jahve, Noach, Jitschak, Jisrael, Schaul, Schelomo, 
Jechizkijahu. As this would not have corresponded with the rule elsewhere adopted in our 
Bible-work, we have taken a middle course. All the well-known current forms of the 
Lutheran Bible that have been as it were canonized by a usage of several centuries in the 
tradition of evangelical Germany, especially the divine name Jehova and all names of pro- 
minent men of God (patriarchs, prophets, kings, etc.), and of important holy places, we have 
left wholly unaltered, only with the addition, "nee for all, of the more exact orthography in 
parentheses (usually on the first occurrence of the name in question). All less current names, 
because they belong to less important persons and places, and especially if they occur only 
once, are immediately and directly expressed in the way more agreeable to the Hebrew sounds ; 
and only when there is a very great deviation from the received orthography in the Lutheran 
text is this difference noted by the insertion of a parenthesis. For this intermediate course 
between the customary and the modern mode of writing, we are glad to be able to refer among 
others to the late Oehler as warrant, who, in p. 146 of the lately published first part of his 
posthumous Tlietilogie des Alien Testament* (Tubingen, Heckenhauer), expresses his agreement 
in principle with the rule here laid down, when he declares that such forms as Jehova, 
Jordan, etc., are less correct than "Jahve, Jarden," etc., yet not to be supplanted by these 
more correct forms, and proceeds accordingly throughout the text of his work. 


Gbelfswald, October 1873. 

^Translating into English, we shall use the English mode of spelling the ordinary names. 

J. G. M.] 





Tin: last book of the Old Testament canon forms a comprehensive history, which recapitulates 
the progress of the people of God from Paradise to the close of the Babylonish captivity in 
a peculiar point of view, partly extracting, partly repeating, and partly supplementing the 
contents of the earlier canonical books of history, with the exception of the books of Ezra 
Nehemiah. and Esther, which are later iu point of contents than our book. 

1. The first or gentahgical portion of tlie work especially extracts or summarily recapitulates 
the earlier historical books. It embraces the first nine chapters, according to the present 
division, and contains the genealogies of the patriarchs, the twelve tribes, and the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem, till the beginning of the kingdom (occasionally even beyond it), in order to 
exhibit the genealogical connection of David, as well as the Levites and priests of his time, 
with the antediluvian patriarchs of the human race. Only here and there, particularly with 
respect to the statements concerning the tribes of Judah, Simeon, and Levi, this form ie 
changed into that of a completion or enlargement of the former record by peculiar genealogical 
or historical additions. As a mere repetition of the statements contained in the earlier books, 
appear several genealogical notices of the first chapter; for example, those relating to the 
races of the table of nations and the princes of Edom (Gen. x. 36). 

2. The second or strictly historical portion of the work partly repeats and partly completes, 
sometimes with a great fulness of details, the historical books after Moses and Joshua, espe- 
cially the books of Samuel and Kings. It extends from 1 Chron. x. to the end of 2 Chron., and 
mainly presents a history of the kings of Judah from David to Zedekiah, or rather to the edict 
ot Cyrus at the close of the Babylonish captivity. A process of abbreviating, of only sum- 
marily recapitulating, and even of wholly passing over a great of historical material, now 
takes place, inasmuch as the writer ignores the facts relating to the private life of David and 
Solomon, especially when they are unfavourable to their moral character, and in the time 
alter Solomon intentionally turns away his eye from the fortunes of the northern kingdom, 
and confines himself almost exclusively to the Jewish history of this period. Yet for the 
whole time from David to the exile he appears more as a supplementer than as a concise 
repeater of the authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, inasmuch as the intrinsic importance 
of the addition made by him almost always exceeds that of the passages omitted, and both 
the omission and the addition appear to have in view certain fixed tendencies, especially the 
endeavour to glorify the theocratic order of the priests and Levites. If we take into account 
this particular tendency, as well as the altered circumstances in which he wrote, we arrive at 
the following points as characteristic of his work, compared with his older predecessors, 
especially the authors of the books of Samuel ami Kings. 

(j. The books of Samuel and Kings having originated (been reduced to their present form) 
during the Babylonish exile, are a proper Israelitish national work, treating the history of both 
kingdoms, Israel and Judah, with equal attention On the contrary, the Chronist appears as 
a specially Jewish (Ju laising) writer, who belonged to the time after the exile, possibly even 
of the post-Persian dominion (Hellenic), and from his late age lay too remote from the events 
of the once existing kingdom of Israel ; and, moreover, from his rigid theocratic position, took 


so little interest iu the fortunes of the northern king loin, that he excluded them altogethe: 
from his regard, and produced merely a Jewish chronicle. 

6. The standpoint of those ol ler Israelitish national historians is that of the prophet, while 
the younger Jewish Chronist occupies that of the priest and the Levite. Whereas the former, 
in accordance with the total depression, the apparently almost hopeless destruction, of the 
Mosaic temple worship iu the exile, take a predominantly spiritual direction, averse to the 
external side of the theocratic worship, the latter, writing after the exile, at the time of 
the restored national sanctuary, exhibits a more lively interest in the external institutions and 
modes of worship, as well as in the order of priests and Levites appointed to fcike charge of it. 
Troll- this sacerdotal ecclesiastical direction there follows a third important point of difference. 

c. The moral causes of the national misfortune that broke in upon the people, especially 
their constantly-repeated lapse into idolatry, with which those older historians were most 
anxiously engaged, are cast into the shade, and often studiously ignored, by the Chronist, so 
that in the picture presented by him there appears a much smaller number of the gloomy 
shailows and dark spots of religious apostasy, and consequent national humiliation by heavy 
divine judgments. While the former obviously follow the tendency " to hold up to them 
a warning picture, in the tragic history of the Hebrew natiou. of the danger of the relapse of 
a not yet elevate 1 people among heathen nations, and in the narrative of the successive sins 
of their fathers to give a theodicy to the race already bewildered with respect to the promises 
and the faithfulness of Jehovah, and show them that their national misfortunes are to be 
ascribed to their own guilt ; on the other hand, for the author of Chronicles, who lived after 
the exile, from which time the people, purified by affliction, adhered with stern obstinacy to 
their national God, and who no longer distinguishes accurately between the different kinds of 
ancient superstition (appears indeed to identify the impure Jehovah-worship of the northern 
kingdom with complete idolatry), accounts of the earlier superstition must have been of less 
consequence, because they presented to him less didactic matter and historical interest than to 
the authors of the older historical work " (Movers). 

il. With this is connected the tone of panegyric usual with our author, frequently deviating 
from the unvarnished manner of the older historians, his apologetic endeavour to make the 
heroes of the foretime and their deeds to stand forth in the most glorious light, by giving pro- 
minence to the more externally than internally significant and ethically important moments, 
and especially by statistical data concerning the greatness of the temporal and spiritual state 
of the kings, the magnitude of the festivals celebrated by them, etc. 

e. Finally, with regard to the outward form of representation, the younger work contrasts 
very strongly with the older. As well by its less pure Hebrew style, presenting so many 
traces of a late age, as by its often striking monotony, want of independence and poverty of 
ideas, its dry anualistic method of statement continued through long sections, and its inclination 
to direct copying and mere transcribing of the old books of Kings, it falls very far behind the 
classical originality, the fresh and genial historiographic skill of the other. 

To bring these differences between the literary peculiarity of the two parallel elaborations 
of the history of the people of God till the exile under a single formula, we may with Keil 
distinguish the older books of Kings as the fruit of the prophetic form of history, and Chronicles 
as the product of the hagiographic mode. Our work, indeed, belongs more closely to that 
special development of hagiographic historiography, which, in contrast with the popular 
met' od of the books of Ruth and Esther (and witli the prophetic mode of the historic sections 
of Daniel), may be termed the socenlnto-Levitlcal, and in which the preference for annalistic 
statement (appearing also in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, the continuations of Chronicles) 
must be accounted eminently characteristic. Keil 1 justly denies that any one of these special 
moments, whether popularity, the sacerdoto-Levitical, or the annalistic character, should be 
applied to the collective historical works of the hagiographic part of the canon. " Common to 
the collective hagiographic books of history, and characteristic of them, is simply the retreat 
or the absence of the prophetic view of the course of history according to the divine plan of 
salvation unfolding itself in the events, instead of which appear individual points of view that 
6how themselves in the prosecution of parenetic, didactic ends, and have a definite influence 
on the selection and treatment of the facts." 

1 Bill. Comment, on Chron., Ezr., Nah. y and Esth., Introd. p. viii 



Of the two most widely accepted designations of our historical work, the one pointing to 
its annalistic character, the other to the relation of supplement or completion which it bears 
to the older books of Kings, the former rests on the Hebrew phrase B'DVI '"QT This phrase, 
before which, according to 1 Kings xiv. 19, 29, sv. 7, 23, the word 12D (or, according to Esth. 
vi- 1, DUhirr ISD) is to be supplied, means " events of the day, course of events" (res gtsta 
dierum). ami thus presents our work as a "Book of current events," as a "Chronicle:" which 
name, not as a literal, but a correct rendering of D'DVl *"OT, has been made current by Jerome 
for the Latin, and by Luther for the German Church. 1 So far as this denomination in the 
quoted passages of the 01 1 Testament refers to divers other historical works, in particular to 
those old Israelitish royal annals often quoted by our Chronist, the " books of the Chronicles 
of the Kings of Israel and Judah " (as in Esth. ii. 23, vi. 1, x. 2, the Medo-Persian royal annals, 
the "book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia"), it appears to be a rather 
indefinite designation, by which our work should be distinguished quite generally as belonging 
to the class of annalijtic works covering a long space of time. Whether this name proceeds 
from the author himself, or owes its origin to a later (certainly very old, and at all events 
pre-Masoretic) tradition, at any rate, the denomination brought into currency by tin Sept. 
n«o«As/~o',£4sy* (liber Paralipomenon) is more significant for the characteristic position and 
import of the work as a historical book, especially for its relation to the earlier historical 
books of the canon. For this name, which is to be explained, not with Movers, by supple- 
menta, relics from other historical works, but, in accordance with the patristic tradition in 
Pseudo-Athanasius (Synopsis Scr. S.. in Atkanasii Opp. ii. p. 83: nusuteiQdii/Tx toaXsc vj tui; 
(5x<ii\iiu.i: -mii-^iTui i» tovtois), in Jerome (Ep. ad Paulin: . . . "prxtermissx in Rei/um 
tibris hi<t<>rir:" 2 ) and Isidore of Seville (Origen, lib. vi. c. 1, p. 45: ''Paralipomenon 
grsece dicitur, quod prsetermissorum vel reiiquorum nos dicere possumus," 1 etc.). by "omitted, 
overlooked in the other historical works," sets forth in a striking manner the position taken 
by our author as the supplementer of the prophetical historians, and has therefore the advant ige 
over the Hebrew denomination of greater definiteness, although it appears neither quite free 
from misapprehension nor adapted to the collective characteristics of our history. 

Our work, moreover, forms, according to its original plan, as well as the oldest tradition, 
only one "book of annals" or supplements, for not only the old numeration of the books of 
the Old Testament in Josephus (c. Ap. i. 8), Origen (in Euseb. //. Eccl. vi. 25), and Jerome 
(Prolog, galea!.), according to which the canon consists of twenty-two books, but also the 
later computation made by Jerome and in the Talmud (Baba balhra. fol. 14), extending to 
twenty-four books, recognises only one book of Chronicles; and that the Masora regarded it 
as a single work is evident from the remark at the close of its text, that 1 Chron. xxvii. 25 
forms the middle of the whole. The present general division (even in the recent Hebrew 
editions) into two books, springs from the Alexandrine translators and Jerome their follower, 
and may have been occasioned on their part by the existence of some great section or interval 
at the point of division, 1 Chron. xxix. 29 f , in the majority of older Hebrew mss. This 
bipartition of the work (which even Melito of Sardis knew, Euseb. H. Eccl. iv. 26, as his list 
of the holy scriptures includes n«o«A?/-o«i»ai/ aCo) cannot be regarded as unsuitable, since. 
apart from the almost equal length of the two parts, the end of the reign of David, on which 
the writer dwells with greater fulness than on that of any other king, presented a most fitting 
point of pause and division. 

The identity of the close -f the second book, ch. xxxvi. 22 f., with the beginning of the 
book of Ezra, especially as the passage presents no truly satisfactory close for our work, raises 
the expectation that some connection exists between it and the latter book. In favour of this 
is farther the close affinity of the style of each, the mode of quoting the law common to both. 

'Jerome's Prolog, galeat. : Dibrc hajamim, i.e. verba dierum, quod signijicantius chronicon totius 
divinze historian possumus appellor?, qui liber apud nos Paralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur. 

2 The whole passage {Opp. ed. Vallars. t. i. p. 279) runs thus: Paralipomenon liber, i.e. instrument* 
ceteris epitome, tantus et talis est, ut absque Ulo, si quis scientiam seripturarum sibi volueril arrogare, "t 
ipsum irriiieat ; per singtda quippc nomiita juncturasque rerborum et pr&termigtto? in Bcgutn librie tan- 
yuntur histories et innumerabiles explica«tur tvangclii ouastiones. 


is well as the decided preference of both for genealogical registers, statistical lists, and minute 
descriptions of acts of religion, in which also the same formula} are not seldom used (see 
Remark), .As no small part of these idioms belong also to the book of Nehemiah, the hypothesis 
is natural, that the three books, even if proceeding from different authors, have been subjected 
to a common revision by a later writer. This hypothesis is more probable than both the 
other attempts to solve the problem, namely, that either Chronicles and Ezra (Movers), or 
Chronicles. Ezra, and Nehemiah (Zunz, Ew., Berth., Uillm., Davidson, etc.), originally formed 
a single work proceeding from one author. For in such unity of origin of the three works, 
their separation before the close of the canon into three or (in case of Ezra and Nehemiah having 
originally formed one work) into two books remains purely inexplicable. The author of such 
separation would have had no rational ground for retaining 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23 at the same 
time as the close of the first and the opening of the second part. The double place of these 
verses leads much rather to a common redactor of the two writings than to an identity of 
amhor. The majority also of the already-mentioned common idioms, and other qualities, are 
sufficiently explaiued by the hypothesis, that the present very homogeneous form of the two, 
or at most three pieces, arises partly from having proceeded from the same circle of sacerdotal 
and Levities! views, endeavours, and learned researches, and partly from having gone through 
the hands of the same redactor. And even if one author of the two or three works must be 
affirmed, there can be as little doubt of the fact, that he conceived Chronicles as an indepen- 
dent and separate work, as of the independence and original distinctness of the books of Ezra 
and Nehemiah, which are clearly separated from one another in the Hebrew text by the new 
superscription, Neh. i. 1. Comp. § 8. [There seems to be no reason why one author may not 
continue the work of another on the same plan and in a similar style. — J. G. M.] 

Remark. — On the numerous verbal points of contact noticed by Pareau, In.ititutio inlerpr. 
V. T. p. 419, l between Chronicles and Ezra, applying also in great part to the book of 
Nehemiah, see Movers, Krit. Unterxuchungen, p. 17 f. ; Havernick, Eial. ii. 1, 269 ff., and 
especially Bertheau, Km-zr/ef. exeg. Handb., Einleit. p. xix. f . The latter recounts : a. a 
number of like grammatical inflections and constructions, namely. 1. The short way of sub- 
ordinating relative clauses by placing them after a construct state (1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; 2 Chi on. 
xxxi. 19: Ezra i. 5; Neh. viii. 10); 2. The. use of the infinitive with ? to express must or 
shall (1 Chron. v. 1, ix. 25, xiii. 4, xv. 2, etc.; 2 Chron. ii. 8, viii. 13, xi. 22, etc. ; Ezra iv. 3, 
x. 12 ; Neh. viii. 13) ; 3. The extremely frequent use of the prep. 7. partly before the object 
as nota nccusativi, partly after an accus. in continuation (1 Chron. xxviii. 1 : 2 Chron. xxvi. 14, 
xxviii. 15, xxxiii. 8 ; Neh. ix. 32), especially before 72, to include all in enumerations (1 Chron. 
xiii. 1 ; 2 Chron. v. 12; Ezra i. 5, vii. 28; Neh. xi. 2), after the prep. 1J?, where in former 
usage the word subordinate to this followed immediately (1 Chron. xxviii. 7, 20; 2 Chron. 
xiv. 12, xvi. 12, 14, xvii. 12, etc.; Ezra iii. 13, ix. 4, C. x. 14) before the adverbial infin. 
nain (2 Chron. xi. 12, xvi. 8; Neh. v. 18); 4. The abundant use of prepositions in general, 
for example, in such phrases as TJJ 1J,\ Neh. iii. 2G ; DNJ"lD3, 2 Chron. xxix. 30; QDVa, Neh. 
ix. 19 ; 5. The placing of the article before a verb for the pron. relat. (1 Chron. xxvi. 28, 
xx^x. 8, 17 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 36. xxxiv. 32; Ezra viii. 25, x. 14, 17 ; Neh. ix. 33). Moreover, 
Bertheau himself is obliged to acknowledge with regard to these constructions, that " they 
occur occasionally also in other books of the Old Testament, especially the later." That they 
may be laid to the account, of the idiom of one single author of the books compared, will be 
the less evident, because some of these constructions, as the quoted passages show, occur not 
more than once in any one of these writings, and therefore by no means belong to the pro- 
minent characteristics of their style. 

b. On the contrary, single phrases quoted by him, or standing constructions of certain 
words, point somewhat more definitely to identity of authorship. Thus the construction 
nii'lKn ''SJ?, 2 Chron. xiii. 9; Ezra iii. 3, ix. 1, 2, 11 ; Neh. ix. 30, x. 29 (comp. also 

niVINH WD, Ezra ix. 7: '"lKn U".'", 2 Chron. xv. 5; '-itfn «ij, 2 Chron. xxxii. 13, 17, etc.) 
27 |*3n, 1 Chron. xxix. 18; 2 Chron. xii. 14, xix. 3, xx. 33, xxx. 19; Ezra vii. 10; pan in 

1 Quod peeuliare est in dietiove utriusque libri Chron ico-rvm, id diinu iii dirtionc HWi, qui Ezra 
U-ifjiiitur auctori ejtisque nomen pne se fert, animadvertitur, qvatenus lingua Hebraiea conseriptus est. 


several otlier constructions; D'njnn, "to offer freely at the temple," 1 Chron. xxix. 5, 6, 9, 
14, 17 ; 2 Chron. xvii. 16 ; Ezra i. 6, ii. 68, iii. 5 ff. ; Neh. xi. 2 ; rn3, 2 Chron. xiv. 13, xxviii. 14 ; 
Ezra ix. 7; Neh. iii. 36; pap, 1 Chron. xii. 18, xxi. 11; 2 Chron. xxix. 10; Ezra viii. 30; 
nirp 1V3 n3X?tp (or D'npX '2 'O), I Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 30 ; Ezra iii. 6, vi. 22 ; Neh. 
x. 34, xi. 22, etc. Vet all those phrases occur not exclusively in our books, but occasionally 
elsewhere (3l3rin, for example, in Judg. v. 2, 9 ; nii'lNil in several constructions also, 2 Kings 
xviii. 35, and often in Ezek. ; ni3 also in Esther and Daniel, p3p there also, and in Prov. 
and Job, etc.). Actual idioms of the books of Chron., Ezra, and Neh., from which tlieii 
derivation from one author may seem to follow, are properly only such phrases as DHDV ^>y, 
2 Chron. xxx. 16, xxxv. 10; Neh. viii. 7, ix. 3, xiii. 11 ; nnn, 1 Chron. xvi. 27 ; Neh. viii. 10; 
Ezra vi. 16 ; -ii-23, '■ basin," 1 Chron. xxviii. 17 ; Ezra i. 10, viii. 27 ; pimo^> 1J7, 2 Chron. 
xxvi. 15 ; Ezra iii. 13 (comp. the other constructions with p TJ in 2 Chron. xvi. 14, xxvi. 8, 
xxxvi. 16, etc.) ; D'TUID in the plur., 2 Chron. xxx. 22 ; Neh. ix. 3 ; comp. Ezra x. 1 ; nj^B, 
of divisions of the Levites, 2 Chron. xxxv. 5 ; Ezra vi. 18. To this may be added such phrases 
and formulae resting on the priestly and legal ideas and facts of these books, as L3Su'S3- 

1 Chron. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 13, xxx. 16 ; Ezra iii. 4 ; Neh. viii. 18 (this phrase is 
peculiar to our books, while the synonymous miF13 31D33 occurs often in the older writings); 

nirPP ippni Vlin, 1 Chron. xvi. 4, xxiii. 30, xxv. 3, etc. ; Ezra iii. 11 ; likewise the liturgical 
form ppnp? nilinp, and " for He is good, for His grace eudureth for ever," 1 Chron. xvi. 34, 41 ; 

2 Chron. v. 13 ; Ezra iii. 11 ; not less the standing phrases in describing festivals, nnob'3 

(1 Chron. xii. 40, xxix. 9, 17 ; 2 Chron. xv. 15, xx. 27, xxix. 30, 36, xxxi. 23, 26 ; Ezra iii. 12) 
and TTI 'T-pJ> (1 Chron. xxv. 2, 6; 2 Chron. xxiii. 18, xxix. 27; Ezra iii. 10); lastly, the 

official names of certain temple ministers and sacred musicians found only in our books, 
especially D'JTU, D'Tlit'Qn and DT1PVD. If we add to these common properties, extending 

even to literal agreement in expression, the preference in these three writings for genealogies 
and lists of officers and the like (comp. 1 Chron. i.-ix. ; Ezra iii., vii. 1-5, viii., x. 20 ft'. ; Neh. 
vii. 6 ff., x. 1 ff., xi., xii.), as well as the great prominence of the temple musicians and porters 
as an institution mentioned with peculiar interest (1 Chron. vi. 16 ff., ix. 14 ff., xv. 16 ff., 
xvi. 4 ff., xxiii. 5, xxv. 1 ff., xxvi. 12 ff. ; 2 Chron. v. 12 ff., viii. 14 ff., xxiii. 13 ff., xxxi. 11 ff.. 
xxxiv. 12 f., xxxv. 15; Ezra ii. 42, 70, iii. 10 f., vii. 7, x. 24; Neh. vii. 1, 45, x. 29, xi. 17 ff., 
xii. 24 ff., xiii. 5), there grows up a certain probability for the presumption of one author for 
the three writings in question. But this presumption cannot be regarded as " altogether 
established" and "fully demonstrated" (Bertheau, p. xx.). The great majority of the 
coincidences adduced are sufficiently explained by supposing a plurality of authors, nearly of 
the same date, inspired by a like Levitico-sacerdotal interest and impulse, drawing from the 
like sources, of whom the last, in order to produce a uniform edition of these similar historical 
works, submitted his two predecessors to a common revision. Comp. on the other hand, Keil 
(Comment, p. 15 ff.), who, however, certainly derives at least two of the works in question. 
Chronicles and Ezra, from one author; and, on the other hand, Bleek, Einleit. ins A. T. 
(2d edit. § 171, p. 404), who, coming nearer the truth, claims distinct authors for the three 
books, but regards the author of Chronicles as the last writer and the redactor of the books ot 
Ezra and Nehemiah. The question not immediately affecting our problem, whether the books 
of Ezra and Nehemiah are to be regarded as forming originally one work, or as independent 
productions of different authors, will have to be incidentally treated in the following investiga- 
tion concerning the author of our book and the time of its composition. 

[The arguments from the above phenomena for a redaction of these books are not con- 
vincing. An author writing in the language of the people, especially in the East, will use 
and repeat the current phrases of his day. The rise of new habits, objects, and acts will 
demand new words and constructions for their expression. These two circumstances are 
nearly sufficient to account for all the diversities and identities that have been noted, without 
having recourse to the hypothesis of one author or one redactor. A familiarity with the pre- 
vious authors of the Old Testament will probably balance the account. — J. G. M.] 



As Chronicles at its close mentions the edict of Cyrus permitting the return of the Jews 
from the Babylonish exile (2 Chron. xxxvi. 22 f.), and in 1 Chrou. iii. 19-24 it traces the 
descendants of Zerubbabel through six generations (see the exposition of the passage and 
Remark at the end of the section), it cannot have been composed, or at least put in its present 
form, before the time of Zerubbabel, or for a considerable time after Ezra. With \n average 
of thirty years for each of the generations after Zerubbabel, the last, consisting of tlie seven 
sons of Elioenai, must be supposed to flourish after the year 350 B.C. The last decade of the 
Persian monarchy, if not the beginning of the Grecian period, is, moreover, indicated by several 
other circumstances, among which are the following: — 

a. The computation employed in 1 Chron. xxix. 7 (in the history of David) by Dariks. 
D^'sTIX. a Persian gold coin, occurring also in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, — that, whether 

first stamped under Darius Hystaspis or not, refers the time of the composition of the work to 
the Persian sway over the Jews, or even some time after it; ' 

b. The name fTVa, castle, likewise indicating the Persian period, designates the temple as 

a magnificent building (1 Chron. xxix. 1, 19), — a term only occurring elsewhere in the books 
of Esther and Xehemiah, which there designates either the palace of the Persian monarch 
(Esth. i. 2, 5, ii. 3, 8; Neh. i. 1), or the castle near the temple of Jerusalem, the later BSici; 
(Neh. ii. 8, vii. 2); 

c. The orthography and Chaldaizing style betraying a pretty late age (comp. Remark on 


d. The position of the work in the canon as the last of the Hagiographa, and thus after the 
books of Ezra and Xehemiah, to which it would scarcely have been subjoined by the collectors, 
if any certain knowledge of its composition before or even contemporary with them had 
existed in Jewish tradition ; 

e. The circumstance that the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, for which, on account of the 
already adduced verbal and other coincidences with our books, au almost identical date of 
composition must, be asserten, must have been already written a considerable time after their 
heroes and traditional authors, as the proper memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah were used a* 
sources in them, — the age of these men (Neh. xii. 26, 47) is represented as already in the 
distant past; and, moreover, lists of the chiefs of the Levites (Neh. xii. 23) and of the hiyh 
priests (Neh. xii. 10 ff.) are given therein, that extend down to Jaddua. the holder of the 
high priest's office in the time of Alexander the Great. That this Jaddua, according to 
Josephus (Autiij. xi. 8), high priest during the last years of the Persian Empire, as well as 
under Alexander, was a contemporary of the author of the book of Nehemiah. appears in fact 
very probable, according to the twelfth chapter of the book. Yet Ewald and Bertheau have 
gone too far, when they infer, from the manner in which both in Ezra and Nehemiah Cyrua 
and his successors are constantly mentioned as Persian kings (Ezra i. 1, iv. 5: comp. iv. 7, 
vi. 1, etc.), that the Grecian monarchy had already commenced. The author might consider 
it suitable to give prominence to the Persian nationality of these kings, in contrast with the 
former kings of Judah. And all else that, after Spinoza, has been urged by de AVette. 
Berthold, Gramberg, and others (recently again by Ndldecke, Die alttestamentl. Literat., 1868. 
p. 63 f.). fur the origin of the book under the Macedonic or the Seleucidic government, amounts 
only to hypercritical conjectures (comp. Keil, Ajmlog. Versuch, p. 17 ff. ; Havernick, hint. ii. 
274 ff.). 

If our book appears from the above considerations, especially those adduced under c-e, tc 
belong to a time falling after Ezra and Nehemiah. it is impossible for Ezra himself to be the 
author. The Talmud, indeed, regarded him as the common originator of the book called after 
him and of Chronicles (Bala bathr. fol. lo, 1 : Esra scripsit librum suum et gentalogiam in libra 
Chronicorum usque ad se), in which it was followed by most Rabbins, some Fathers, as Theo- 

' That the composition must have taken place during the Persian rule, and before Alexander the 
Great, can scarcely be inferred from the mention of this coin (against Movers). For as Bleek justly 
remarks, p. 3'.tS : "It may well be imagined, and is in itself quite natural, that a silver or gold coin, 
once introduced into the country and extensively circulated, will continue in currency lung after the 
dvnusty that coined it has ceased to rule." 


loret, and later theologians, as Carpzov, Heidegger, Paieau, Starke, Lunge, Eichhorn {Einl 
iii. 597 ff.), Havernick, Welte, Keil {Apolog. Versuch, p. 144 ff., Einl. p. 497; comp. Comment. 
p. 14), and Jul. Fiirst (Gesch. derbibl. Lit. ii. 210, 5:37 ff.), and others. But he can no more 
have written the book of Chronicles than the book of Ezra itself. Both belong notoriously 
to a later age; and in view of their manifold internal and external connection, the hypothesis 
of Movers, that a writer living some centuries after Ezra wrote both works as a continuous 
whole, though afterwards separated (Mov. Krit. Unters. p. 14 ff.), would commend itself, were 
it not necessary to take into account the relation of the book of Nehemiah to both, and to 
admit some sort of connection among the three books. To show that this consists in being 
derived from the same author has been attempted by Zunz {Gottestlienstl. Voririi ;e der Juihn, 
Berlin 1832, p. 18 ff.), Ewald {Gesch. des v. Isr. i. p. 264. 2d edit.), Bertheau (Kurzyef. exet) 
Uandb., Einl. p. 15), Graf {Die geschicHl. Backer des A. T. p. 114 ff.), Dillmann (in Herzog's 
Real-Encycl, Art. " Chronik "), Davidson {lutrod. to the Old Test. ii. p. 115 sq.). They 
have regarded the books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah as three constituent parts of a 
single historical work, composed in the end of the Persian or the opening of the Grecian 
period. But against this are the following considerations : — 

1. The identity of Ezra i. 1-3 with 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22 f., which is more easily understood 
if we regard it as the work of a redactor who wished to show the second of the two originally 
separate works to be a kind of continuation of the first, than if we suppose that the narrative 
originally proceeded from 2 Chron. xxxvi. 23 to Ezra i. 4, and then, after rending the two 
books asunder, the opening words of the second concerning the edict of Cyrus were repeated 
at the close of the first. Comp. Keil, Comm. p. 14 f. : " For such a separation with an addi- 
tion there seems to be no ground, especially as the edict of Cyrus must be repeated. The 
introduction of this edict with the words, ' And in the first year of Cyrus, king of Persia, that 
the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah might be fulfilled, etc.,' is so closely connected 
with the close of the description of the destruction of Jerusalem and the carrying away of 
Judah to Babylon, ' and they were servants to him (King Nebuchadnezzar) and his sons until 
the reign of the Persians, to fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah ... to 
fulfil seventy years,' ver. 20 f., that the edict of Cyrus cannot be separated from the fore- 
going ; much rather must the same author, who wrote vers. 20, 21, and represented the 
seventy years of exile as the fulfilment of Jeremiah's prophecy, have also mentioned the edict 
of Cyrus, and connected it with this prophecy. This connection of the edict with that prophecy 

• furnishes an incontrovertible proof that the verses containing the edict form an integral part 
of Chronicles." On the whole, the supposition of a supplementary separation of a history 
originally forming one whole is attended with serious difficulties ; and neither the apparently 
somewhat abrupt close of Chronicles, as it now stands (with ">jh, " And let him go up "), nor 

the circumstance that the opening words of Ezra, though verbally coinciding in general with 
the closing words of Chronicles, yet differ from them in some particulars (namely, for *Q3 of 
S Chron. xxxvi. 22, 150, and for fey VffJK nin" of 2 Chron. xxxvi. 23, 'j/ '|>K \T), can be 

satisfactorily reconciled with the hypothesis of separation, both phenomena agreeing be ter 
with the supposition, that the conforming hand of a later redactor had established a coincidence 
in the main between two passages that were originally somewhat different. 

2. The plan, also, of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, clearly aiming at the presentation of 
contemporary or very recent history, speaks against the hypothesis of their original immediate 
connection with the book of Chronicles. Whatever there is in the plan of this work, or in 
the position of the writer, with respect to the sources used by him resembling the historio- 
graphic method of the other two books, is easily explained by supposing the authors to be 
guided in general by the same views, and to write in the same, or nearly the same times. 

3. And as neither these merely subordinate resemblances of plan and form, nor the already 
mentioned verbal and orthographical coincidences, suffice to disprove the independent charac- 
ter of the three works, neither can the circumstance, that the author of the apocryphal third 
book of Ezra, from the way in which he strings together 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21 and Ezra i. 1, 
seems not to have been acquainted with the separation of Chronicles from Ezra, nor the 
phenomenon parallel to this circumstance, that the Talmud, the Masora, and the ancient 
Christian Church count the books of Ezra and Nehemiah generally as one book. At the 
ground of this latter phenomenon obviously lies the Jewish endeavour not to let the number 


of the books of the Old Testament exceed that of the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew 
alphabet (Origen in Euseb. H. Eccl. vi. 25; Jerome, Prol. gal.; Talmud, Baba bathr., in 
Buxtorf, Tiberias, c. xi. p. 108 sqq.), — an endeavour from which the oldest Church Fathers, 
in their lists of the canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament, were not free, and of which the 
circumstance that two of the oldest stss. of the Septuagint, the cod. Alexandrinus and tke 
Friderico-Augustanus, separate the book of Nehemiah by no interval from that of Ezra (comp. 
Tischendorf's Vetus Testamentum juxta LXX. Interprets, edit. iv. 1869, T. I. p. 611), must be 
regarded as a later effect. 

If, according to all this, the connection of these three books is not to be viewed as a unity, 
forbidding their original independent existence, and if, notwithstanding all traces of an almost 
contemporary origin, no common author needs to be assumed for them, nothing is more 
natural than to regard one of the two or three supposed authors as the originator of that 
redactional conformation on which the present affinity and mutual relation of the three 
hooks, so far as it betrays the hand of a literary reviser, depends. And in all probability 
this redactor was the author of Chronicles, as a compilation presupposing the existence of the 
other two, and adapting itself to them. The already extant works concerning Ezra and 
Nehemiah, proceeding perhaps from the younger contemporaries of these men, may have 
served as the occasion and impulse to this writer to present the previous history of God's 
people in a like spirit of Levitical, priestly pragmatism, and in a similar annalistic method, 
and so to project his review of the progress of the kingdom of God from Adam to the end of 
the exile, running parallel with the earlier historical books, which he partly supplements and 
partly abstracts. That he prefixed the closing verses of this work as an introduction to its 
sequel the book of Ezra, to mark externally the connection of the two works, must be con- 
sidered more probable from the above remarks, than the reverse hypothesis of Bleek, that " he 
brought over the first verses of that work (Ezra) as the close of this latter." Comp. through- 
out Bleek, Einl. § 171, p. 404 f., with whose representation of the origin of our three works 
we only differ on this subordinate point, while we must regard it otherwise as the most satis- 
factory solution of the present question. 

Concerning the person of this author of Chronicles and final redactor of Ezra and Nehemiah, 
who belonged to the last years of the Persian dynasty, only this can be established, that he 
must have belonged to the Levites of the second temple, and in particular to the singers or 
song-masters, in whom he takes a special interest, as the constant putting of them forward 
(as also the porters) along with priests and Levites in many parts of his work shows; see above, 
§ 2, Remark, p. 6. When Keil (Comment, p. 17 ff.) urges against this hypothesis the fact, 
that " in all places where he speaks of musicians aud porters we also find the priests men- 
tioned," sufficient attention is not paid to the fact, that this express mention of such inferior 
officers as singers and musicians, along with the priests and other officials of the temple, 
implies a special interest in them on the part of the author. Certainly the porter is often 
mentioned in the same places; but the interest of the narrator in the musicians and their 
doings (into which he often enters minutely, while he only mentions the porters by the way) 
plainly outweighs everything else. And nothing is obviously deducted from the authority and 
credibility of our writer, if we think of him as an Asaph of the later sanctuary, though his 
identification with Ezra the priest becomes thereby impossible. 

Remark. — The difficult passage 1 Chron. iii. 19-24, the full elucidation of which we must 
reserve for the commentary itself, names from Hananiah, the son of Zerubbabel, five other 
generations, represented by Shechaniah, Shemaiah, Neariah, Elioenai, and Hodaiah, the last of 
which generations, Hodaiah with his six brothers, which appears to be nearly contemporary with 
the author of our work, can scarcely, even if we reckon a generation at 30 years, have flourished 
before 350 or 340 B.C. To this date points also another note contained in ver. 22. The 
Hattush here mentioned as great-grandson of Zerubbabel, is perhaps the same Hattush men- 
tioned, Ezra viii. 2, as a descendant of David, and as brought under Ezra from Babylon to 
Judea. Now, as in vers. 22 and 23 the grandsons of Neariah, a younger brother of this 
Hattush, are mentioned, we shall thus be carried down beyond the year 400, as the earliest 
possible time of the drawing up of this genealogy; and the omission of some intervening 
members after Hattush would carry it down considerably later. These chronological com- 
binations taken from 1 Chron. iii. 19 ff. may not appear absolutely certain and indisputable, 
as the Hattush of Ezra might possibly be different from that of our passage (comp. Keil, Einl. 


p. 490), and as, especially in ver. 21, where all connection of the rVDl '33 with the fore- 
going is wanting, the suspicion (uttered by Vitringa, Heidegger. Carpzov, etc.) of cor- 
ruption, or the supposition that a fragment of some other genealogy has crept into the text 
(Haverii., Movers, Keil, etc.), appears sufficiently plausible. Notwithstanding this uncertainty 
and partial obscurity of the passage, the opinion expressed is probable enough ; and the more 
so, the more clearly the other considerations (under c-e) above mentioned point to a still 
later time than that of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

[The data presented by the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, prove, at most, that 
a touching hand was applied to them after the lifetime of Ezra and Nehemiah, simply adding 
a few names to a list or pedigree. But this comes far short of proving that these works were 
not produced by Ezra anil Nehemiah, the authors to whom they are usually assigned. To 
give even plausibility to this negative conclusion, it is necessary to apply our modern notions 
or habits of composition to the men of ancient times, before printing was invented, or the 
rules of literature determined. There is great risk of mistake in taking this important s'.ep, 
as the modern man of letters is liable to carry up into those primitive days his own subjective 
views, and make a world of ancient literature after the fashion of the nineteenth century. To 
infer, for instance, that a work was not compose! till the last person now named in it had 
lived and flourished, may seem legitimate. Yet it is not necessarily true even of modern 
works, as names an 1 facts may be added by an editor or contiuuator. Still less can it be 
affirmed of ancient works antecedent to printing, especially when they are of national 
importance, ami under the care of men competent and authorized to make such trifling addi 
tions as are supposed bv some to discredit the authorship of Ezra and Nehemiah. — J. G. M.] 


In regard to matter, Chronicles falls, as already stated, into two main divisions — a shorter 
genealogical, i. 1-9, and a longer historical one. If we take into account the several groups 
of genealogical and historical material that exist within these main paits, the following detailed 
scheme of contents results : — 

I. Genealogical tables or registers, with brief historical data, 1 Chron. i.-ix. 

a. Genealogies of the patriarchs from Adam to Israel and Edom, with the descendants 

of the latter till the era of kings, i. 

b. The sons of Israel and the generations of Judah till David, with David's posterity till 

Elioenai and his seven sons, ii.-iv. '_':i. 

c. The generations of Simeon, and the transjordanic tribes of Keuben, Gad, and half- 

Manasseh. till the deportation of the latter by the Assyrians, iv. 24-v. 26. 
a. The generations of the Levkes, with a statement of their cities in the different tribes, 

v. 27-vi. 
e. The generations of the remaining tribes, except Dan and Zebulun, and in particular, 

of the Benjamite house of Saul, vii., viii. 
/. The inhabitants of Jerusalem till the period of kings, with the genealogy of Saul 

repeated, forming the transition to the history of David, ix. 

II History of the kings in Jerusalem from David to the exile. 
1. David, x.-xxix. 

a. Introduction ; the fall of the house of Saul, x. 

6. David's elevation to the throne: arrangement of his residence at Jerusalem; wars 
and enumeration of the people, xi.-xxi. 
[Removal from Hebron to Jerusalem, xi. 1-9: the heroes and worthies of David, 
xi. 10-xii. ; preparation for removing the ark to Jerusalem, xiii. ; David's house- 
building, family, and wars with the Philistines, xiv. ; the solemn conveyance of the 
ark. xv.. xvi. : David's purpose to build a temple to the Lord, xvii. : his wars, 
xviii.-xx. ; the numbering of the people, with the plague; determination of the 
place for the future temple, xxi.l 


c. David's arrangements concerning the temple; other spiritual and temporal regula- 
tions ; last will and death, xxii.-xxix. 
[Provisions for the temple, xxii. ; division of the Levitos and priests, and order of 
their service, xxiii.-xxvi. ; division of the war officers, and order of the service, 
xxvii. ; last directions concerning the transfer of the government to Solomon, and 
end of David, xxviii., xxix.] 

2. Solomon, 2 Chron. i.-ix. 

a. His solemn sacrifice at Gibeon, and his riches, i. 
6. The building and consecration of the temple, ii.-vii. 

c. Solomon's building of cities, and serfs; religious ordinances; navigation to Ophir; 
intercourse with the queen of Sheba ; glory ; length of reign, and end, viii., ix. 

3. The kings of Judah, from Rehoboam to Zedekiah, x.-xxxvi. 

a. Rehoboam ; the prophet Shemaiah, x.-xii. 

b. Abijah, xiii. 

c. Asa ; the prophets Azariah son of Oberl, and Hanani, xiv.-xvi. 

'/. Jehoshaphat ; the prophets Micah son of Imlah, Jehu son of Hanani, etc., xvii.-xx. 

e. Joram ; letter of the prophet Elijah, xxi. 

f. Ahaziah, xxii. 1-9. 

q. Athaliah, xxii. 10-xxiii. 

h. Joash ; the prophet Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, xxiv. 

i. Amaziah. xxv. 
k. Uzziah, xxvi. 

/. Jotham. xxvii. 
m. Ahaz the prophet Oded, xxviii. 
n. Hezekiah ; the prophet Isaiah, xxix.-xxxii. 
o. Manasseh and Amon, xxxiii. 
/). Josiah ; the prophetess Huldah, xxxiv., xxxv. 
q. Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachiu, Zedekiah ; close, xxxvi. 

From this survey of contents, the following points appear characteristic for the standpoint 
* I plan of our historian : — 

1. The taking up of the kingdom of David as a moment in the history of the tribe and 
st. te of Judah, with the corresponding retreat of the genealogy and history of the northern 
tnoes (cf which Dan and Zebulun are not even mentioned; Issachar, Naphtali, Asher, an I 
half-Manasseh are only briefly noticed), and especially of the reigns of Saul and Ishbosheth, 
at the same time with the total omission of Jeroboam and his successors, which determines 
thut of the prophets of the northern kingdom, and thus the action of Elijah, Eli.sha, etc. 

2. The prominence given to the tribe of Levi, its ordinances and divisions, offices and 
functions, — a moment appearing with characteristic force as well in the genealogical portion 
(1 Chron. v. 27-vi. 66) as in the history of David (1 Chron. xxiii.-xxvi.), of Solomon and his 
temple-consecration (2 Chron. v. ff.), of Rehoboam, Asa, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah. 

3. The preference for reporting genealogical series, which goes so far, that one list of this 
kind is unnecessarily repeated (that of the house of Saul, 1 Chron. viii. 29 ff. ; comp. with 
ix. 35 ff.) ; and in the history of David, a register of his heroes, worthies, and offices, is inserted 
several times in apparently improper places (thus 1 Chron. xii., the list of the heroes adhering 
to him during his persecution by Saul, that of his worthies who raised him to the throne in 
Hebron, and xxvii., the summary of his forces, princes, and officers, for which a more suitable 
place w juid have b»en xviii. 12 ff.). 

-t. The visible inclination to dwell on the glorious periods of the theocracy and the theocratic 
worship, and by depicting such bright seasons, and treating as briefly as possible the contrary 
times of darkness and superstition, to display conspicuously the full blessing of preserving pure 
the national religion of Jehovah and the legitimate temple-service: on which account, such 
reigns as those of David, Solomon, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah, are depicted 
with peculiar delight; while the last days of Solomon, the rule of Ahaziah and Athaliah. and 
that of the last kings before the exile, are despatched with comparative brevity, or entirely 
omitte 1, like the whole history of the kingdom of Ephraim. 

The above-mentioned moments appear still more clearly as favourite points of history aud 


fundamental peculiarities of our historian, if we compare the course of his historical repre- 
sentation witli that of the parallel historical books, especially the books of Samuel and Kings. 
Characteristic for the time before the kings is his endeavour, by suitable abbreviations of the 
genealogical sections of Genesis, to give the clearest possible view of the descent of the house 
of David from the antediluvian patriarchs; comp. 1 Cliron. i. 1-4 as an abri Igment of Gen. v. ; 
1 Chron. i. 5-23 as a corresponding abbreviation of Gen. x. ; 1 Chron. i. 24-27 as contracted 
from Gen. xi. 10-26 ; 1 Chron. i. 29-33 as recapitulated from Gen. xxv. 1-15 ; 1 Chron. 
i. 35-54 as recapitulated from Gen. xxxvi. 10-43; 1 Chron. ii. 1-5 as a summary of the list 
of Jacob's sous (especially those of Perez) in Gen. xlvi. 8-12; also 1 Chron. ii. 10-12 (list of 
the descendants of Ram to Jesse) with Ruth iv. 19-22; and in particular, the list of the 
Levitical cities, 1 Chron. vi. 39-66, with Josh. xxi. 10-39. There is throughout, as these 
parallels show, an endeavour aiming at the exaltation of the Davidic sovereignty as the 
brightest point of the history of God's people before the exile, by which the author has been 
guided in the genealogical preface to his history. For the history of David are equally 
significant, both that which is omitted of the books of Samuel, and that which is added as a 
supplement. He has here omitted most of the facts concerning the relation of David to Saul 
and his house (in particular the reign of Ishbosheth, 2 Sam. i.-iv. 9) ; nearly all the events of 
David's private life, especially those less favourable to his call, as the scene with Michal 
(2 Sam. vi. 20-23) ; the adultery with Bathsheba (2 Sam. xi., xii.) ; the dishonour of Tamar 
by Amnon ; Amnon's death by Absalom, and Absalom's rebellion, with its consequences 
(2 Sam. xiii.-xix ) ; the revolt of Sheba (2 Sain, xx.) ; the delivery of some descendants of 
Saul to the Gibeonites for execution (2 Sam. xxi. 1 —14) ; David's thanksgiving song and last 
words (2 Sam. xx;i., xxiii. 1-7) ; Adonijah's attempt at usurpation, and the thereby hastened 
anointing of Solomon (1 Kings i.) ; lastly, David's last will regarding Joab, the sons of Bar- 
zillai, and Shimei (1 Kings ii. 1-9). On the contrary, he has supplemented the account of the 
older historians by his, list of the brave men from all tribes who joined David during the per- 
secution of Saul, and the warriors who made him king in Hebron (1 Chron. xii.), by his 
account of the part taken by the Levites in the conveyance of the ark (1 Chron. xv., xvi.), his 
long descriptions of David's preparations for the building of the temple (xxii.), his no less full 
statistical description of the priests and Levites, and the military and civil officers under David 
(xxiii.-xxvii.), and his account of the arrangements made by David shortly before his death in 
a great assembly of the people (xxviii., xxix). It is not less characteristic, that the author 
has omitted in Solomon's history a number of facts which refer to the private life of this king, 
and are partly unfavourable to his character, as the punishment of Joab, Shimei, and Adonijah 
(1 Kings ii. 13-46), the marriage with Pharaoh's daughter(l Kings iii. 1-3), the wise judg- 
ment of the king, and the full picture of his glory and wisdom (1 Kings iii. 16-v. 1), his 
palace (1 Kings vii. 1-12), his polygamy and idolatry, with the consequences following as a 
divine judgment (1 King-; xi. 1-10), while he reports all that relates to the building and con- 
secration of the temple, the building of cities, bond-service, trade with Ophir, etc., at equal, 
if not greater length, than in the books of Kings. Lastly, in the period from Solomon to the 
exile, he significantly omits the whole history of the ten tribes, their kings and prophets, with 
the sole exception of the friendly or hostile relations in which they stood to the kingdom of 
Judah (to which belongs also the letter of Elijah given in 2 Chron. xxi. 12 ff.). On the con- 
trary, regarding the kingdom of Judah in this period, a whole series of supplementary accounts 
are given, especially such as serve to glorify the theocratically-disposed sovereigns of thi« 
kingdom, but others also that exhibit along with these bright places darker shadows of the 
apostasy and the resulting national misfortune ; as accounts of Rehoboam's cities of defence, 
reception of the Levites driven from the northern kingdom, and family connections (2 Chron. 
xi. 5—24) ; of Abijah's war with Jeroboam, his wives and children (xiii 3-21) ; of Asa's victory 
over the Kushite Zerah, and the action of the prophets Az iriah and Hanani under this king 
(xiv. 3-15, xv. 1-15, xvi. 7-10) ; of Jehoshaphat's internal and external administration, and 
his great victory over the allied Ammonites, Moabites, and others (xvii.-xx.) ; of Joram's 
fratricide, idolatrous reign, and punishment (xxi. 2—4, 11-19) ; of Joash's final fall into idolatry 
after the death of Jehoiada (xxiv. 15-22) ; of Ainaziah's increase of his army and idolatry 
(xxv. 5-10, 14-1G) ; of Uzziah's successful war with the Philistines and Arabians, his fortifi- 
cations and his troops (xxvi. 6-15) ; of Jotham's fortifications and victory over the Ammonites 
(xxvii. 4-6) ; of the theocratic reforms of Hezekiah, his Passover, and the abundance of his 


treasures (xxix. 3-31, xxxii. 27-30); of Manasseh's removal to Babylon, repentance, and 
return from captivity (xxxiii. 11-17); of Josiah's Passover, and the part taken in it by the 
priests and Levites (xxxv. '2-1'.)). 

The author has no very fixed principle in making his abbreviations and additions: other- 
wise, notwithstanding his theocratic tendencies, he would have imparted some traces of David's 
family history, ami along with the building of the temple and the cities, would have noticed 
that of Solomon's palace (1 Kings vii. 1-12) ; he would perhaps have been silent on the idolatry 
of Joash and Amaziah, as well as of Solomon, and have dwelt longer on the bright point of the 
Jewish monarchy in the reign of Josiah ; and if it concerned him to bring out the dark shadow 
of apostasy with the light spots of this later period, he might have given a fuller account of the 
idolatrous reign of Ahaz, and of the misgovernment of the last kings, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin. 
Zedekiah, etc. The inconsistency indicated by a dim perception of his design, and a want of 
thorough pragmatism, rests undoubtedly on the nature of his sources, the disproportion in the 
matter of which must have produced a similar defect iu himself, and prevented him from 
exhibiting a uniform whole resulting from a single casting. On the whole, however, the 
correctness of our remarks on the prevailing tendency of the author is not prejudiced by these 
anomalies. It is indubitable, from his priestly-Levitical standpoint, that he wished in general 
to relate the theocratic civil and religious history of the Jews from David with a chief regard 
to their bright periods, and a recognition of their times of apostasy being invariably attended 
with divine judgments, and to hold up to his contemporaries a mirror encouraging them to 
fear God, and warning them against unfaithfulness to the Lord. Otherwise than the author 
of the books of Kings, who relates the events more objectively in their natural order, "our 
author places the facts and occurrences in connection with the conduct of the prince and the 
people toward the Lord, and endeavours so to illustrate the historical facts, that they teach 
how God rewards the faithful with peace and blessing, and visits the revolt from His covenant 
with penal judgments. The narrative thus acquires a parenetic character that often rises to 
the rhetorical manner. This pareuetico-rhetorical stamp of his work meets us not only in the 
many speeches of the agents, but also in many historical delineations (for example, in Joram, 
2 Chron. xxi. ; in Ahaz, xxviii. ; in Manasseh, xxxiii. ; and in Zedekiah, xxxvi. 12-21). From 
this parenetic tendency, and the reflective mode of viewing history, is explained the greater 
part of his deviations from the parallel accounts in Samuel and Kings, as well the omission of 
collateral circumstances as the pictorial descriptions of religious regulations and festivals, the 
manifest object of which is to awaken in the mind of the reader delight and joy in the attractive 
services of the Lord, and to confirm the heart in fidelity to the Lord and His law " (Keil, 
Comment, p. 11). On account of this property, directed with special preference to the worship 
and the officers of worship, this history has been designated as specially Levitical, — a designa- 
tion which is only suitable and free from misconception, when we bear in mind that it is not 
the Levites as such, but as the ministers of the lawful theocratic worship, the source of all 
salvation and blessing for the people of God, to whom the author devotes his special attention. 
"The Chronist wishes, not to glorify the Levites and the Levitical worship, but rather to lead 
the proof, from the history of the kingdom in Israel, that faithfulness to the covenant which 
the Lord has made with Israel brings happiness and blessing; neglect of it, misery and per- 
dition. But Israel shows fidelity in walking after the standard of the law given by Moses, 
when he worships Jehovah the God of his fathers in His sanctuary, as He has appointed iu the 
ordinances of worship The author lays stress on the Levitical worship only so far as the 
faithfulness of Israel shows itself in its careful observance " (Keil, Comm. p. 8). 

Remark —The forty or more parallel sections which the part of Chronicles, common with 
the books of Samuel and Kings, presents, now in longer, now in shorter form, and now in 
corresponding, now in deviating sequence, are exhibited in the following table (from Keil, 
EM. p. 479; comp. Davidson, Introd. p. 81 sq., and Tubingen Theolvg. Quartahchr. 1831, 
p. 209 ff.) :— 

1 Chron. x. 1-12, 1 Sam. xxxi. 

xi. i_9, 2 Sam. v. 1-3, 6-10. 

„ xi. 10-47, , xxiii. 8-39. 

„ xiii. 1-14, vi. 1-11. 

„ xiv. 1-7, 8-17, ... „ v. 11-16, 17-25. 



1 Ohron. xv., xvi., 

„ xvii., . 
„ xviii., . 
xix., . 
„ xx. 1-3, 
„ xx. 4-S, 
„ xxi., . 

2 Ohron. i. 2-18, 

„ i. 11-17, 
,, ii., 

iii. 1-v. 1, 
v. 2-vii. 10, 

vii. 11-22, . 

ix. 1-12, 13-28, . 
ix. 29-31, . 
x. 1-xi. 4, 
xii. 2, 3, 9-16, . 
xiii. 1, 2, 22, 23, . 
xiv. 1, 2, xv. lfi-19, 
xvi. 1-6, 11-14, . 
xviii. 2-34, . 
xx. 31-xxi. 1, 
xxi. 5-10, 20, 
xxii. 1-6, 7-9, 
xxii. 10-xxiii. 21, 
xxiv. 1-14, 23-27, 
xxv. 1-4, 11, 17-28, 
xxvi. 1-4, 21-23, . 
xxvii. 1-3, 7-9, . 
xxviii. 1-4, 26, 27, 
xxix. 1,2, 
xxxii. 1-21, . 
xxxii. 24, 25, 32, 33, 
xxxiii. 1-10, 20-25, 
xxxiv. 1, 2, 8-32, 
xxxv. 1, 18-24, 26, 27. 
xxxvi. 5. 6, 8-12, 
xxxvi. 22, 23, 


2 Sam. vi. 12-23. 
„ vii. 
„ x. 

„ xi. 1, xii. 26-31. 
„ xxi. 18-22. 
,, xxiv. 

1 Kings iii. 4-15. 

„ x. 26-29. 
„ v. 15-23. 

vi., vii. 13-51 
„ viii. 
„ ix. 1-9. 
„ ix. 10-28. 
„ x. 1-13, 14-29. 
„ xi. 41-43. 
,, xii. 1-24. 
„ xiv. 21-31. 
„ xv. 1, 2, fi-8. 
„ xv. 11-16. 
„ xv. 17-24. 
,, xxii. 2-35. 
,, xxii. 41-51. 

2 Kings viii. 17-24. 

„ viii. 25-29, ix. 16-28, x. 12-14. 

„ xi. 

„ xii. 1-17, 18-22. 

„ xiv. 1-14, 17-20. 

„ xiv. 21, 22, xv. 2-7. 

„ xv. 33-36, 38. 

„ xvi. 2-4, 19, 20. 

„ xviii. 2, 3. 

,, xviii. 13-xix. 37. 

„ xx. 1, 2, 20, 21. 

„ xxi. 1-9, 18-24. 

,, xxii., xxiii. 1-3. 

,, xxiii. 21-23, 28, 29-84. 

xxiii. 36, 37, xxiv. 1, 5, 6, 8-19. 
Ezra i. 1, 2. 

The value of this table of parallel passages consists in this, that it not only exhibits the 
mutual relation of the sections, showing now an extension, now an abridgment, on the part of 
our author, but also indicates where deviations in the order of the several events take place. 
For in the order of his materials the Chronist by no means agrees throughout with the books 
of Samuel and Kings ; as he, in 1 Chron. xi. 10-47, takes a list of David's heroes from 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 8-39, and attaches it to events which are parallel with 2 Sam. v., and the account in 
2 Sam. v. he does not reproduce continue, but takes beforehand the section 2 Sam. vi. 1-11 
(see 1 Chron. xiii. 1-14), as he farther places the history of David's numbering of the people, 
and ol the plague, 2 Sam. xxiv., not quite at the end of the section belonging to David, but 
subjoins to it accounts of David's provision for the building of the temple, as well as his 
spiritual and temporal officers (1 Chron. xxii.-xxix.); as he also, in Solomon's history, takes 
beforehand the small section concerning Solomon's treasures and troops, 1 Kings x. 26-29, and 
places it beside that which is related in 1 Kings iii.— v., and so on. That which appears 
arbitrary in these deviations, vanishes when we reflect that our author followed not so much 
the books of Samuel and Kings in their existing state, as certain old sources partly lying at 
their foundation, and partly deviating from them ; and thus the nature of his sources had ar 
effect on determining the arrangement and sequence of his materials. 


[To this very thoughtful and interesting section it may be added, that the author of 
Chronicles confines his attention to David, and the kingdom founded on the j romise made to 
him in 2 Sam. vii. Hence he excludes from direct consideration the kingdom of the ten tribes, 
which gradually fell into idolatry, and had long ceased to exist at the time in which he wrote. 
The facts do not warrant us in limiting his theme or his aim more than this, and therefore 
prevent us from charging him with any inconsistency which an imaginary limit of a narrower 
kind might create. The temple and its ordinances of worship become a prominent matter of 
fact iu the kingdom of God, and its ministers and services claim a corresponding place in the 
history of this kingdom, without any motive in the writer more special than zeal for the glory 
of the true and living God — J. G. M.] 


From a closer examination of the contents of the several sections, it appears an indubitable 
fact that the peculiar stamp of our history depends on the nature of certain sources used by 
the author, which must have been in great part different from the historical books contained 
in the canon, and must have included many other accounts in addition to these. 

I. Of the genealogical tables and registers, and the geographical terms in the first or 
genealogical part (1 Chron. i.-ix.), only the introductory data referring to the patriarchs and 
the posterity of Edom, which are contained in 1 Chron, i.-ii. 2, appear to be wholly and 
without exception taken from Genesis (see the special proof above, § 1, p. 11). A derivation 
of these data from any other source than Genesis is improbable, for this reason, that they 
follow very exactly the order of this book (extracting and recapitulating from Gen. v., x., 
xi., xxv., xxxvi., and xxxv. 22 ff.), and they do not present a single supplementary notice. 
A quite different impression is made by a comparison of the following genealogies and 
historical notices with the corresponding data of the Pentateuch, the book of Joshua, and the 
other historical books. These matters occur in those older books neither as continuous series 
of names, nor as genealogical lists interwoven with shorter or longer historical data (as, for 
example, ch. iv. 22 f., iv. 39—13, v. 10-19). So far as they occur in them, they appear in 
quite a different connection, seldom forming longer series running through many generations; 
not leaving the impression of genealogical registers, or dry lists of names with occasional 
historical statements, but rather as integral moments of pragmatic narrative; while, in our 
book, they bear throughout the character of a genealogical register. In mauy deviations also, 
which are found in the number of generations, the genealogical materials of our book appear 
independent of the older histories ; such as in the diverse spelling of many names, which may 
rest partly on mere errors of writing (which might easily creep in, especially in lists of names; 
compare the collection of notorious errors of this kind in Movrs' Krit. Unters. p. 66 ff., and 
see beneath, in our exeg. explanations, passim), but in no small part owe their origin to a 
different tradition ; as so many differences regarding geographical data (for example, regard- 
ing the names of the Levitical cities, 1 Chron. vi. 39-66, compared with Josh. xxi. 10-39) 
must be referred to diverse old traditions, and, therefore, to peculiar sources. And such 
must be those of his sources that had in great measure prepared the way for his collecting 
and arranging propensity, in so far as they themselves contained longer genealogical series, 
composed in like manner, and interwoven with like historical data, aud so were not prag- 
matically-fashioned historical works from which ne must have artificially constructed his lists. 
He himself testifies iu some places, that what he presents in genealogies and other lists of 
names is not the fruit of his arranging and editing care, but is derived from sources of a 
genealogical kind. For at the tribe of Gad. 1 Chron. v. 17, he refers to a list of the families 
of this tribe that was prepared in the time of Jotham, king of Judah, and Jeroboam n. of 
Israel ; at Issachar, 1 Chron. vii. 2, he refers to a census of this tribe made in the time of 
David; and it is said, ix. 1, that a census of '"all Israel," that is, of the whole northern 
kingdom, had been made. And as in the second or historical portion reference is several 
times (xxiii. 3, 27, xxvi. 31, xxvii. 24) made to a census in the reign of David, and as the 
book of Nehemiah, which so nearly resembles our work in contents, mentions a list of the 
heads of the Levitical houses prepared in the time of the high priest Johanan (xii. 23), 
and a register found by Nehemiah of the families that returned with Zerubbabel irom the 


exile (vii. 5; comp. also Ezra ii. 59, 02), it appears not only highly probable, but absolutely 
certain, that there were ample and authentic genealogical sources from which our author took 
his lists. And it certainly appears from 1 Ohron. xxiv. and ix. 1 (comp. Neh. xii. 23) as if 
a part at least of these sources had been a constituent part of a greater historical work, 
namely, that old chronicle of the kingdom which is entitled, 1 Chron. xxvii. 24, Dibre 
hajjamim (the book of the chronicles of King David), and, ix. 1, as "the book of the kings of 
Israel." In particular, the short lists in 1 Chron. v. and vii. of the ten tribes according to 
their families and houses, may be extracts from the genealogical and statistical part of these 
old annals of the kingdom; while the lists of a purely chronological kind, which refer to 
celebrated families or to single persons, of public or of eminent private character, may have 
come rather from the old family archives, to which our author, or other collectors before him, 
had found access. It is at all events natural to suppose that the endeavours of the times of 
Zerubbabel and Ezra to enter into relation with the time before the exile, and to make the 
most diligent use of the connection with it, prepared the way for his hunting up and making 
use of these genealogical registers. " In the endeavour of the new community to restore the 
old relations, the divisions of the tribes, bring connected with the whole remnant of the old 
community, must have acquired a new importance, and Chronicles is itself a proof of the 
attention that was paid to them. Its author gladly admits lists into his work, because he 
himself in this respect moves in the direction prevalent in his time. In short, from various 
side- comes to us the certainty, that the author of Chronicles was able to draw older lists of 
the divisions of the tribes and their number from other sources perhaps, but also, according 
to his own showing, from historical works in which the results of the registration and 
numeration of the families were collected. Aud his lists themselves point to a derivation 
from historical works; for they contain brief historical accounts standing in the closest con- 
nection with the recited names, and in them occurs the remark that something has continued 
"unto this day" (1 Chron. iv. 41, 43, v. 20), — a remark which, it is evident, cannot proceed 
from him who was charged with making out the lists, and is not added by the author of 
Chronicles, because it refers not to his time, but to the date of the work used by him, and is 
taken thence along with the other data" (Bertheau, p. xxxi. f.). Even an approximately 
exact determination of the date of these lists can scarcely be given, because often an old list 
may have been carried on some steps, either by our author or by some earlier investigators or 
collectors before him, so that its original closing point can no longer be clearly ascertained. 
Meanwhile, the fact that there were older or younger genealogical sources on which he rested 
in ch. ii.-ix., is by no means disturbed or rendered doubtful by the partial uncertainty of 
their age, or the impossibility of sharply separating them from one another. 

II. A still more ample array of ancient sources and accounts must have been accessible to 
our author for his second or historical part; for at the death of almost every king he refers 
to writings in which his acts and the events of his reign are recorded; only in Joram. 
Ahaziah, Athaliah, and in the later kings Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah, are these 
references to older sources wanting. He cites in all the following sources: — 

1. In David, the " words" (dibre) of Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, and Gad the 
seer ("spier"), 1 Chron. xxix. 29; 2. In Solomon, the " words" of Nathan the prophet, the 
prophecy (nsu:) of Ahijah of Shilo, and the "visions" (niin) of Iddi the seer against 

Jeroboam the son of Nebat, 2 Chron. ix. 29; 3. In Rehoboam, the " words" of Shemaiah the 
prophet and of Iddo the seer, xii. 15 ; 4. in Abijah, the " Midrash " of Iddo the prophet, xiii. 22; 
5. In Asa, the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, xvi. 11 ; 6. In Jehoshaphat, the 
" words" of Jehu the son of Hanani, which were inserted in the book of the kings of Israel, 
xx. 34; 7. In Joash, the " Midrash" of the book of the kings, xxiv. 27 ; 8. In Amaziah, the 
book of tin- kings of Judah and Israel, xxv. 26; 9. In Uzziah, a "writing" (2nr) of Isaiah 

the prophet, xxvi. 22; 10. In Jotham, the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, xxvii. 7; 
11. In Ahaz. the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, xxviii. 26; 12. In Hezekiah, the 
"vision" (jitn) of Isaiah the prophet, in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, 

xxxii. 32; 13. In Manasseh, the "words" of the kings of Israel, as well as the words of 
Chosai, xxxiii. 18, 19 ; 14. In Josiah, the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, xxxv. 27; 
15. In Jehoiakim. the same work, xxxvi. 8. 



That this list of sources admi s, nay demands, a considerable number of reductions, appears 
indubitable, if we reflect that the thrice quoted "book of the kings of Judah and Israel" can 
hardly have been different from the as often quoted " book of the kings of Israel :md Judah,'' 
and also bear in mind the obvious identity of the " book of the kings of Israel " mentioned in 
No. (i, and the "words of the kings of Israel " quoted in No. 18, with that Israelito-Jewieh 
book of Kings. For the name " Israel " in the latter two references can only be the collective 
designation of the whole people (as it deals, in both eases, with accounts of the kingdom of 
Judah, and not of the northern kingdom) ; and the phr.ise " book," or " words," — that s, 
events, history of the kings of Israel, — appears to be merely an abbreviation of the more 
complete title. According to this well-ascertained assumption, which is shared by almost all 
recent writers (Movers, Ewall, Bertheau, Dillm., Keil, Graf, and Fiirst, Gesch. der biiil. 
Liter, ii. p. 214), the sources here quoted of a properly historical (not prophetical) character 
reduce themselves to one chief work — a great annalistic history of the kingdom of all Israel. 
It remains doubtful whether the book used by the author for the reign of Joash, which he 
calls the "Midrash" of the book of Kings, was identical with this great work, or different 
from it. For the identity, Keil had formerly maintained (EM. 1 Aufl. p. 494) that the 
history of Joash agrees as exactly with 2 Kings as the history of those kings for which the 
book of the kings of Israel and Judah is quoted ; but he has recently acknowledged the 
objections raised to this by Bertheau to lie on the whole plausible, or at all events difficult to 
refute. Accordingly, it would be hazardous to hold the phrase 12D EH"ID as at once equiva- 
lent to the simple "iBD, even if we wished to take CHIO, after 2 Chron. xiii. 22, in the sense 
of essay, treatise (so Ewald, Gesch. Isr. i. 295), and not rather, as appears more obvious, and 
creates no tautology with 12D, in that of exposition, commentary (Gesen., Thenius, Fiirst, 

etc.). And the assumption appears not far-fetched, that " the connection in which the 
apostasy of the king, the prophecy of Zechariah, and the victory of a small number of Syrians 
over the numerous host of the Jews stand in Chronicles, was set forth prominently in a 
Midrash or exposition of the book of the kings of Israel and Judah" (Bertheau, p. xxxiii.). 
The weight of these grounds for assuming the diversity of the " Midrash " of the book of the 
kings quoted 2 Chron. xxiv. 27 from that book itself, cannot be mistaken. Yet it still 
remains uncertain whether we are to regard it as an explanatory work referring to the whole 
book of Kings, that might be used even elsewhere without express mention by our author, or 
as consisting of elucidations or digressive additions referring merely to the reign of Joash and 
its relations. The first view is that of Fiirst (in p. q.), who, on the ground of Talmudic usage, 
explains the term Midrash by "enlargement of the history from oral or written tradition," and 
transfers this process of legendary enlargement of the old book of Kings, or embellishment of 
it with historical "Midrash," to the first Persian period, without being able, however, to 
adduce definite grounds for this course. 

It is difficult, also, to decide the question concerning the relation of the book of the kings 
of Israel and Judah, so often quoted by our author, to the works often adduced in the 
canonical books of Kings, which are there separately designated as " the book of the chronicles 
(dibre hajjamim) of the kings of Israel," and the book of the chronicles of the kings of 
Judah. In contents, these annalistic sources of the canonical book of Kings must be identical 
with the chief written source of our Chronist, as the mostly verbal agreement of the accounts 
concerning the same transaction in that, as in this, shows. But what was to the author of 
the book of Kings two distinct works, one referring to the north and one to the south 
kingdom, this the Chronist must have had before him in the shape of one single work ; for 
he quotes it under the name of the book of the kings of Israel for several of the southern 
kings, and for such even after the downfall of the northern kingdom as Manasseh, Josiah, 
and Jehoiakim. It is now a question, however, whether this single source of the Chronist 
was a later elaboration or combination of the dibre hajjamim, or old annals, quoted separately 
by the author of the book of kings of Israel and Judah, which were no longer extant, or was 
to be held as nothing else than our present book of Kings, so that the wavering manifold way 
nf designating it was to be set down merely to the account of the defect of our author in 
diplomatic accuracy. Against the latter assumption (still not unfavourably discussed by 
Keil. p. 20 of his Comment.) speaks decidedly, a, the circumstance that the Chronist often 
refers to the book of the Kings, etc., as a source presenting full details, whereas the canonical 


books of Kings present not at all a fuller, but quite a briefer statement (oomp. for example, 
his account of Jotham 2 Chron. xxvii. with 2 Kings xv. 32-38) ; 6, the circumstance that the 
Chronist presents a mass of accounts for which we look in vain in the books of Kings; ami 
c, the statement contained in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 18 concerning Manasseh, that his prayer to 
God, and the words of the seers that spake to him, are written in the words of the kings of 
Israel, by which our canonical book of Kings, with its very meagre account of Manasseh, 
cannot possibly be meant. Equally impossible is, however, also the supposition of the identity 
of the annalistic sources of the Chronist with the double dilre hajjamim of the books of Kings 
(Keil, Bleek, Davidson, etc.); for these are uniformly quoted^s two different works, the onu 
referring to Israel, the other to Judah. On the other hand, the Chronist never uses the name 
dibn hajjamim for his source; for it could only be in 1 Chron. xxvii. 24 that he referred to it 
under this name, which, however, cannot be called probable, and if it were the case, would 
of itself prove nothing. In short, the apprehension of the " book of the kings of Israel and 
Judah "as a later combination of the. dibre hajjamim mentioned in the books of Kings ( Kwald, 
Bertheau, Dillm., Graf, Noldecke, etc.) remains alone probable. Scarcely anything more 
definite can be ascertained concerning the form and date of these two annalistic sources, of 
which the older, twofold in form, forms the basis of the books of Kings ; the younger, parallel 
to this, that of Chronicles. Only so much appears, that they bore not a political-official, but 
rather a prophetical character, — that is, they were not at once identical with the official records 
of the acts and events of the several reigns made by the royal chancellors or historiographers 

(D'TJTD) (as Jahn, Movers, Stahelin, and others thought), but annalistic representations of 

the history of the kingdom derived from these official records, composed by prophetic writers, 
and, therefore, conceived in a prophetic spirit, ami like our books of Kings aud Chronicles, 
founded upon them, breathing a prophetic pragmatism. Farther, with respect to the date of 
these old annalistic histories of the kingdom, this at least appears certain, that the older 
works used by the author of the books of Kings were composed before the fall of the two 
kingdoms, as the oft-recurring formula " unto this day " presumes clearly the existence of the 
kingdom in question, and that the new elaboration of those old annals used as the chief 
source of the Chronist must have originated at least before the exile, because this also some- 
times presents the phrase under circumstances that forbid the dating of the collection after 
the exile (see 2 Chron. v. 9, viii. 8, x. 19, xxi. 10, and therewith comp. 1 Kings viii. 8, ix. 13, 
21, xii. 19, 2 Kings ii. 22, viii. 22, x. 27, xiv. 7. xvi. 6). Comp. Keil, Comment, p. 21 ff., who 
justly infers the composition of the sources in question before the exile from the double 
circumstance — -'that, on the one hand, the references to these annals in both kingdoms 
continue not to the last kings, but (so at least in the book of Kings, 2 Kings xv. 31, xxxiv. 5) 
close for the kingdom of Israel with Pekah, for that of Judah with Jehoiakim; on the other 
hand, in several events the formula 'unto this day' occurs, which, because it mostly refers 
not to the time of the exile, but to the times of the still existing kingdom, cannot proceed 
from the authors of our canonical books of Kings and Chronicles, but is taken over from the 
sources used, and in these can oidy then be rightly conceived, if they were written a more or 
less brief time after the events." How completely arbitrary are, therefore, such dates as 
those of Noldecke (Die Alttestamentl. Literal, p. 59), namely, that the dibre hajjamim, or 
"' old lost chronicles of the kings of Israel and Judah," were first composed about 550 B.C., 
during the exile, and the head source of the Chronist thence derived (the book of the 
kings of Israel and Judah), like the parallel canonical books of Kings, were of still later 
origin, — this needs no special proof. And again, that the latest times before the exile 
might very well be the date of the prophetic annals serving the Chronist as chief source, 
must be evident enough, when we think of the efforts of a king bke Josiah. and the learned 
literary labour of a prophet like Jeremiah. Against Bahr's opinion (Die Biicher (Ur K. vol. 
vii. of the Bibelw. p. ix. ff.), that for the activity of an annalistic collector such as is now 
mder consideration, the time shortly before the fall of the kingdom, the time of complete 
disorder, seems to be the least adapted, Keil appears to be justified in mentioning the prophet 
Jeremiah, who belongs precisely to this time, and must have been particularly occupied with 
the older sacred writings. And like the writings of this prophet, an annalistic historical 
work such as that in question might very well escape the destructive catastrophes of the 
time of Nebuchadnezzar, and by some means come into the hands of its later extractors and 


redactors (namely, the author of the canonical book of Kings, who, according to Biihr, p. viii., 
wrote still during the exile and in Babylon, and then our author after the exile). 

Further, with regard to the prophetical writings above enumerated under Nos. 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 
12, and 14, it is a question whether we are to see in these independent historical works, oi 
mere constituent parts of the before-mentioned " book of the kings of Israel and Judah." 
Against the independence affirmed by most older writers, and recently by Bleek, Davidson, 
Fiirst, Keil. etc., and for the hypothesis that they were merely sections of the great annalistic 
book of Kings, named after certain contemporary prophets. Ewald, Berth., Dillm., Noldecke, 
and even Biihr in p. q., mainly urged the circumstance, that of two of these prophetic writings, 
the dibre of Jehu (No. 6) and the " vision " of Isaiah (No. 12), it is expressly said by the 
Chronist that they were in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, or what amounts to the 
same thing, were inserted in it (No. 6). But, 1. What is said of these two writings can 
scarcely be transferred at once to all other writings of this kind ; the notice referring to their 
incorporation into the greater historical work, or their belonging to it, must have been repeated 
oftener than once or twice, if serious doubt of their independence were to be justified. 2. The 
•■ Midrash " of the prophet Iddo mentioned 2 Chron. xiii. 22 (No. 4), even because it is called 
a Midrash, cannot possibly be regarded as a separate section or integral part of the great book 
of Kings; rather might it have been a separate part of the after-mentioned (xxiv. 27) "Mid- 
rash of the book of Kings," but would still even then be considered distinct from that older 
historical work. 3. The statement made regarding Isaiah, 2 Chron. xxvi. 22, that he "wrote 
(3ri3) the acts of Uzziah, first ami last," may certainly refer to a historical book composed by 
him, and incorporated at once into the great book of Kings, and so be understood in the sense 
of that hypothesis; but by the prophecy (nNUj) of Ahijah of Shilo, and the visions (nitn) 
of Iddi against Jeroboam (2 Chron. ix. 29, No. 2), it is highly improbable that we are to 
understand historical works. These writings, as well as the incidentally-mentioned vision of 
Isaiah (2 Chron. xxxii. 32), appear to have been rather books of prophecy, with occasional 
historical notices; writings which, from their predominant character, were little fitted for in- 
corporation in a great historical work, and of which, therefore, if such incoiporation took place, 
it needed to be expressly mentioned (as in the vision of Isaiah above). 4. And where these 
writings of prophets are introduced with the term dibre, " words," as in Samuel, Nathan, and 
3ad (No. 1), in Nathan (No. 2), in Shemaiah and Iddo (No. o), in Jehu (No. (i), and in Chozai 
(No. 10), it is at least as natural, after the analogy of the superscriptions in Amos i. 1, Jer. 
i. 1, etc., to think of books of prophets as of historical notices ; and it is at all events significant, 
that only of one of these prophetic works, the dibre of Jehu son of Hanani, is its insertion in 
the book of the kings of Israel expressly mentioned, whereas of the remainder nothing of the 
kind is stated. 5. The dibre Chozai (••fin , 13 r l), indeed, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 19, are named 

along with " the words of the kings of Israel " (as in ver. 18) as historical sources for the reign 
of Manasseh, and thus plainly distinguished from the book of Kings, and by no means repre- 
sented as part of it. Whether these dibre Chozai were actually the writing of an otherwise 
unknown prophet, Chozai or Chazai (possibly an abbreviation of [ftPI ; com)). Fiirst, ii. 210), 
or the phrase be rather identical with D^tnn '"OT in the previous verse, so that an error in 

writing is to be assumed, and the original reading, according to the hiyoi -run i^uvTuu of the 
Sept., restored, — in any case, here is an independent prophetic book, distinct from the old book 
of Kings, which is not very favourable to the hypothesis that all these various writings belong 
to that historical work. 6. And the somewhat obscure and ambiguous phrase L'TITinp after 

the form of quotation, " Are they not written in the words of Shemaiah the prophet and of 
Iddo the seer" (2 Chron. xii. 15; see above, No. 3), can afford no proof of the dependence of 
the two works to which it refers. For whether we interpret this enigmatical phrase by "on 
genealogy," or, supplying Tr\ or VVl JV3, by "on the genealogy of the house of David," 1 in 
no case does it appear an addition from which the dependence of the " words of Iddo the 

1 The latter assumption is rendered probable by the rendering of the Targumist : " in the genealogy of 
the house of David." It has, at all events, far more for it than the unmeaning «*< wf*lus «.it*»Z of the 
Sept. (which Movers, p. 179, labours in vain to reduce to a various reading of the original), or the no less 
unintelligible et diligenter exposita of the Vulg. Comp. also Fiirst in p. q., p. 215, and in his Hebrew 
fjexicon under BTPJin. 


seer," that i», tbeir belonging to a greater work of another kind, must be concluded; for not 
the place where those words of Iddo are to be found (Ew., Berth., etc.). but rather the end 

they are to serve, — their purpose, namely, to be a genealogy, — appears to have been intruded 
by the preposition 5. 7. Further, from the circumstance that "reference is ma le for the whole 
history of David, Solomon, Rehoboam, at (as well as Uzziah) to prophetic writings, 
and likewise for the whole history of Asa, Amaziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Josiah to the book 
of the kings of Israel and Judah" (Berth, p. xxxvi.), no argument can be drawn for the 
assumption of one connected historical work of which those prophetic writings were only 
separate facts. From that circumstance, it merely follows "that in some kings the prophetic 
writings, in others the history of the kingdom, contained everything important on their life 
and reign, and that the history of the kingdom presented also accounts concerning the action 
of the prophets in the kingdom, as the prophetic writings concerning the affairs of the kings" 
(Keil, p. 2;)). What grounds determined the Ghronist to refer for the one king to the royal 
annals, and for the other to the prophetic writings, it is impossible to conjecture, and it would 
he equally impossible to ascertain, in the case of the dependence of both kinds of writing (so 
if the question were about only two ways of quoting one and the same greater work). 8. 
Lastly, if (by Bahr, in p. q., p. viii. ff.) the verbal agreement of certain sections declared by 
our Chronist to be taken from the writings of particular prophets, as Nathan, Shemaiah and 
Iddo. Isaiah and Chozai, witli the sections of the books of Kings that are quoted as taken 
from the old royal annals of Israel or of Judah, is urged to make it probable "that the book 
of the kings of Judah consisted of the historical writings of several prophets or seers," this 
line of argument cannot be admitted as cogent. For Chronicles exhibits in the reigns of 
Solomon, Rehoboam, Abijah, Uzziah, and Manasseh, along with some things verbally agreeing 
with the books of Kings, whole series of accounts exclusively its own, for which the prophetic 
writings in question must have formed the source. And that a partly verbal accordance of 
their accounts with those of the old book of Kings takes place, only proves that this work was 
composed by the use of still older prophetic writings, to which a very high value belonged as 
contemporary records, but not that those prophetic writings formed integral parts of the book 
of Kings. It may be that the words of Nathan the prophet were taken in great part into his 
work by the later compiler of those dihre hajjamim from which the auth >r of the canonical 
book of Kings mainly drew, and likewise the words (res gestie, note-books) of Gad, Shemaiah, 
Iddo, etc. But must the independent existence of these old prophetic sources forthwith 
cease? .Might not these prophetic books, also, like the dibre hajjamim or the "history of the 
kings of Israel and Judah" derived from them, if not collectively, yet in great part, have been 
preserved through the storms of the exile, to serve the collectors after the exile as soirees and 
helps for their annalistic compilations? Where so many and so variously named sources are 
adduced, as in our author, it is most natural to suppose him actually to have access to a very 
rich field of original materials. The contrary supposition, which refers the constant change in 
his citations partly to unnecessary parade of literary knowledge and unmeaning fondness for 
a piebald multiplicity of terms, partly to inaccuracy or negligence, encounters far greater 
difficulties, and makes such a variety of hypothetical helps necessary, that it cannot be regarded 
its moving on the soil of sound historical investigation. 

Moreover, it must be, and is confessed by the opponents of our hypothesis, for example by 
Bertheau, p xxxviii., that our author, besides the sources actually cited, may have used an 
indefinite number of such works as he did not find it necessary to adduce. Thus, for his list 
of David's heroes (1 Chron. xi. 10-47), David's worthies in Hebron (xii.), the military and 
civil officers of this king (xxvii.), the families and divisions of the Levites, priests, singers, etc. 
(xxiii.-xxvi.), he certainly used old documents, which, however, he does not think it nee. ssarj 
expressly to adduce, perhaps because it was understood of itself that they were of an official 
kind, and therefore trustworthy (comp. for example, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, where the author 
makes Josiah mention at the feast of the Passover a 2H3 of David and a 3FI3D of Solomon 

concerning the services of the Levites and priests, or the temple liturgy, — documents, without 
doubt, which he himself had used in those sections of his first book [xxiii.-xxvi.]), or which 
he did not eite. "because he had taken them wholly into his work" (Keil), so that there was 
no place for a reference to them tor further details. That our canonical books of Samuel and 
Kings belong to these rich sources tried by our author is still possible ; for the frequent verbal 


coincidence of bis accounts with those of these books, may in some cases rest on the direct ose. 
as well as on the copying, of a common ancient source ; and it would not be impossible that 

by the words of Samuel the seer (ntjhil ^NttDC ; nrn) cited in 1 Chron. xxix. 29 our books 

of Samuel were meant. Yet the pretty numerous material as well as formal and verbal 
variations, which the parallel texts present almost everywhere, form a weighty counterpoise 
against this supposition ; and what Movers, p. 95 ff., de Wette (EM. $ 192a), Ewald {Gesch. 
i. 238), Rleek (Einl. § 167. p. 400), and recently Graf (Die geschichtl Biicher, p. 114 ff.) 
have adduced in its favour, appears, from the replies produce! by H'avernick, Rertheau, and 
especially by Keil (Einl. § 144, 2), to be, if not quite refuted, yet shaken in such a degree, 
that far the greater probability lies ou the side of those who exclude our books of Samuel and 
Kings from the sources used by the Chronist. 


The question of the credibility of our author would be simply answered by the remarks 
already made on his historical sources, and would admit of no unfavourable answer, if 
throughout and in every respect a faithful use of his sources may be presumed. That this 
praise can only be conceded to him in a limited sense, has been recently asserted, after the 
example of K. H. Graf (iu p q. p. 114 ff.), again by several critics, as Ed. Riehm (Stud, und 
Krit. 1868, ii. p. 376 ff.), H. Schultz (Alttestamentl. TheoL ii. p. 274 f.), H. Holtzmann (in 
Ruusen's Bibelwerk, vol. iv. part 2, p. 12 ff.), and even Rertheau (Jahrb. f. deutsche TheoL 
1866, p. 159 f.). The latter had formerly defended the substantial credibility of the author. 
as one employing good old sources, and using them with sedulous care, against the blunt 
attacks of de Wette and Gramberg (who made the Chronist merely copy the books of Samuel 
and Kings, but in all places deviating from them, distorting them in an arbitrary manner, 
misinterpreting, embellishing, or supplementing by invented additions 1 ), and thus almost 
without reserve accepted that which J. G. Dahler (De libr. Paralip. auctoritate atque Jide hist., 
Argentor. 1819), Movers (Krit. Untersuch., etc.). Keil (Apo'. Versuch and Einl. ins A. T.). 
Havernick (Einl. 1839), Ewald, and others had brought forward on behalf of the Chronist. - 
On the contrary, he is now (Jahrbiicher f. d. Theol. in p. q., in a review of Grafs work, and 
;u art. "Chronik" in Schenkel's Bibel-Lex.) gone over to the modified reproduction of the 
de Wette-Gramberg view attempted by Graf, at least so far as to confess that he had not 
formerly estimated highly enough, nor duly considered, the proper action of the author of 
Chronicles ; he had taken him for a more trustworthy and objective extractor from his sources 
than he really was. Th. Nbldecke has gone still farther, in his treatise on Die Alttestamentl. 
Literat. (1868, p. 59 ff.). Ry such sentences as, " All great wars mentioned only in Chronicle! 
must be very suspicious," "his narrative is therefore very defective," "he proceeds very 
negligently, and often contradicts himself," and so on, he has almost wholly returned to the 
position of Gramberg, ami has thereby incurred the severe censure even of F. Hitzig. The 
latter not long ago (in a conversation on Nbldecke's paper concerning the inscription of Mesha. 
king of Moab, in the Heidelberg Jahrb. der Literat. 1870, p. 437) expressed his surprise to 
hear Mr. Noldecke assert that " the account 2 Chron. xx. is a strange story, only a trans- 
formation of 2 Kings iii., with the removal of difficulties, aud the addition of a great deal of 
edifying matter." He further remarks : " This is the strangest thing that has occurred to the 
writer since Volkmar wished to see the Apostle Paul in the false prophet of the Apocalypse. 
Has Mr N ever thought of the origin of the valley of Jehoshaphat in Joel iv. 2? Has he 

1 De Wette, Beitr. zur Einl. ins A. T. i., Halle 1S06, and Lehrb. der hist.-krit. Einl., etc., 1817, 
6th ed. 1S45 ; C. P. W. Gramberg, Die Chron. nach ihrem geschichtl. Charakter und ihrer Glauburiirdig- 
keil neu gepriifi, Halle 1823. Comp. also Gesenius. Gesch, der Hebr. Sprache mul Sckrifi, 1S15, § 12. 
p. 37 ff. . and Kom/ment. zu Jen., 1821, i. 268 ff. 

* Kurzgef. exeg. Handb., Einl. p. xliii. : "That the author of Chronicles ever intentionally distorted 
the sense or made false statements does not appear from the comparison of the sections parallel with 
Samuel and Kings. The parallel sections rather warrant the assumption, that even where he impartf 
accounts and statements that are not found in the other books of the O. T., he adhered most closely 
to his sources," etc. Quite similar to this is the language of Dillmann in the art. "Chronik " in Herzog's 
Real-Em- yd. p. 693. 


read Movers on Chronicles? And is he always so bright, that he should stain the hypotheses 
of others? QuU tulerit Gracchost" etc. 

We cannot but see in this venomous onslaught of the Heidelberg theologian a chastisement 
on the whole deserved; for even in the more moderate and more carefully supported views of 
Graf there is expressed, in our opinion, a great deal of hypercritical arrogance and vehement, 
prejudice against our author. Accordingly he appears as a biassed historian going to work 
in an unconscionable manner, idealizing, embellishing, and often capriciously transforming on 
a narrow Levitical principle, moved by the desire to write the history of the Jews, so that it, 
shall be an impressive admonition to keep the commandments of God, especially to observe 
the ordinances of worship, and at the same time a solemn warning against apostasy from 
God. Instead of adhering closely to that which is found in his sources, he stamps on bis work 
(which is a history of the Church more than of the people or kingdom) throughout his 
Levitical-priestly tendency, along with the characteristic spirit of his late age; he writes the 
history so as the variously-distorting and colouring mirror of the fourth century B.C. reflects 
i*, and on behalf of the tastes and requirements of his contemporaries, seizes glaring colours, 
institutes striking contrasts, and handles the original material capriciously after his manner 
(comp. Berth, in the JahrbUchern fur deutxche Theol. in p. q.). Thus he makes use of the 
books of Samuel and Kings as if not the only, yet the principal sources, leaves out what ap- 
pears to have no interest for his time and tendency, and alters their reports in various places 
as he requires, by means of enlarging insertions, various changes of meaning, and recast ings. 
so that the number of passages borrowed by him from these books appears much smaller thaw 
it really is. Such is, above all, his whole history of David (1 Chron. x.-xxix.), a work formed 
by the manifold transformation of the corresponding account in the books of Samuel ; only 
the lists of names inserted therein, especially those in ch. xxiii.-xxvii., are derived' from 
special sources, — by no means, however, more respectable nor earlier than the exile ; and the 
words of Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, and of Gad the seer, mentioned 1 Chron. 
xxix. 29, are not special prophetic writings of a high age, but mere sections of our canonical 
books of Samuel. Thus it. cannot be determined how far those sources are only freely and 
inaccurately used by him ; and this applies as well to the sources of the history of David as to 
the genealogical sources used by him in the time before David (in 1 Chron. i.-ix.). Farther, 
our Chronist's representation of the history of Solomon {2 Chron. i.-ix.) is merely elaborated 
on the basis of 2 Kings i.-xi., with the omissiou of Solomon's secular doings, his palace build- 
ing, and idolatry ; only in viii. 36 gleams forth a peculiar source different from 1 Kings ix. 
17-19, which is used by him. Such sources also, differing from the text of the book of Kings, 
are used in the sections on Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 5-xii. 18-23), Abijah, Asa, Jehoshaphat, 
Ahaziah, Joash, Uzziah, Jotham, and Hezekiah. Throughout the Chronist has made use of 
these sources, which are all to be referred to the " book of the kings of Israel and Judah " 
lying at the root of the canonical books of Kings, in accordance with his object. This trans- 
forming bias of the Chronist appears most surprising in the narrative of the fali of Athaliah 
by the co-operation of the priests and Levites (xxiii.) ; as also in the embellished accounts of 
the successful wars of Abijah against the northern kingdom (xiii.). in which, at the most, the 
statement of the three cities conquered by him (ver. 19) rests on old written sources ; and 
likewise in the account of Solomon's ascending the throne (1 Chron. xxviii. 29), the deviations 
of which from 1 Kings i. are due to the inventive turn of the Chronist, and not to any written 
or oral traditions whatever ; as well as in the accounts concerning the divisions of the 
priests, Levites. and singers in David's preparation for the temple, and in the building and 
consecration of it by Solomon, wherein it is evidently the design of the writer to represent 
the relations of these religious officials as already existing at the time of the founding of the 

The irpurrj!/ ij/'.ioa: of Graf's accusations and suspicions of the historical character of our 
work wnsists in the totally unfounded presupposition, that the author made use of the 
canonical books of Samuel and Kings almost alone, as sources, and that his deviations from 
them are to be ascribed to the caprice of the redactor. We have already shown it to be 
extremely probable that our author made no use whatever of these b oks (§ 5). The number 
of passages in which there is a verbal coincidence of his accounts with those of the older 
historical books is comparatively small, and even these may without, much difficulty be re- 
garded as flowing from a common source, so that the assumption that they belong to the 


sources of our author appears by 110 means necessary. But even if it were proved, both that 
he drew from the historical books of the canon, and that he made a free use of them with an 
occasional departure from them, liis credit as a trustworthy historian in all essential matters 
would suffer no more than it would from a siriilar use of his other materials. 

1. For his parenetic tendency permitted him, if he did not interfere with the objective 
historical fact, in numerous cases to transform the old accounts to suit his peculiar Levitical 
ecclesiastical pragmatism, to which, in respect of the times of our author, as full a privilege 
must be conceded as to the theocratico-prophetic pragmatism of the older historians (comp 
the examples to be adduced under No. 4). And that the non-subjective mode of our historian, 
compared with the more objective fashion of the books of Kings, led to no distortions, falsifi- 
cations, or arbitrary transformations of facts, is manifest from the circumstance already 
noticed, that he has not kept back all that was at his command on behalf of his pragmatic 
tendency, and has often omitted matters of consequence for his point of view, so that he may 
be justly charged with a ceitain degree of inconsistency (comp. § 4). 

2. A quite harmless and allowable class of alterations, that our author makes in his 
materials, refers to the genealogical lists, especially those of the first part, where he in part 
arranges anew and groups in certain proportions the lists of names taken from the Pentateuch, 
not so much to aid the memory as to exhibit the numerical law and symbolic import of these 
parts of sacred history. Thus he not only in ch. i. keeps apart the ten patriarchs from 
Adam to Noah and the ten from Noah to Shem, but derives, certainly without defining or 
marking this by giving express prominence to the number. 70 nations from Noah, 70 families 
from Abraham, and 70 descendants from Judah (i. 28, ii. 25), refers the eight sons of Jesse to 
the sacred number seven, aud leaves out, partly from a religious and symbolic consideration, 
the tribe of Dan repeatedly in his enumeration of the tribes (see on vii 12). It is obvious 
that by none of these idealizing changes of the genealogical matter that come to hand is a 
proper distortion of the historical relations effected, and still less by so many other less 
intentional alterations, such as the transpositions and reductions in the series of names in 
Genesis ; for example, iv. 1 ff. 

3. Another class of alterations, which proceed as little from caprice or culpable negligence, 
belongs to the linguistic department. It consists in the exchange of many phrases and turns 
belonging to the old Hebrew for the corresponding phrases of the later language, and has in 
most cases no deeper ground than such orthographic changes as the scriptio plena instead of 
the defective/., ami the reverse — the introduction of later, Aramaiziug forms instead of the older 

ones To this belong the change of older formations, as riSPDD, nsnn, D?ij'- etc., into the 

later JTOPD, pjnn, DiVl" the change of the construction by omission of the infill, absol. with 

the verb finit., or by the use of the preposition 7X or of n Inc. in verbs of motion, as 

N13, T17H, rOW, the avoiding or paraphrasing of certain pregnant constructions of the older 

language, and the like (comp. the collection of numerous examples of all these in Movers, p. 
200 ff. ; and after him. in Havernick and Keil. Einl. § 142, p. 482 ff.). These deviations 
from the old forms of the sources are of the less importance, as they are carried to a very small 
extent, and the character of the original may almost always be clearly distinguished from that 
of the chronicle. 

4. Of scarcely more importance are those changes occasioned by the religious and dogmatic 
views of the author, which, without touching the facts, bring out new aspects of the religious 
side of the history. For example, in the account of David's numbering of the people, where 
the author (1 Chron. xxi. 1) refers that which in the older account (2 Sam. xxi. 1) is 
represented as the direct effect of the divine wrath to the subordinate activity of Satan, and 
where he represents God's "being entreated " at the end of the older account (2 Sam. xxiv. 
25) in a more concrete and pictorial manner as an " answering from heaven by tire upon the 
altar of burnt-offering " (comp. also 2 Chron. vi. 1 with 1 Kings viii. 54 f.) ; or as in such 
pragmatic reflective additions as 2 Chron. vii. 11 ("all that he wished to do in the house of 
Jehovah and in his own house was successful." for which the older parallel 1 Kings ix. 1 has 
only " what he wished to do," etc.) ; likewise 2 Chron. viii. 11 (the ground on which Solomon 
built a separate house for Pharaoh's daughter: comp. 1 Kings ix. 24) ; 2 Chron. xxii. 7 (giving 
prominence to the divine dispensation occasioning the death of king Ahaziah: comp. 2 Kings 


viii. 29): - Chron. xviii. 31 ("And Jehovah helped him, and God drove them from him ; ■ 1 
comp. the account omitting all such remarks, 1 Kings xxii. 32 f.) ; also 1 Chron. x. 13 f. 
I remark on Saul's deserved death ; comp. 1 Sam. xxxi. 12), and xi. 3 (reference to Samuel's 
prophetic announcement of the coronation of David at Hebron ; comp. 2 Sam. v. 3). 

5. A further class of deviations from the older parallel accounts involves a number of 
actually erroneous statements, that are mostly to be ascribed to old corruptions of the text 
either found in the sources of the Chronist or introduced into his work by the fault of 
negligent transcribers, and therefore cannot affect the character and credibility of the author. 
The only nearly certain example of an error on his part, arising apparently from geographical 
ignorance, is the explanation of the Tarshish ships of the Red Sea as being designed to trade to 
Tarshish (2 Chron. ix. 21 and xx. 3G). This appears, according to 1 Kings x. 22. xxii. 49, to be 
a real misinterpretation, which can be removed no more by an identification of Tarshish with 
Ophir than by the supposition that our author was acquainted with a place of the name of 
Tarshish (thus, an eastern Tartessus) in Ophir or its neighbourhood (comp. Biihr on 1 Kings 
x. 22, and the exeg. expl. given on 2 Chron. ix. 21). If we except this one passage, all else of 
an erroneous nature in his text is most probably to be reduced to errors in copying, that 
either existed in his sources or were introduced into his text. Under this head come especially 
the numbers which deviate from those in the books of Samuel and Kings, on account of 
which it has been thought necessary (by de Wette, Gramberg, etc.) to impute to him arbitrary 
exaggeration of the greatness of Israel before the exile, of his armies, population, treasures, 
offerings, etc., without considering that the older historical books often exhibit notorious 
corruptions of the text in numbers (for example, the 30,000 chariots of the Philistines in 
1 Sam. xiii. 5, or the 70 men and 50,000 men of Bethshemesh in 1 Sam. vi. 11* ; comp. more 
examples of this kind in Wellhauseu, Der Ttxt Jer Backer Samuelis, etc., pp. 20, GO, 81, 133. 
219, etc.), and that in some cases Chronicles gives the smaller and more credible number ; for 
example, 2 Chron. ix. 25, where it mentions 4,000 stalls for Solomon's horses, which is 
certainly more correct than the parallel text 1 Kings v. 6, where the number of these horses 
and stalls amounted to 40,000 (comp. Bahr's crit. note on the p., p. 2G). As notorious instances 
of textual corruption in numbers not due to the author, are to be noted 1 Chron. xxi. 5, where 
the 1,100,000 men in Israel rests on a simple clerical error for 800,000; 2 Chron. xvi. 1, where, 
instead of the 36th, the 16th year of Asa is to be read (as in the previous verse instead of 
the 35th the loth); 2 Chron. xx. 2, wdiere the 42 years of King Ahaziah's age, instead of the 
22 of 2 Kings viii. 26, appear to have arisen from the exchange of o and 3. That the use of 
the letters for numbers is very ancient, and was adopted long before the Masoretic recension, 
is proved by the circumstance that the Sept. exhibits in its text a great deal of the errors in 
numbers arising from the exchange of letters, and indeed not merely in Chronicles, but in 
various other books; for example, in Ezra ii. G9, where it reproduces the error of 61,000, instead 
of 4 1 .01 ii 1. Darics from the Hebrew text (comp. Neh. vii. 70-72), and often also in the books of 
Samuel, etc. Along with these numerical errors resting on the corruption of the text, there are 
a great many cases in which the Chronist himself or his source before him shows decided 
differences in his numbers from the other canonical books ; and these are by no means at once 
to be ascribed to the boastful and exaggerating bias of the author. Rather, as Ked (Komm. 
]i. 30) justly points out, are we to bear in mind, with regard to these different numbeis, a. 
" That they are geuerally round numbers determined only to thousands, depend therefore not 
on actual numbering but on loose estimates of contemporaries, and assert nothing more than 
that the size of the army and the number of the slain or the captives was rated very high ; " 
and b. "That in the quantity of gold and silver collected by David for the building of the 

temple, — 100,000 shekels or hundredweight (D'lSS) of gold and 1,000,000 hundredweight of 

silver, 1 Chron. xxii. 13, — the actual amount cannot be ascertained, because we know not the 
weight of the shekel of that day," — a circumstance that must be taken into account in many 
other differences, as the exegesis of the several passages will show. 

6. Actual deviations from the older historical works, but still none that can be charged to 
our author as wilful distortions or falsifications, are contained in many of the speeches ascribed 
to David, Abijah, Asa, and other kings, or even to private persons, especially prophets ; for 
example, the speeches of David given in 1 Chron. xiii. 2 f., xv. 12 f., xxviii. 2—10, xxix. 
I ff., 10 ff.. which have little or no parallel in the books of Samuel; that of Abijah, 2 Chron. 


xiii. 4-12; of Asa, 2 Chron. xiv. 11 ; of Azariah son of Oded, 2 Cliron. xv. 1-7 ; of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxxii. 7 f., etc. That the greater number of those speeches, if not all, were con- 
tained in the sources of our author, may be concluded with sufficient certainty from the 
one circumstance, that three speeches of Solomon which he communicates (2 Chron. i. 8-10, 
vi. 4-11, 12-42) occur in almost the same words in the book of Kings, whence his fidelity 
and care in the reproduction of such pieces are manifest. Here the speeches of different 
persons distinguish themselves in a characteristic manner by their line of thought, their 
figures and turns; the peculiar speech and style of the Chronist is stamped upon them only 
in a comparatively small degree. This is very striking in three of David's speeches, namely, 
in the longer addresses relating to the future building of the temple by Solomon (1 Chrcn. 
xxii. 7-16, xxviii. 2-22, xxix. 1-5). Here the author appears, as the manifold conformity of 
that which is put in the mouth of David with his peculiarities in thought, speech, etc., shows, 
to have acted pretty freely, and without resting on sources to have attempted an ideal 
reproduction of the thoughts moving the soul of the aged king and uttered by him. But 
the prayer of David annexed to the last of these addresses, 1 Chron. xxix. 10-19, proves 
itself to be derived from ancient sources by its manifold coincidence with the Psalms of 
David (see on vers. 11 and 15), especially ver. 18, with which it agrees iu the characteristic 
accumulation of predicates of God. And all the other speeches in question show similar 
traces of old original peculiarities foreign or remote from the Chronist's manuer of thought, 
speech and style; for example, that of Abijah, 2 Chron. xiii. 4-12, that, among other 
accordances with our author, exhibits in the phrases D"p~l D'L'^S and ^jj»?3 '33 clear marks 
of their connection with the usage of the time of David and Solomon; that of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxxii. 7 f., in which the phrase "ib'3 V'1"U reminds us of his intercourse with the 

prophet Isaiah (Isa. xxxi. 3) ; lastly, the shorter or longer utterances handed down by 
various prophets, which generally contain much that is original, especially that of Azariah 
son of Oded addressed to King Asa, 2 Chron. xv. 1-7, which, by its remarkable coincidence 
with parts of the Oratio eschatologica of Christ, as Matt. xxiv. 6 f., Luke xii. 19, proves itself 
to be an old independent creation of the genuine prophetic stamp (comp. C. P. Caspari, 
Der syrisch-ephraim. Krieg, Christiania 1849, p. 55 ft'.). Thus it is essentially the same with 
the speeches given by our historian as with those in the other historical books, from the 
Pentateuch and Judges down to the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospel of John. The 
original and subjective proper to the late reporter appears in them connected as matter and 
form, as seed and shell, without any sharp distinction of the reporter's addition from the 
original text. But a certain formative influence of the original type proper to the old source 
appears in the diction and style of the younger writer. And as the glass transmits no light 
without imparting its peculiar hue, or the instrument conveys no tone without its own 
individual modification, so the physiognomy of the speeches in our book exhibits that 
mutual influence of the proper individuality of the author and of the materials that have 
come down to him from the past, that interchange of subjectivity and objectivity, which 
displays itself in a similar way in the speeches of Judges and Kings (especially the prophetical ; 
comp. Delitzsch, Komm. zu Jesaja, Eiul. p. xiv. f.), and also in the New Testament, in the 
speeches of Christ in John, and of Peter, Stephen, aud Paul in the Acts of the Apostles. 

7. The last class of deviations chargeable to the subjectivity of the Chronist relates to the 
descriptions of religious festivals, particularly in the history of David (1 Chron. xv., xvi.), 
Solomon (2 Chron. v.-vii.), Hezekiah (xxix.-xxxi.), and Josiah (xxxv.), where the same 
circumstantial description of certain acts of worship, especially of the playing and singing 
of the Levites and priests, constantly recurs, and always in essentially the same rhetorical 
dress, aud with the same phrases and liturgical formulae (comp. § 2 above). It may seem 
at first sight that the author in such descriptions dates back the liturgical usages and 
ceremonies of his own age, and transfers not only his Levitical and priestly mode of thought, 
but the religious customs and performances of his time, uncritically to the worship of the 
reigns of David, Solomon, Hezekiah, etc. But the suspicions in this direction expressed by 
de Wette, Gramberg, and recently by Graf, Nbldecke, Holtzmanu, and others, rest on » 
twofold misconception — (1) That the sacrificial worship, according to the rules of Leviticus, 
or the introduction of music and singing of psalms, dates from the exile; and (2) tlmt out 
author, whenever he treats of the occurrence of such usages, writes wholly without ancient 


sources, and so lays himself open to the charge of arbitrary falsifications of history in favour 
of his own views and times. On the contrary, the essentials of the form of worship 
undoubtedly go back to the times of Moses, or at all eveDts, long before the exile; and the 
modification which our author makes in his accounts of the festivals consists only in individual 
touches and details, whereby he endeavours to trace out for himself and his readers a clear 
picture of the actual events. That he herein allowed himself a certain drawing together of 
far-separated times and customs, a presentation of earlier usages in the light of the current 
times, — in short, a modernizing process in minor particulars, — does not on the whole mar the 
credibility of his narrative. It may be that in 1 Chron. xvi. 8-36, in describing the solemn 
conveyance of the ark to Jerusalem, he lets a psalm be introduced by Asaph and his brethren 
which David had not literally composed for this solemnity, but which was an ideal reproduc- 
tion of the psalm then sung, but springing from a later time; that he allowed himself here 
the same sort of substitution as if a modern historian were to set back Luther's " Eiu feste 
burg," etc., from the year 1530, or from the time of the Augsburg Diet, to which its origin 
was really due, till the year 1521, or the time of the Diet of Worms. In like manner, what 
is said (1 Chron. xxviii. 11-19) of the several materials and vessels of the future temple 
which David reckoned up and handed over to Solomon may involve a proleptic idealizing and 
altering of the transaction, which forms a deviation not only from the far simpler and shorter 
account in the book of Kings, but from that which lay before the author regarding the last 
acts of the reign of David. And so it may be with several other details of religious action 
in the statements of our author ; for example, his notice of the temple gates and porticos 
ander David (1 Chron. xxvi. 16-18), of the reform of Hezekiah (2 Chron. xxix. ff.), etc. 
On the whole, these freer combinations of historical events, corresponding with the priestly 
Levitical pragmatism and parenetic tendency of the author, derogate nothing from the credi- 
bility of his narrative. It remains, therefore, highly probable, that much if not most of these 
modifications of the history before the exile had its root in the sources before the author, 
particularly in the "book of the kings of Israel and Judah," the harmony of which, with his 
views and predilections, must neither be exaggerated nor underrated (coinp. Del. in p. q., 
p. xvi.). 

On the whole, a marked subjective colouring of his narrative in the direction of the 
priestly-Levitical standpoint may be ascribed to our author; he may be charged with having 
less aptitude for quiet, strictly objective conception and presentation of his materials than his 
predecessors, the authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, and with putting forward his 
didactic-moralizing bent often too strongly, and not always free from a legal exurnality of 
thought ami intuition. But it appears unwarranted to reproach him with a want of love for 
the truth or an uncritical levity in dealing with facts, or to charge him with wilful invention 
or falsification of history ; for the solid foundation of old original tradition gleams forth at 
every step of his narrative, and conveys, even where he goes farthest from the parallel text 
of the books of Kings, and brings in the most important supplements to their report, the 
impression of the highest trustworthiness: for example, in the accounts of Rehoboam's 
building of forts and his domestic concerns (2 Chron. xi. 5 ff., 18 ff.) ; in the statements 
concerning the three cities conquered by Abijah, and concerning his family (xiii. 19-21) : in 
the history of Jehoshaphat, so full of concrete details of the most trustworthy kind (xvii.-xx.); 
in the surprisingly exact yet obviously authentic statements concerning Amaziah's troops 
aired from Israel, and the plundering raid in which they engaged after they were discharged 
(xxv. o ff.) ; in the history of Manasseh, for the details of which he certainly, not without 
grounds, refers to older sources, as the book of the kings of Israel and the words of Chr.zai 
v'xxxiii.). etc Th: Levitical-pnestly and legal external stamp of his history may be regarded 
as a characteristic mean between the prophetic pragmatism of the older historians, as the 
authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, and the pharisaic pragmatism of the writers after 
the canon, as the author of the 2 Maccabees, or Josephus. 1 Yet he stands incomparably 
nearer to his prophetic predecessors of the time of or immediately before the exile, than tc 
these Epigoni of all Old Testament history ; and not a trace is to be discovered in him, either 

1 Comp. H. Schultz, Alttestamentl. Tlieol. ii. p. 274 f., and Oehler's remark on this passage (All}, 
'.iter. Amxig. 1S70, Nov., p. 340): "The way in which here (in Chron.) the doctrine of retributiol 
monies forth, forms the transition to the pharisaic rejection of it, as the comparison of the second boo* 
nf Maecahees exhibits also in this point the partition between Judaism in the canon and after it." 


of the spiritless externality or fanatical rigorism of the doctrine of retribution as it appears 
in such apocryphal books as Judith, 2 Maccabees, etc., or of the Rome-favouring, and there- 
fore anti-national and untheocratic, pragmatism of the Pharisee Josephus. 

Remark: — With respect to the text of Chronicles, Jerome perceived that the greatest 
critical care must be taken, especially on account of the many names which are presented 
in it, and have been variously corrupted and distorted iu the Sept. and the Itala : " Ita et in 
Grsscis et Latimis codicibus hie nominum liber vitiosus eat, ut non tarn Hebrxa quam barbara 
qusedam et Sarmalica n< mina congesta arbitrandum ait." Thus he speaks in his Prxf. in 'ib. 
Paralip. juxta Sept. interp. (Opp. t. x. p. 432, edit. Vail.); and he relates there that he 
employed a learned Jew of Tiberias, and with him compared the text, " a aertice ut aiunt usque 
ad extremum unguem." In the relative fidelity and accuracy that otherwise notoriously exists 
in this part of the Alexandrine version (and the Itala, which agrees with it word for word), 1 
this observation, which he was compelled to extend on further examination to the numerical 
data of Chronicles, and to many other details, is certainly remarkable. Iu a still higher 
degree must he have been surprised, on a more extended knowledge of languages and an 
exacter method of critical investigation, by the state of the text of another old version of 
our book, the Syriac version or Peshito (with its omissions of whole series of names, its 
various gaps and interpolations, its transpositions and occasional arbitrary deviations from 
the original). 2 The acknowledgment of no small uncertainty of the original Hebrew text 
itself is forced upon us in view of this serious corruption of the oldest versions, in which the 
later of necessity participate ; for example, the Arabic version derived from the Peshito, 
likewise the comparatively young Targutu originating scarcely before the seventh century 
(published, with a Lat. vers., by M. F. Beck, Augttstse Vindel. UI80, and with greater critical 
care by Dav. YVilkins, Amstelsedam. 1715, 4) ; and hence arises for expositors the equally 
important and difficult problem of a frequent correction of the Masoretic text, to be cautiously 
executed and wisely limited, according to those versions, as well as the p rallel passages in 
the older books of the canon. This necessity of an occasional amendment in numbers and 
names, imposed by the peculiarity of the text of Chronicles, was acknowledged by J. Alb. 
Bengel ; for on 2 Chron. xxviii. 1 (comp. xxix. 1) he adds the marginal note, Hie videtur 
lectin Grseca, qux viyinti qninque annos Achazo tribuit, prteft rendu Hebrxo. " Errors may 
have more easily crept into the books of Chronicles, because they were not publicly read as 
the books of Moses," etc. (Contributions to Bengel's exposition, and his remarks on the 
Gnomon N. T. from manuscript notes, published by Dr. Osk. Wachter, Leips. 1865, p. IS. J 
To this well-grounded conjecture regarding the very numerous textual errors of our book 
Bertheau also points (Komm. p. xlvii.) : " It appears as if the same careful regard was not 
paid to the text by the Jews in older times, to which we owe the faithful transmission of that 
form of the text of most other books of the Bible that came into general acceptance about 
the time of Christ ; comp. for example, 1 Chron. xvii. 18, 21 ; 2 Chron. ii. 9, x. 14, 16, 
xx. 25, xxvi. 5." That, moreover, the endeavour to refer the deviations of the Chronist from 
the other historical books of the Old Testament to mere corruptions of the text may be 
carried too far, and has been carried too far perhaps by Movers (p. 50 ff.), at all events by 
Laur. Reinke in his Beitrdgen zur Erkl. des Alten T., Abhaudl. I., has been justly pointed out 
by Davidson, Introd. ii. p. 114 sq. 

[The only error here traced to the Chronist, and supposed to arise from his ignorance of 
ancient geography, is the statement that ships of Tarshish (1 Kings x. 22, xxii. 49) were 
ships trading to Tarshish (2 Chron. ix. 21, xx. 36). It may turn out, however, that the error 

1 Movers (p. 93) calls the translation of Chronicles in the Sept. "a careful, skilfully-performed, and 
strictly literal version ;" he praises it as "one of the best efforts of these translators," and as " by far 
surpassing that of the books of Samuel and Kings proceeding from another author." On the close 
adherence of the old Itala to the text of the Sept., comp. Kijntsch, Itala und Vulgata (Marb. lMJ'J) ; 
Fr. Kaulen, Geschichte der Vulgata (Mainz 1S6S), p. 137 ff. ; and Ernst Kanke, Par Palimptestorum 
Wirceburgensium, etc., Vindob. 1871. 

1 As examples of omission of long series of names, comp. 1 Chron. ii. 45, 47-49, iv. 7 ff. ; also of 
leaving out other long sections, 1 Chron. xxvi. 13-27, 2 Chron. iv. 11-17, xxix. 10-19 ; of interpolations, 
1 Chron. xii. 1, 17-19, xvi. 3, 42 ; of transpositions, 1 Chron. xii. 15, 2 Chron. xxviii. 23-25 ; of devia- 
tions from the text or very free translations, 1 Chron. ii. 52, iv. 12-18, iv. 33-39, 2 Chron. xxii. 19, etc. 
Comp. Bertheau, p. xlviii. ; and for the like peculiarities of the Arabic version derived from it, 
Roediger, de urlg. et indole Arab, librorum V. T. historic, interpretation-is, Hal. 1829, p. 104. 


lies with the modern critic rather than with the ancient chronicler. It is recorded tbat 
Pharaoh Neko (G17-601 B.C.) employed Phoenician mariners to sail from the Arabian Gulf 
round Africa, and return by the Pillars of Hercules (Herod, iv. 4"J), — a voyage which was 
accomplished in line year.*. Herodotus accepts the fact, though he discredits the statement 
that in sailing round Africa they had the sun on the right, — a statement which goes to prove 
the veracity of the reporters. And until it is proved that the Phoenicians were not acquainted 
with this way of reaching Tarshish by hugging the shore of Africa, and bartering as they 
went along for ivory and other African commodities, the geographical error has not been 
brought home to this ancient and otherwise accredited writer. (See further on the passages 
in the Coram.) We merely add to what has been here so ably and thoughtfully said on the 
general question of credibility, that the supposed bias or leaning of the writer of Chronicles is 
due not to any real narrowness or onesidedness, but to the necessity of having some distinct 
and important end in going over the same ground as the former historical works. This end is 
*Jiat which justifies the production of another history of the past times. The chronicler, we 
have no doubt, had the Pentateuch and the former prophets before him, containing the history 
of t lie dealings of God with ma from the beginning, to the fall of the kingdom of Judah by 
the capture of the city of David and the burning of the temple of Solomon. He could have no 
reason for going over any part of this ground, unless he had some new aspect of the history 
to signalize, and some new lesson to convey to the people of God on returning from the 
captivity. This new thing is the distinct and exclusive history of the kingdom of David, with 
its peculiar arrangements for the worship of the temple, in which the orders of priests and 
Levites were established, and the masters of song took a promineut part. This is to be the 
system of things until it has given birth to a new economy or development of the kingdom of 
God on earth. And the new lesson, which is indeed an old lesson, is the uniform dependence 
of national prosperity and progress on intelligent and voluntary walking with God in all His 
ordinances and commandments. Chronicles therefore stands to the older history as Deutero- 
nomy to the preceding four books of Moses, or as John to the synoptical Gospels. It would 
have no warrant for its place in the canon, if it did not show an object distinct from that of 
the older history; and instead of ascribing its peculiar characteristic to the idiosyncrasy of 
the author, it behoves us to discern in it the special purpose for which it was appended to the 
previous record. We do not expand this hint at present, but leave it to the consideration of 
the reader. With regard, moreover, to the psalm committed by David to Asaph, 1 Chron. xvi. 
7, for thanking the Lord, see on the passage. — J. G. M.] 


Neither the exegetical nor the critical literature of this book is very lich ; indeed, there is 
scarcely one portion of the Old Testament that has found fewer labourers either in the one 
respect or the other. The older Jewish commentators shrank from the many difficulties 
which the genealogies of the first chapters presented. Yet a tolerably full commentary on 
our book has been ascribed to Rashi (I!. Solomon Isaaki, + 1105), which, however, according 
to J. Weisse in Kerem Chemed (Prague b s 41 : eomp. Fiitst, Bill. Jutl. ii. 85), cannot proceed 
from this celebrated Rabbinical scholar of the Middle Ages. Other Rabbinical commentaries 
are those of Joseph ben David A ben Jechija (comp. the edit, of D. Wilkins, Paraphrasis Chal- 
daica in ii. lib. Chron. auctore Ii. Josepho, Amstel. 1715), and of Isaac ben R. Sol. Jabez ; 
comp. Carpzov. Introd. in Vet. T. p. 298; also R. Simon's Hist. Critique du V. Te.*t.. Par. 1680, 
p. 30. 

Of the Church Fathers, Jerome (only in a cursory and mengre way in his Qutestiones Hear 
in Chron., Opp. t. iii. 851 sq.), Theodoret, ami Procopius of Gaza have commented on 
Chronicles; comp. Themlored eparitrsis tig /3. a'». ft n«w>,iiT., Opp- edit. Schulze, t. i. p. 
554 ff., and Prncopr. Gaz. scholia in libb. Raj. et in Paralip., edit. Jo. Meursius., Lugd. Bat. 
1620, 4. — A "Latin commentary on Chronicles of the 9th century" has been published by 
Abr. Rahmer, Thorn 1866. 

Modern expositors since the Reformation. — None of the Reformers have treated Chronicles 
exegetically, not even Brenz. by whom there are commentaries on the collective historical 
hooks of the Old Testament. The expository writings of the sixteenth and Seventeenth 


centuries are mostly collected in M. Pole, Synapsis criticorum, etc., Lond. 1660 ff. — Special 
prominence is merited by Lurl. Lavateri Comment, in Paralip., Heidelb. 1599, on account oi 
the very careful treatment of the genealogical lists. Comp. also Victorin Strigel, Comm. in 
libb. Sam., Reg., el Paralip., Lips. 1591 ; Erasm. Sarcerius, Comm. in lib. Chron., Basil. 1560 ; 
and the Catholic commentaries of Nic. Serrarius (Comm. in lib. Reg. et Paralip., Lugd. Bat. 
1618), Casp. Sanctius (in Paralip. II. ii., Antw. 1624, Lugd. 1632), Jac. Bonfrere (Comm. in 
libr. Reg. et Paralip., Tornac. 1613). Likewise M. Fr. Beck, Paraphr. Chaldaica ii. libr. 
Chron., Aug. Vindel. 1680, 83. 

Of the eighteenth century: Aug. Calmet's Comment'dre literal stir tov.< les livres fie Vane, et 
nouv. Test., Par. 1707 ff. — Jo. Clerici, Comment, in Hagiogr., Amstel. 1731. — Joh. H. Michaelis. 
Uberiores adnot. in Hagiographos V. T. libros, Hal. 1720, vol. iii. (the first book of Chronicles 
treated by J. H. Michaelis, the second by J. J. Rambach). — H. B. Stark, Notx selects in 
Pent., Jos., Jud., Sam., Reg., Chron., Esr., et Neh., Lips. 1714. — Chr. Starke's Synopsis, part 
iii. 2d edit., Leipz. 1756. — J. D. Michaelis, Uebers. des Alt. Test, in Anmerkungen fur Unge- 
lehrte, part xii., 1785. 

Of the nineteenth century: J. B D. Maurer, Comm. gram. crit. in V. T. vol. i.. Lips. 
1835. — E. Bertheau, Die Biiher der Chronik erklart (fifteenth issue of the Kurzgef. exeget. 
Handbuch zum A. T.), Leipz., Brockhaus, 1865. — C. F. Keil, Bill. Komm. iiber die nach- 
exilischen Geschichtsbiicher: Chron,, Ezr., uud Esth. (part v. of the Bibl. Komment. iiber das A. 
T.~), Leipz., Dorffl., and Franke. 1870 [translated in Clark's Foreign Theological Library]. — 
B. Neteler, Die Biicher der biblischen Chronik, ubersetzt und erklart, Minister, C oppeurath, 1872 
(second issue by this publisher of the General Commentary on the Holy Scriptures of the 
Old Testament on Catholic Principles). 

Introductory critical monographs: — a. Of destructive tendency: De Wette, Beitrage zur 
Einleitung ins A. T., part i., Leipz. 1806 (comp. above, § 6). — C. P. W. Gramberg, Die Chronik 
nach ihrem geschichtlichen Ckarakter und Hirer Glanbwtirdigkeit gepruft, Halle 1823. — K. H. 
Graf, Die geschichtlichen Biicher des A. 7'., two historico-critical discussions, Leipz. 1806, p. 
114 ff. 

b. Of apologetic tendency: J. G. Dahler. De libr. Paralip. auctoritate et fide historica. 
Argentor. 1819. — E. F. Keil. A/ml. Verxuch iiber die Biicher der Chronik und iiber du Inte- 
grity des Bitches Esra, Berk 18 3. — F. C. Movers, Kritische Untersuchungen iiber die bibl. 
Chronik, Bonn 183-1. — M. Stuart, Critical History and Defence of the O. Test. Canon (con- 
cerning especially the Pentateuch, the writings of the prophets, and of Solomon, Esther, and 
Chronicles), Andover, U. S., 1845. — Bertheau, Art. "Chronik" in Schenkel's Bibellexicon, vol. 
i. p. 528 ff. (also in his critique of Graf's ruouogr. in the Jahrb. fiir deutsche Theol. 1866, p. 
158 ff.). 

Exegetical and critical monographs on particular passages : B. Kennicott, Comparatio 
capitis undecimi libri 1 Chron. cum. cap. ipiinto libri 2 Samuelis, in Diss, super rutione text-is 
Hebraic! V. T., ex Angl. Lot. vertit G. A. Teller, Lips. 1756. — Jul. Wellhausen, De gentibus 
et familiis Judteis, qux 1 Chron. ii.-ic. enunierantur, Gottingen 1870. — Seb. Schmid, lu 
Uteris Eliie ad Jaramiim, Argentor. 1717 (on 2 Chron. xxi. 12-15). — C. P. Caspari, Der 
tyrisch-ephraimiti&che KrUg unter Jotham und Alias. Christiania 1849 (especially on 2 Chron. 
xxvii., xxviii.). — K. H. Graf, Die Gefangmschafi uud Bekehrung Manassc's 2 Chron. xxxiii., 
Theol. Stud. u. Kill. 1859, part iii. p. 467 ff. — Against him: E. Gerlach, Die Gefangensckafit 
and Bekehrung Manasse's ebendas., 1861, part iii. p. 503 ff., and L. Reinke, Die Geschichte des 
Konigs Manasse und die darin liegende nngebliche Sclncierigkeit (in vol. viii. of his Beitrage zur 
Erklarung des A. T., 1872, p. 115 ff.). — Comp. also Eberh. Schrader. Die Keilinschriften und 
das Alte Test., Giessen 1872, pp. 238-243 ; which excellent work, like the papers on this sub- 
ject by the same author in the Zeitschrift der Deulschen morgenland. Gesellschaft, and in the 
Theol. Stud. u. Krit. (1869, 70, 71), contains rich monographic contributions to the exposition 
as well of the other historical books of the Old Testament as especially of Chronicles. 




n Genealogies of the Patriarchs from Adam to Isaac's Sons Israel and Edom. wire 
the Posterity of the Latter till the Times of the Kinc.s. Ch < 

1-3 Adam, Sheth, Enosh. Kenan, Mahalalel, Jered. Henoch, Methushelah, 
4, 5 Lamech. Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. The sons of Japheth : Gomer, 

6 and Magog, and Madai, and Javan, and Tubal, and Mesliech, andTiras. And 

7 the sons of Gomer: Ashkenaz, and Kiphath, 1 and Togarmah. And the sons of 

8 Javan: Elisha, and Tarshisliah, Kittim, and Rodanim. 2 The sons of Ham: 

9 Cush and Mizraim, Put and Kanaan. And the sons of Kush : Seba, and 
Havilah, and Sabta, and Rama, and Sabtecha. And the sons of Rama: Sheba 

10 and Dedan. And Kush begat Nimrod ; he began to be a hero on the earth. 

11 And Mizraim begat the Ludim, 3 and the Anamim, and the Lehabim, and the 

12 Naphtuhim. And the Pathrusim, and the Kasluhim, of whom came the 

13 Pelishtim, and the Kaphtorim. And Kanaan begat Zidon, his first-born, and 
14,15 Heth. And the Jebusite, and the Amorite, and the Girgashite. And the 

16 Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite. And the Arvadite, and the Zemarite, 

17 and the Hamathite. The sons of Shem: Elam, and Asshur, and Arpakshad, 

18 and Lud, and Aram, and Uz, and Hul, and Gether, and Meshech. 4 And 

19 Arpakshad begat Shelah, and Shelah begat Heber. And to Heber were 
born two sons; the name of the one was Peleg [division]; for in his days was 

20 the earth divided ; and his brother's name was Joktan. And Joktan begat 

21 Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaveth, and Jerah. And Hadoram, and 
22, 23 Uzal, and Diklah. And Ebal, and Abimael, and Sheba. And Ophir, and 

Havilah, and Jobab. All these are sons of Joktan. 
24—27 Shem, Arpakshad, Shelah. Eber, Peleg, Reu. Serug, Nahor, Terah. Abram ; 
28,29 that is, Abraham. The sons of Abraham : Isaac and Ishmael. These are their 

generations: Ishmael's first-born was Nebaioth; then Kedar, and Adbeel, and 
30, 31 Mibsam. Mishma, and Dumah, Massa, Hadad, and Tenia. Jetur, Naphish. 

32 and Kedemah: these are sons of Ishmael. And the sons of Keturah, Abra- 
ham's concubine: she bare Zimran, and Jokshan, and Medan, and Midian, 

33 and Ishbak, and Shuah ; and Jokshan's sons : Sheba and Dedan. And the 
sons of Midian : Ephah, and Epher, and Henoch, and Abida. and Eldaah : all 

34 these are the sons of Keturah. And Abraham begat Isaac; the sons of Isaac: 

35 Esau and Israel. The sons of Esau: Eliphaz, Eeuel, and Jeush, and Jalam, 

36 and Korah. The sons of Eliphaz; Teman, and Omar, Zephi, and Gatam, 

37 Kenaz, and Timnah, and Amalek. The sons of Reuel : Nahath, Zerah, 

38 Shammab, and Mizzah. And the sons of Seir : Lotan, and Shobal. and 




Zibon, and Anah, and Dishan, and Ezer, and Dishan. And the sons of 
Lotan: Hori and Homam; and Lotan's sister was Timnah. The sons of 
Shobal: Alj<m,' 5 and Manahath, and Ebal, Shephi, 6 and Onam ; -and the sons 
of Zibon : Ajah and Anah. The sons of Anah : Dishon ; and the sons of 
Dishon : Hamran, 7 and Eshban, and Ithran, and Keran. The sons of Ezer : 
Bilhan, and Zaavan, and Jaakan ; the sons of Dishan : Uz and Aran. 

And these are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom before the sons of 
Israel had kings : Bela, son of Beor ; and the name of his city was Dinhabah. 
4-4, 45 And Bela died, and Jobab, son of Zera of Bozrah, reigned in his stead. And 
Jobab died, and Husham, of the land of the Temanites, reigned in his stead. 
And Husham died, and Hadad, son of Bedad, who smote Midian in the land 
of Moab, reigned in his stead; and the name of his city was Ajuth. 8 And 
Hadad died, and Samlah of Masrekah reigned in his stead. And Samlah 

49 died, and Shaul of Rehoboth by the river reigned in his stead. And Shaul 

50 died, and Baal-hanan, son of Hakbor, reigned in his stead. And Baal-hanan 
died, and Hadad a reigned in his stead; and the name of his city was Fahi; 
and the name of his wife was Mehetabel, daughter of Matred, daughter of 

51 Mezahab. And Hadad died; and the dukes of 'Edom were: the duke of 

52 Timnah, duke of Aljah, 10 duke of Jetheth. Duke of Oholibamah, duke of 

53 Elah, duke of Pinon. Duke of Kenaz, duke of Teman, duke of Mibzar. 
54- Duke of Magdiel, duke of Hiram : these are the dukes of Edom. 







1 nD"H is certainly an error of the pen for nB'H, Oen. x. 8, which is found here in many mss. and editions, as well 

as in the Sept. and the Vulg. 

- D*3"n~l appears to be an error of the pen or an arbitrary amendment for D s J"l^i Gen x. 4, which many mss and 

older editions ptesent here also. But comp. ttie exposition. 

3 So (D^lv) the Keri in our passage, which, however, may rest on a confirmation with Gen. x. 13. The Kethib has 

D 11 *^?, a long plural form, which is to D ,fc lv as in English Lydian would be to Lydan, or as in nebrew D ss w>3, 

Vm ix 12,to D^ii'lS, 2 Chron. xxi. 8. 

* On 7|l"D instead of E'D, Gen. x 2.3, see the Commentary 

5 Instead of Aljan (]vj?) many mss. liavc A'van (jvj?)* in accordance with Gen. xxxvi. 23. 

6 For 'QC' some mss. have IDC", as in Gen. xxxvi. 23. So in ver. 36, where the name 'BX is in a number of Mas. 
changed into 1BV, as in Gen. xxxvi. 11. 

1 For pftH a considerable number of MS8. have pDIl, as in Gen. xxxvi. 26. 

8 For the Kethib ni 5 J? the Ken has JV1J?, as in Gen. xxxvi. 35. 

9 For nn sotne mss. read "Hi"!, which is the usual reading in Gen. xxxvi. 39, while there also several mss. present 
1*in. Hadad's city ^B, which, in the same parallel, is }yB, some good codices here also change into ^B. 

10 For HvV the Keri gives HvV, according to Gen. xxxvi. 40. 


Pkfliminary Remap.k. — The whole of these 
patriarchal forefathers of the house of David down 
to Israel and Edom, sons of Isaac, appear to be 
divided into two nearly equal parts, to the second 
of which ia added an appendix nn the descend- 
ants of Edom till the times of David. The first 
part, vers. 1-23, enumerates the 10 antediluvian 
patriarchs from Adam to Noah, the 3 sons of 
Noah, and the 70 nations descending from them 
(on this number 70, see the Remark under ver. 
23). In the second part, vers. 24-42, are given the 
10 generations from Shem to Abraham, the sons of 
Abraham by Hagar, JKeturah, and Sarah, and the 

stocks derived from them, which again amount to 
70 (see under ver. 42). The appendix, vers. 43-54, 
mentions the kings of the Edomites before David, 
that are also given in Gen. xxxvi., as well as the 
11 there named dukes of Edoru. In all these 
genealogical and ethnological statements the 
author adheres closely to the matter, and where 
lie does not merely abbreviate, as several times in 
the second part, and partly also in the appendix, 
even to the words of Genesis, of which ch. v. 
and x. (the table of nations) serve him till ver. 
23, and ch. ii. , xxv., xxxvi. till the end as 
sources and models. He reports in the briefest 
manner concerning tin- patriarchs before Noah, 
and concerning Noah himself, and his sons (vers. 

UHAP. I. l-:'3. 


1-4), of whom he merely gives the names, U> in 
number, without even remarking that the first 
10 of tliesc names denote successive generations 
and the last 3 brothers. He might certainly 
presuppose in his readers sufficient Knowledge of 
the relations of these holy and venerable names 
from the earl est foretime. He knew that to 
•.hem as well as to himself belonged " the 
faculty to perceive in all these names the indica- 
tions and foundations of a rich ancient history" 
(Berth.). And it was scarcely otherwise with 
the names of the following series, reaching further 
into the more known history, which he also livings 
together in a brief and bare report. Keen where 
we are unable to perceive the historical import- 
ance of the prominent names, and the grounds 
on which they must have been of interest to 
every pious Israelite, the fact of such importance 
is to be presumed in every case, and for every 
single name. Comp. Ewald, Qesch. d. Koikes 
Israel, '2d edit. i. 479: "These dry names from 
i hoary antiquity, when we know how to awaken 
tht-m from their sleep, do not remain so dead and 
stiff, but announce and revive the most impor- 
tant traditions of the ancient nations and families, 
like the petrifactions and mountain strata of the 
earth, which, rightly questioned, tell the history 
of long vanished ages."' 

j I. The Patriarchs he/ore Noah, the three Sons 
of Xoa h, and the (70) Nations descending 
from them : vers. 1-23. 

1. From Adam to Noah's Sons: vers. 1-4. — On 
the stringing together of the bare names, wit In ml 
any explanation, see Preliminary Remark. The 
uames are all taken from Gen. v. : the rich eon- 
tents of this oldest genealogy of primeval history 
is here reduced to the shortest possible form of an 
abstract. For the conjectural etymology of the 
several names (Adam = man ; Sheth = substi- 
tute; Enosh = weak, frail man; Kenan— gain 
or gainful, etc.), see vol. i. p. 121 f. of the Bibel- 
uvrk. — The older of the names of tile three sons 
of Noah is Shem, Ham, anil .Tapheth ; as always 
in Genesis also, though Ham (Gen. ix. 24) was the 
youngest of the three. Comp. our Introductory 
Remarks on the prophet 1 aniel (Bibelwerk, part 
xiii. p. lit. where it is made probable that this 
order, like that of the names Noah, Daniel, and 
Joab (in Ezekiel), depends on euphonic principles 

so Delitzsch, Komm. fiber die Gents., 4th edit. 
1872, p. 233) 

2. From Noah's Sons to Abralmm ; the Table of 
Nations: vers. 5-23. — This abstract from tin- 
Mosaic table of nations Gen. x. lias abridged 
mis larger genealogical ethnographic account to 
• he present narrow limits, chiefly by omitting the 
opening and closing notes, and passing over the 
remarks on the kingdom of Ninirod at Mabel, and 
the spread of the Shemites and Hamitcs in their 
countries (vers. 5, 9-12, 18-20). Here, again, 
there is that abbreviating and condensing process 
which is characteristic of the author. For the 
ethnological and geographical import of the 

1 Comp. also Wellhausen, De gentibus ttfam. Judxis, etc., 
p. 4. where, with respect to the genealogical lists In the 
beginning of Chronicles, it is well remarked- Q">> fit ut 
Xemztcrii quasi ffpecieni nobis pixbeant b:vc capita cipporum 
vleni: futt mtas, eui braes suffecere tituh ad resvscitandam 
sfj'uuor'im memoriam;—intcr}ectis wxu u nedum millenniis, 
legvntur titu/i, sed quo referantur, quid tibi re/in/, nesi-tlur. 

several names, comp. the commentary mi Genesis 
by the editor (vol. i. p. 171 of the Bibelwerk), 
and the monographs on the table of nations there 

a. The Japheihitts: vers. 5-7.— The names ..; 
tin- descendants of Japheth, 14 in number (7 sons 
ami 7 grandsons), open the series in Gen. x. o! 
stems and nations to be enumerated, perhaps 
because they represented the strongest and most 
widely-spread body (Japheth = " enlarging," Gen. 
ix. 271, scarcely because he passed I'm- tin- first- 
born of Noah; for Shem, who is always placed 

before Japheth, even when only the twi named 

together, is to be regarded as such ; see especially 
the decisive passages, Gen. ix. 23, 26 (against 
Starke, Bertheau, etc.). [These texts arc not 
decisive; and Shem was born in the 503d year 
of Noah, Gen. xi. 11, ami therefore two years at 
hast alter Japheth, Gen. v. 32.- .1. G. M.]— The 
view recently again maintained with ingenuity 
and learning by J. G. Mtiller {Die Semiten in 
ihrem Verhaltniss zu Chamiten m,d Japhetiten, 
Gotha 1872), that the so-called Shemites are 
nothing but Japhethites or Indogermans Hanii- 
tized in language, is in any case at variance with 
the Biblical genealogy of the sons of Noah, 
whether Shem or Japheth be the fust-born. — Ver. 
I). Riphaih. This form, rejected by the Masoretes 
in favour of the probably erroneous (resting on an 
old clerical error) T\r?r\, has not only the weight 

of so old witnesses as the Sept. and Vulg. for it 
(see the Crit. Note on ver. 6), but also the cir- 
cumstance that plausible ethnographic explana- 
tions can be adduced for Riphath, but not for 
Diphath; comp. the narne'Pi^a™oo/= naQXuyh* 
in Joseph. Anti/j. i. 6, and the hn 'Pi'srou*, on tl 
ground of which Knobel has attempted to show 
in Riphath the ancestor of the Kelts (against 
which the Jfaphlagonian cities Tibia and Tobata 
[Moehart, Qeogr. Sacra, p. 198 seq.], produced 
by the ancients in defence of the reading HD'"!, 

cannot, from their smallness and insignificance, 
be taken into account). — Ver. 7. Tarshishali 
(nc ;, ^'"IIl), a later form for r'C'in, which is 
usual in Gen. (x. 4) and elsewhere in the 0. T. 
(also 2 Chron. ix. 21, xx. 36), the ah of motion 
having in this form melted into one word with 
the name itself. ""With this are to be compared 
the modern Greek names, obta ned by the wearing 
away of the proposition si',- and the article, Stali- 
mene = Lemnos, Stambul = (Konstantino)polis, 
Satines = Athens, Stanko = Kos," etc. (Berth.). 
— Rodanim, D'jlil; many transcribers and older 

editors wish to change this into the D^-pl of Gen. 

x. 4, although even there some old authorities 
< Sam. , Sept., Jerome, Qucest. in '•'< ». I read D'Olll- 

The decision is difficult, because, on the one hand, 
Knobel's reference of Dodanim to the Dardani is 
verbally doubtful; on the other hand, the Rhodians 
( = Rodanim) appear too unimportant a part of 
the Hellenic race to be put on the same footing 
with /Eolians ( = Elishahl, Etruscans ( = Tarshish i, 
and Cyprians or Karians ( = Kittim). And yet 
the placing of Kittim and Rodanim together, and 
the consideration that the sea trade of the Rho- 
dians might have become very important for 
such oriental nations as the Phoenicians and the 
Hebrews, appear to speak more for the rcwiir.g 
of our book than for the original (comp. Berth.). 



And if Dodanim were to pass for the original 
■orm, ami yet the application to the Dardani be 
untenable, the reference to Dodona would be 
internally still less probable than that to the 

b. Tin: 1 1 amit es : vers. 8-16. — Of these are 
named 4 sons, 24 grandsons, and 2 great-grand- 
sous, being 30 descendants in all Nimrod, ver. 
10, does not count among the grandsons, as he 
appears only as a famous individual (hero), not 
as a head or founder of a people (patriarch). His 
introduction, therefore, is different from that of 
those previously named, not by >)D (see vers. 5-9; 

and comp. Gen. x. 2-7), but by -p\ as Gen. x. 8, 

which verse is literally transcribed by the Chro- 
nist. By the formula : "lie began to be a hero on 
the earth," the nature and import of Nimrod 
arc briefly and pithily expressed, so that a re- 
petition of the further statements of Genesis con- 
cerning him (x. 9-12) is not necessary. Comp. 
as a parallel from the New Testament: S; to.) t«/>s- 

Swk'v avrav (or o Kui '?ra.pu$;v; ubrov), with which 

the evangelists are wont to characterize Judas 
Iscariot. — On D""W, ver. 11, see Critical Note. 

c. The Sht mites, particularly the non-Hebrews: 
vers. 17-23. — Of them are named in all 23 mem- 
bers, namely (as the parallel passage Gen. x. 23 
more exactly shows), 5 sons, 5 grandsons, and 16 
other descendants. That in ver. 17 the names 
Uz, Hnl, Gether, Meshech, which properly denote 
grandsons of Shem by Aram, are appended at 
once to the 5 sons of Shem (so that they appear 
to be his sons, and thus the number of his sons 
would be 9, and that of his grandsons only 1), 
is a circumstance sufficiently explained, as the 
similar case in ver. 4 of Noah's sons : the author 
presumed the relation of the 4 as sons to Aran? 
to be sufficiently known, and therefore thought it 
unnecessary to repeat the words mx "331 before 

HJ? from Gen. x. 23. Less probable is the sup- 
position that the words in question fell out by 
a mistake of the copyist, or that the Chronist, 
deviating from the Pentateuch, really took the 
nations tJz, Hul, Gether, and Meshech to he sons, 
not grandsons, of Shem (as Knobel, VSUcertafel, p. 
252). — Moreover, almost all manuscripts give the 
last name in ver. 17 TC'D; on h' a f ew conform to 
the reading in Genesis (cis), for which also the 
Sept. there presents m<ri x = *p»'e ; and so might 

the Chronist have read in the text of Genesis. It is 
also in favour of Meshech being the original name, 
that Mash as a national name is quite unknown, 
while Meshech occurs as the name of a Shemite or 
Arabic tribe along with Kedar in Ps. cxx. 5. — 

Ver. 22. Ebal, *pyy, is called in the parallel 

G?n. x. 28 rather Obal, ^Qij); yet the Sept. seems 

to have read ^ZJiy, for it gives the name as EiVa. 

Crimp, the similar but reverse case of Homam 
( = Hemam) under ver. 39.— The 14 descendants 
of Japheth, 30 of Ham, and 26 of Shem, amount, 
to 70 nations descended from Noah. This num- 
ber the author intended to bring out; for with 
him, or before him, other Jewish expositors 
might have discovered the symbolic number 70 
in the Mosaic table of nations (it may, in fact, be 
gathered from it ; comp. J. Fiirst, Oesch, der bibl. 

Liter, und den jihliscli-hellnischen Schriftlhums. 
i. p. 119); and this number of the nations of th( 
globe, occasionally enlarged to 72, plays other- 
wise an important part in the Jewish circle of 
thought. This is shown by its frequent mention 
in the Talmud, and its occurrence in the Gnosti 
writings and the Pseudo-Clementine (Seeogn. ii. 
42). To this belong also such biblical passages 
as Num. xi. 16 and Luke x. 1 ft'. ; for the 70 
elders Appointed by Moses in the wilderness (with 
the 70 members of the Jewish Sanhe irin on this 
model), as well as the 70 disciples chosen by 
Jesus, appear to be due to a symbolic reference 
to the 70 nations of the globe (comp. Godet, 
Commentaire svr I'ivamjik de Luc, 1870, ii. p. 
21). And there is actually a deeper sense in the 
view, that the total number of the nations of the 
earth is = the sacred ideal number 7n (7 x 10, the 
humanly complete, elevated and multiplied by 
the power of the Divine Spirit : comj). my Theol. 
naturalis, i. p. 716). And why should we not 
have as good a right, in the popular phraseology 
of Hebrew antiquity, to speak of the " 70 nations 
of the world," as of the 4 winds, the 4 quarters of 
heaven, the 12 signs of the zodiac, without utter- 
ing anything untrue or against nature, though 
such expressions may have no exact scientific 
basis ? There seems then to be no reason to 
hesitate, from a dogmatic-apologetic point of view, 
to acknowledge that the number 70 was intended 
by the author to apply to the descendants of 
Noah. The only thing that can be said against 
it is, the absence of an express intimation, such 
as Matthew gives at the close of his genealogy of 
Jesus, in the form of a recapitulation of the several 
groups of numbers (i. 17). Yet the pedigree by 
Luke (iii. 23-38) wants also sueli a recapitula- 
tion, though its symbolic construction out of 
77 = 7 x 11 members is no less certain than that 
of Matthew. If Keil objects to our view, which 
is that of almost all recent expositors, that tin- 
number 70 is only obtained by making, "in the 
sons of Shem, the personal names Arpakshad, 
Shelab, Heber, Peleg, and Joktan to be names of 
nations, contrary to the view of Genesis, in which 
the five names denote persons, the ancestors of 
the nations descending from Heber through Peleg 
and Joktan," this refutes nothing. For the num- 
ber 70 is obtained throughout, and not merely in 
the case of Arpakshad, etc., by the addition of all 
names, those of the patriarchs, wdio only became 
nations in their sons, as well as these sons them- 
selves, and their descendants. In other words, it 
is quite reasonable, and corresponds entirely with 
the spirit and method of the genealogizing ethno- 
graphy of the Hebrews, to regard all higher or 
lower members of old pedigrees as in abstracfo 
equivalent factors and representatives of definite 
co-ordinate races in the subsequent history, 
though this view may be in concreto impractic- 
able. Comp., moreover, the evangelical - ethical 
principles under ch. ix. 

§ II. The Patriarchs from Shem to Abraham, 
and the Descendants of the latter through 
Ishmael, Keturah, Edo'm (70 ste7ns in all): 
vers. 24-42. 

1. From Shem to Abraham : vers. 24-27.— The 
10 members of this line are exactly coincident 
with Gen. xi. 10-32, though with the omis«ion of 

CHAP. I. 26-37 

all historical details. And the Chronist follows 
the genealogical account of the Masoretic text, 
which represents Abraham himself as the tenth 
of the line, not that of the Sept., which inserts a 
Kenan (KaiVSir) between Arpakshad and Shelah, 
thus following a tradition that regarded Terah, 
the father of Abraham, as the tenth from Shem. 
Bertheau (in the annual report of the "Deutsche 
Morgenl. Gesellschaft," 1845-46) lias attempted 
in make it probable that ihis tradition was the 

older, and that the name pip stood originally in 

the text of Genesis. — Ver. 27. Abram, perhaps 
for the sake of brevity, and to avoid all needless 
accumulation of names, afterwards (from Gen. 
xvii. 5) Abraham, in which the author, in his 
brief manner, notices the change of name, is 
alone named as a son of Terah, Nahor and llaran 
and their posterity being omitted. 

2. Abraham's Sons and their Descendants : vers. 
28-34.— They fall, like those of Noah and Terah, 
into three stocks or branches under [shmael, 
Keturah, and Isaac. The Chronist places the 
former groups first, because, like the genealogists 
in the primeval history, he wished first to enu- 
merate the remote stocks, and then to take up 
the people of God. The same process from with- 
out to within placed the genealogy of the 
Japhethites and Hamites befor? the Shemites, 
and determines, further, that of Isaac's posterity 
the Edomite branch is first treated, and then the 

a. Ishmaeland his Twelve. Sons : vers. 29-31. — 
The twelve names agree exactly with the list in 
Gen. xxv 12-16, with respect to the order as 

well as the words. And the introductory n?X 
nn^in, ver. 29, the predicate 1133, "the first- 
born" before Ishmael (comp. Gen. xxv. 13), and 
the closing formula, "These are the sons of lsh- 
mael " (ver. 31; comp. Gen. xxv. 10), show how 
closely the author adheres to the Mosaic record. 
The designation of Ishmael as the " first-born " 
is only to be explained by this faithful adherence 
to the original, not by the wish of the author to 
justify his placing the Ishmaelites before the 
descendants of Israel (as Bertheau seems to 
think) ; for this position needed no justification, 
because it necessarily followed from the genea- 
logical method of our author (see on ver. 28). 
[In our author's version of ver. 29, "the first- 
born " is made to refer to Nebaioth, and not. to 
Ishmael, as above. This seems to be correct. — 
J. G. M.] 

b. The Descendants of Keturah: vers. 32, 33. — 
The six sons and seven grandsons of Abraham by 
Keturah are not given literally as in Gen. xxv. 
1-4. On the contrary, the Chronist has left out 
three great-grandsons there named — Asshurim, 
Letushim, and Leummim, descendants of Dedan 
— whether intentionally, on account of the plural 
form of the names, or because he did not find 
them in his copy of Genesis, must remain un- 
determined. That Medan and Midian, ver. 32, 
are only different pronunciations of the same 
name (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36), the number of 
the sons of Keturah was originally and properly 
five, and the total number of her descendants 
only twelve, is an arbitrary conjecture of Ber- 
theau, while pushing too far the endeavour to 
find certain symbolic numbers everywhere. 

c. 'Tin: Two Sons "/ Isaac, Usav, and Israt I, 
urn/ tin Descendants of the former : vers. 34-42. 
— And Abraham begat Isaac. This notice, I I- 

ing back to the statement in ver. 28, appears 
occasioned by Gen. xxv. 19, where the same 

words (only with T^in lor "Pi'l) occur imme- 
diately after the enumeration of the sons "f 
Keturah. This reference to Abraham was not in 
itself necessary here; but eonip. also the refer- 
ence to Shem above in ver. 24. — Ver. 25. Esau's 
sons, enumerated exactly alter Gen. xxxvi. 4, i> 
(though without naming their mothers, the 
three wives of Esau), n in general the author 
henceforth reports very closely from Gen. xxxvi., 
following which also he annexes the Sciriles or 
aborigines of Idumsea to the proper Edoroites, and 
treats both as belonging to one and tie- same 
family of nations. — Ver. 36. Sons of Eliphaz. 
These, five in number, are given exactly as in 
Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; for the name of the third, Zephi, 
is only a by-form of Zepho, as in ver. 40 a 
Shephi appears in place of the Shepho, Gen. 
xxxvi. 23 ; comp. the Crit. Remark. But if the 
names Timnah and Amalek are annexed, ap- 
parently as sons of Eliphaz, this is piobablv a 
similar breviloquence to that in vers. 4 and 17 ; 
the author presumes it sufficiently known tc his 
readers, that Timnah, Amalek's mother, was not 
a son, but rather a concubine of Eliphaz (another 
wife besides Adah, the mother of those five sons 
first named) ; comp. Gen. xxxvi. 12. So have the 
Sept. (in the cod. Alex.) and numerous older 
Jewish and Christian expositors solved the diffi- 
culty, and of the moderns, J. 11. Michaelis, 
Starke, Keil, etc.; whereas Bertheau, having re- 
gard to vers. 39 and 51, where actually a separate 
stem and then a stem-prince Timnah are counted. 
prefers to assume that "the Chronist, interpreting 
the genealogical language, and perceiving in the 
family names the stem-relations that lie at their 
root, has explained the statements of Genesis 
concerning Timnah, so that by them the con- 
nection of two stems Timnah and Amalek with 
the other stems of Eliphaz shall be indicated, and 
they are accordingly counted in the same line 
with these stems as sons of Eliphaz." This 
assumption seems to us too artificial, ami ascribes 
to the Chronist a higher degree of bold indepen- 
dence and wilfulness in his operations than is 
admissible or consistent with his evident piety 
and conscientiousness in recording the facts of 
primeval history that were handed down to him. 
— Ver. 37. Sims of Reael. These are entered 
four in number, exactly as in Gen. xxxvi. 13. 
There are thus in all 10 grandsons (6 sons of 
Eliphaz and 4 cf Reuel) who are assigned by our 
author to Esau, and who. with the three sons of 
Jeush, Jalam, and Korah (sons of Oholibamah), 
form the 13 family or stem chiefs (fAxf^Ki, Sept. 
Gen. xxxvi. 15) of the Edoniites. Against Ber- 
theau, who would here make out a 12 from the 
13 families, by reducing Amalek, ver. 36. to a 
secondary place, comp. Keil, p. 36: "Neither 
Chronicles nor Genesis knows 12 tribes of Edom, 
but both books give 13 grandsons (rather de- 
scendants) of Esau ; and these 13 grandsons 
are, by the report of Genesis, the 13 phylarchs 
of Edom which are distributed among the 3 
wives of Esau, so that the 13 families may In- 
reduced to 3 stems. And in Genesis. Amalek is 
not placed in a looser connection with the re- 



maining tribes, but on the contrary, is not only, 
ver. 12, counted with the sons of Adah, perhaps 
because Timnali stood to Adah, the wife of Esau, 
in the some relation as Hagar to Sarah, but also 
in ver. 16 is reckoned to the dukes of the sons of 
Eliphax Thus Genesis counts not 5, but 6 stems 
of Eliphaz ; and Chronicles has not fully effaced the 
number 12, as Bertheau further asserts, but the 
13 sons and grandsons of Esau, who became 
phylarchs, are fully entered, and only their 

d isignation as ifcy 133 'EBjJN ic 'ft ou t. because 

unnecessary for the genealogy of the descendants 
of Esau. ''—Vers. 38-42. The 7 sons of Seir and 
their descendants, or the (mingled since Esau's 
invasion with his descendants) Seirite or Horite 
aborigines of Idumaea according to their tribes. 
These aborigines of the mountains of Edom, 
though not of Abrahamic descent, yet, from their 
gradually formed connection and intermingling 
with the descendants of Esau, are so reckoned as 
if they belonged to the Edomite family of nations. 
And this occurs not only here in Chronicles, 
where they are introduced as ■VJ?E> '33, but also 
in Gen. xxx. 20-30, where they are called i-)n, 

'"dwellers in caves, Troglodytes." Comp. also on 
these Horites, our exp. of the book of Job, vol. 
x. of the Bibelw. p. 238. — The names of the seven 
sons }f Seir, that is, the seven Seirite chiefs, agree 
exactly with Genesis ; and likewise their descen- 
dants, in number 18 men and 1 woman, Timnah, 
ver. 39. Only Oholibamah, a second Seiritess 
named in Gen. xxxvi. 25, lias been passed over 
by the Chronist, according to his wont in general 
to reckon only male members in his genealogical 
lists. On the deviations of some forms from the 
text of Genesis, as Homam, ver. 39, for Heinam; 
Aljau, ver. 40, for Alwan, etc., see Grit. Note. — 
The total names enumerated from Abraham 
amount to about 70, whether the two Timnahs, 
the mother of Amalek, ver. 36, and the sister of 
Lotan, ver. 39, or the Edomite and the Seirite 
Timuah be included, in which case there are 
exactly 70, or both or one of them be excluded 
from the number, and so then be only 08 or 69. Ber- 
theau (whom Kaiuphausen, in Bunsen's Bibelw., 
follows), counting in the former way, finds 12 
lescendants of Esau, 13 of Keturah, 2 of Isaac, 
16 of Esau, and 27 of Seir, and so obtains the 
number 70 ; Keil, in the latter way, regards the 
Seirite Timnah as only mentioned by the way, 
and therefore excluded, and consequently reckons 
only 26 descendants of Seir, and in all, only 69 
deacen hints of Abraham. Though the latter be 
right in many of his objections to Bertheau's 
mode of reckoning (for instance, its exclusion of 
Ishmael, and inclusion of Esau and Israel), yet 
he certainly goes too far when he ctterly denies 
the design of the Chronist 1 1 fo.iow up his list of 
70 descendants of Noah wit the same number of 
those of Abraham. This design, though not 
carried out with mathematical exactness, and 
therefore not expressly mentioned here (any more 
than in ver. 5 ff. ), appears in fact to have had a dis- 
tinct influence on the selection and arrangement 
of his genealogical lists. The incidental agreement 
of the number in vers. 29-42 with that in vers. 5- 
23 shows this, just as the decade of the patriarchs 
between Noah and Abraham, in its agreement with 
that of the patriarchs before Noah (comp. vers. 
24-27 with vers. 1-4), points to design. 

Appendix. — The Edomite Kings and Chiefs till the 
bet/inning of Kingdom of Israel : vers. 43-54. 

1. The Kings: vers. 43-ola. — A nearly literal 
repetition from Gen. xxxvi. 31-39 ; only the words 

D1N3 7f?p»l (ver. 43) before ^3, and in ver. 51 

after pn ?1'2> the words ~li3DJT|2 are left out, 

which, however, many mss. here also supply. On 
the variants in Ajuth, ver. 46, and in Hadad and 
Pai, ver. 50, see Crit. Notes. — Ver. 51. And Jin- 
dad died. This statement (Tin fl?3 s l) is want- 
ing in the parallel texts of Genesis, where, after 
entering Hadad (or rather Hadar) as the last 

king, the formula niDC' H^NI serves to intro- 
duce the then following list of the phylarchs and 
their seats. By the sentence " and Hadad died," 
along with the following, "and there were" 
(Vn a l)> this list of phylarchs is here brought 

into a far closer connection with the foregoing 
register of kings than in Genesis, — into a connec- 
tion, indeed, which at first sight looks as if the 
Chronist intended to represent the dukes as suc- 
cessors of the kingdom terminated by Hadad's 
death, and so report a transition from the 
monarchic to the aristocratic form of government 
in Edom. This supposition, however, which 
Bertheau, Kamph., and others defend, is not 
absolutely necessary ; the 1 consec. in Vil'l "may 

express merely the order of thought ; that is, 
may connect the mention of the dukes only in 
thought with the enumeration of the kings, or 
intimate that besides the kings there were also 
dukes, who could govern the nation and country" 
(Keil). The latter supposition is the more pro- 
bable, as the following list is owing to a statistical 
and chronographic rather than a genealogical 
tendency, as will presently be shown. 

2. The Dukes: vers. 51-54. — This list agrees in 
the order and form of the 11 names given exactly 
fon the variant Aljah for Alwah, ver. 51, see 
Crit. Note) with Gen. xxxvi. 40-43. Yet it has 
received from the Chronist another superscription 
and subscription, of which the former runs thus : 
"and there were the dukes of Edom" ('S^S 
D11N instead of ijj'y 'x, Gen. xxxvi. 40, the 

name of the people and land taking the place of 
the n. propr. of the patriarch), and the latter: 
"these are the dukes of Edom " (for which that of 
Genesis is more circumstantial : "These are the 
dukes of Edom according to their habitations in 
the land of their possessions: this is Esau, the 
father of Edom"). And the list treats not so 
much of the enumeration of certain persons as of 
that of the seats of certain (perhaps hereditary) 
dukes of the nation or phylarchs, according to 
which they are briefly named, " the duke of Tim- 
nah," etc. The list has thus a geographical, not 
a genealogical import; it is a list of neighbouring 
principalities of Edom, not of Edomite princes. 
The number eleven of these principalities forms 
an approximative parallel with the number twelve 
of the tribes of Israel: it agrees also nearly with 
the number of the descendants of Esau above 
named (ver. 36 ff. ) : but it could only by violent 
means and arbitrary hypotheses be made to agree 
with this number, or reduced to the number twelve 
(comp. the remarks against Berth, on ver. 37). 

CHAP. II. 1-65. 

b. The Sons ok Israel, and the Generations of Judah down to David, with David's 
Descendants to Elioenai and his Seven Sons.— Ch. ii.-iv. 23. 

i The Twelve Sons of Israel and the Descendants of Judah: ch. ii. 1-41 (with an Appendix 
relating chiefly to the Posterity of Caleb: vers. 42-55). 

Oft. ii. 1. These are the sons of Israel : Reuben, Simeon (Shimon), Levi, and Judah, 

2 Issachar, and Zebulun. Dan, Joseph and Benjamin, Naphtali, Gad, and 

3 Assher. The sons of Judah: Er, and Onan, and Shelah ; three were bora to 
him of the daughter of Shnah, the Canaanitess ; but Er, the first-born of 

4- Judah, was evil in the eyes of the Lord, and He slew him. And Thamar his 

daughter-in-law hare him Perez and Zerah : all the sons of Judah were five. 

5, G The sons of Perez : Hezron and Hamul. And the sons of Zerah : Zimri, and 

7 Ethan, and Heman, Calcol, and Dara :' five of them in all. And the sons 
of Carmi : Achar, the troubler of Israel, who transgressed in the accursed 

8 thing. And the sons of Ethan : Azariah. 

9 And the sons of Hezron, that were bom to him : Jerahmeel, and Ram, and 

10 Celubai. And Earn begat Amminadab ; and Amminadab begat Nalishon, 

1 1 prince of the sons of Judah. And Nalishon begat Salma, and Salma begat 
12, 13 Boaz. And Boaz begat Obed, and Obed begat Jesse. And Jesse begat his 

14 first-born Eliab, and Abinadab the second, and Shima the third. Nathanae) 

15. 16 the fourth, Kaddai the fifth. Ozem the sixth, David the seventh. And their 

sisters, Zeruiah and Abigail : and the sons of Zeruiah : Abishai, and Joab, and 

1 7 Asahel. three. And Abigail bare Amasa ; and the father of Amasa was Jether 

tin- fshmaelite. 

18 And Caleb, son of Hezron, begat with Azubah his wife, 2 and with Jerioth ; 

19 and these are her sons : Jesher, and Shobab, and Ardon. And Azubah died ; 

20 and Caleb took to him Ephrath, and she bare him Hur. And Hur begat 
"21 Uri, and Uri begat Bezalel. And afterwards Hezron went in to the daughter 

of Machir, father of Gilead ; and he took her when he was sixty years old, 

22 and she bare him Segub. And Segub begat Jair, who had twenty and three 

23 cities in the land of Gilead. And Geshur and Aram took the towns of Jair 
from them, with Kenath and her daughters, sixty cities. All these are sons 

24 of Jair, the father of Gilead. And after the death of Hezron, in Caleb- 
ephrathah, Abiah, Hezron's wife, bare him Ashur (Ashchur), father of Tekoah. 

25 And the sons of Jerahmeel, the first-born of Hezron, were Ram, the first- 

26 born, and Bunah, and Oren, and Azem of Ahijah. And Jarahmeel bad another 

27 wife, and her name was Atarah ; she was the mother of Onam. And the 
sons or Ran, the first-born of Jerahmeel, were Maaz, and Jamin, and Eker. 

28 And the sons of Onam were Shammai and Jada ; and the sons of Shammai : 

29 Nadab and Abishur. And the name of Abishur's wife was Abihail, 8 and she 

30 bare him Ahban and Molid. And the sons of Nadab : Seled and Appaim ; 

31 and Seled died childless. And the sons of Appaim : Ishi ; and the sons of 

32 Ishi : Sheshan ; and the sons of Sheshan : Ahlai. And the. sons of Jada, 

33 brother of Shammai : Jether and Jonathan ; and Jether died childless. And 
the sons of Jonathan : Peleth and Zaza. These were the sons of Jerahmeel. 

34 And Sheshan had no sons, but only daughters. And Sheshan had an 

35 Egyptian servant, whose name was Jarha. And Sheshan gave his daughter to 

36 Jarha his servant to wife ; and she bare him Attai. And Attai begat Nathan, 

37 and Nathan begat Zabad. And Zabad begat Ephlal, and Ephlal begat Obed. 
38, 39 And Obed begat Jehu, and Jehu begat Azariah. And Azariah begat Helez, 

40 and Helez begat Elasah. And Elasah begat Sismai, and Sismai begat Shal- 

41 him. And Shallum begat Jekamiah, and Jekamiah begat Elishama. 

Appendix: Time Series of Descendants of Caleb: vers. 42-55. 

42 And the sons of Caleb, brother of Jerahmeel, were Mesha, his first-bom ; 
he was the father of Ziph; and the sons of Mareshah, the father of Hebron. 4 



43, 44 And the sons of Hebron : Korah, and Tappuah, and Rekern, and Shema. And 

45 Shema begat Raham, father of Jorkeam ; 5 ami Rekem begat Shammai. And 

the son of Shammai was Maon ; and Maon was father of Bethzur. 

46 And Ephah, Caleb's concubine, bare Hnran, and Moza, and Gazez : and 

47 Haran begat Gazez. And the sous of Jehdai : Regem, and Jotham, and Geshan, 

48 and Pelet, and Ephah, and Shaaph. Caleb's concubine Maacha bare 8 Sheber 

49 and Tirhanah. And she bare Shaaph the father of Madmannah. Sheva, 
father of Machbenah, and father of Gibeah ; and Caleb's daughter was Achsah. 

50 These were the sons of Caleb the son 7 of Hur, first-born of Ephrathah : 

51 Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim. Salma, father of Bethlehem, Hareph, father 

52 of Bethgader. And Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim, had sons: Haroeh, 

53 and the half of Menuhoth." And the families of Kiriath-jearim were the 
Ithrite, and the Puthite, and the Shumathite, and the Mishraite. From 

54 these came the Zorathite and the Eshtaolite. The sons of Salma: Bethlehem, 
and the Netophathite, Ataroth of the house of Joab, and half of the Mena- 

55 hathite, the Zorite. And the families of the scribes dwelling at Jabez were 
the Tirathites, Shimathites, Suchathites : these are the Kenites that came 
from Hammath, father of the house of Rechab. 

1 For iTH many M;s., as well as the Syr. and the Chald., give JJTR, as in 1 Kings v. 11. 

2 ilt^X (for which ini"M w «s to be expected) is wanting in two mss., according to de Rossi, Var. Led. — The Pesh. 
and Vug appeal- to have read flX iPw'X for HX) ilU'X- 

3 In ten J of ^)\-p3X a number of mss. and printed editions have Tnntf. The same vacillation is also found in 

2 Chron. xi. 18. hi the like-named wife of Rehoboam. 

* Instead of HuHD might possibly (after the proposal of Keil) be lead 1't^O, and instead of |)"Qn *2N rathei 

the iiom. composit. p^3n~*3X* Comp. the Exeg. Expl. 

s For DVpl 1 the Sept. exhibits 'IexXev; and so for the following Dpi- 
8 Instead of the unexpected masc. "I,^, some Mss. present the fern. H1?V 

* Instead of ""l^n~|3. the Sept. appears to have read "l}!!"''^. which is perhaps the original form. Comp. Exeg. Expl, 

* On the probably corrupt words mrUDil ^Tl mXIH, sec Exeg. 


Preliminary Remark. — The author here be- 
gins to enroll his detailed genealogies of the tribes 
of Israel, extending to the end of ch. viii. After 
pn raising a list of the 12 sons of Jacob as the 
general basis of the whole, vers. 1, 2, he begins 
witli the enumeration of the generations and 
families of the tribe of Judah, which he then pur- 
sues in ch. iii. and iv. 1-23, and completes in 
several parts. No order, regulated by definite 
historical, geographical, or any systematic prin- 
ciples, lies at the base of this enumeration ; he 
seems rather to have combined into a whole, as 
far as possible, the more or less fragmentary 
genealogies of certain brarehes and families of 
the house of Judah as they came down to him 
from antiquity; but this whole is very defective 
in the unity and homogeneity of its several parts. 
For of the five immediate descendants of Judah, 
thai founded the tribe of Judah by a numerous 
posterity, his three sons Shelah, Perez, and Zerah, 
and his two grandsons Hezron an 1 Hamul, only 
Zerah (ii. 6-8), Hezron (ii. 9 -iii.), and Shelah 
(iv. 21-23) have their genealogies given with any 
fulness; Hamul is entirely passed over, and Perez 
is only followed out in the line of Hezron. This 
line (under which the Chronist sums up all that 
was known of the descendants of Caleb and of the 
Jephunnite Calebites) is treated with special care 
and fulness : to it belongs the whole series of the 

descendants of David till the times after the 
captivity (ch. iii.), and at least the more ton 
siderable part of the genealogical fragments in 
cli. iv. 1-23, which serve as a supplement to ch. 
ii. 9-55, and of which it is often doubtful which 
of the members previously named they continue 
or supplement. 

1. The Twelvi Sims qf Israel: vers. 1,2. — These 
are given in an order deviating from Gen. xxxv. 
23 ft'., so that the 6 sons of Leah stand first, then 
the son of Rachel's maid, Dan ; after that the 2 
sons of Rachel, Joseph and Benjamin ; ami lastly, 
the 3 remaining sons of the maids (Naphtali, Bil- 
hah's son ; Gad and Asher, Zilpah's sons). This 
separation of Dan from his full brother Naphtali 
is surprising, and can hardly be satisfactorily ex- 
plained. For if we suppose that Rachel (see Gen. 
xxx. 3 ff.) regarded Dan, born of her maid Bilhah, 
as in a sense her own son, and so he is named 
before Joseph and Benjamin, yet still it is a 
question, why not also Naphtali, who was likewise 
born before her own sons. The procedure of the 
Chronist in regard to Dan is in several respectsenig- 
matical : comp. on ch. vii. 12. [It is probable that 
Naphtali was born about the same time with Gad, 
and is therefore classified with him. — J. G XI.] 

2. The Descendants of Judah : vers. 3 - 41. — - 
a. The 5 sons of Judah, the, 2 sons of Perez, and 
the descendants of Zerah : vers. 3-8. — Vers. 3, 4. 
The sons qf Judah, etc. The five sons of Judah, 
three legitimate, born of the daughter of Shuah 

CHAP. IF. 3-8. 


the Canaanite, Er, Onan, and Shelah, and two 
born in incest of Tamar, his daughter-in-law, 
Perez and Zerah, are given in accordance with 
Gen. xx.wiii.. and in the same order (comp. alBO 
Gen. xlvi. 12). The author recalls this his souri e 
by taking over word for word the remark on Er 
in Gen. xxxviii. 7: "But Er the first-born of 
Judah Was evil in the eyes of the Lord, and He 
slew him." — Ver. 5. The sons of Perez, etc. 
(Hezron, perhaps the "blooming, fair;" Hamul, 
the "lorgiven," or the "tender, weak;" comp, 
Bilr''w. i. p. 432). These occur in two registers 
of :'ie Pentateuch, the list of the children of 
lsnul who went down to Egypt with Jacob, 
Gen. xlvi. 12. and in that of the families of 
Judah in the Mosaic age, Num. xxvi. 21. — Vers. 
6-8. And the sons of Zerah. Five such are 
named : Zimri. Ethan, Heman, Calcol, and Dara. 
On tlie first of these names, which might possibly 
be wrongly written ('"lot f° r , "QT> Josh. vii. 1), 

see under ver. 7. The four following names, 
especially if we read for the last, Darda, with a 
great number of old witnesses (see Crit. Note), 
agree surprisingly with the four men compared 
with Solomon in 1 Kings v. 11 : Ethan the Ez- 
rahite, and Heman, and Calcol, and Darda, the 
the sons of Mahol. The assumption of an iden- 
tity of tl ese four wise men with the four younger 
sons of Zerah is very natural; it has been already 

isserted by Grotius, Clericus, Lightfool (Chronol. 

V. T. p. 241, Hiller (Onom. Sacr.), and others, 
and recently by Movers (p. 237) and Bertheau, 
who insisted on the circumstance, that in 1 
Kings v. 11 contemporaries of Solomon were 
not intended (no more than in Ezra xiv. 14, 
xviii. 20, contemporaries of Daniel); further, on 
the probable identity of Zerah with Ezrah the 
father of Ethan mentioned in 1 Kings v. 11 
(rnt = mfX) ; and lastly, on the statement of the 

Rabbinical book Seder Olam, which says (p. 52, 
ed. Meyer) of the sons of Zerah named in our 
passage; "These were prophets who prophesied 
in Egypt," and thus appears to confirm expressly 
their being of the class of Hakamim. But the 
argument raised of late, especially by Hengsten- 
berg (Beitrage zur EM. ii. 61 1'., and on l's. 
lxxxviii.), Keil (Apol. Vers. p. 164 ff. ; comp. 
Comment, p. 3° ff. |, as well as Bahr (on 1 Kings 
v. 1], Bibelw. vii. p. 301, against the identity of 
these persons, seems to be more weighty and de- 
cisive. For, 1. The variant "Darda" for "Darn" 
in our passage, however old, appears clearly to 
have arisen from the endeavour to harmonize ; 
2. To this endeavour the notice in the Seder 
Olam owes its origin ; 3. That at least near 
contemporaries of Solomon are named in 1 Kings 
v. follows from the manifest and undeniable 
identity of Ethan the Ezrahite with the so-named 
composer of Ps. lxxxix., and from the very pro- 
bable identity of Heman with " Heman the 
Ezrahite," the composer of Ps. lxxxviii ; 4. If 
the Ethan and Heman of 1 Kings v. 11 be iden- 
tical with the composers of these Psalms, they 
are also probably to lie regarded as Levites of the 
family of the sons of Korah (see the supcrscr. of 
these Psalms i. who are in 1 Chron. XV., xvii , ami 
xix. called masters of song, and belong not to 
the family of Judah, and might at the most have 
found admission into it as adoptive sons of Zerah 
(Hengstenberg, Beitrage zur Einl. ins A. T. ii. 
71), — an assumption, however, which is too arti- 

ficial ; 5. The express designation of Calcol n<! 

Darda in Kings as '-suns of Mahol" makes it 
difficult to assume their identity with the sons ol 
Zerah, as tie' latter musl be regarded not as im- 
mediate sons, hut lati i descendants of Zerah ; 

6. Of the pre-eminent wisd f the sons of 

Zerah, neither iln- canonical Old Testament nor 
the apocryphal literature has anyth ng ti> reporl : 
even such passages asjer. xlix. 7, Baruch iii. 22 If. 
are silent on the subject. The assumption of the 
identity of these with the names in l Kii 
can only be maintained on the presupposition 
that '331 in our passage means noi strictly SOUS, 

but later descendants of Zerah (so recently Keil, 
in Comment, p. 41). But this expedient has its 
difficulty, and by no means suffices to destroy the 
force of most of the arguments here adduced 
against the identity. We must therefore take 
the surprising coincidence of the names to be 
accidental, or assume with Movers (Chron. p. 
2371 that we have in the present passage the 
peculiar genealogical combination of a laterauthor. 
For the conjecture of Ewald, that Heman and 
Ethan, "the two great singers of the tribe of 
Judah, were taken by the Levitical music schools 
into their company and family, and therefore 
were afterwards (in the' superscriptions of Ps. 
lxxxviii. and lxxxix. ) reckoned to the tribe of 
Levi" (Oesck. d. I". Ixr. iii. 1, p. 84), is no less 
artificial than that of Hengstenberg. [But of 
these considerations, Nos. 1 and 2 contain a mere 
subjective assumption. No. 3 assumes, without 
necessity, that the Ethan of 1 Kings v. and the 
composer of Ps. lxxxix. are one, since two Ethans 
may descend from the one patriarch. No. 4 
assumes that the composers of Ps. lxxxviii. and 
Lxxxix. were Levites, whereas the epithet Ezrahite 
appears to be added expressly to distinguish them 
from the Levites of those names. No. 5 assumes 
that Mahol is a proper name, which remains to 
be proved. No. 6 assumes that the wisdom of 
Zerah's sons is not probable, because it is not 
elsew : here mentioned. This argument of itself 
has little if any weight. On the other hand, one 
motive to insert these sons of Zerah in the list 
was probably their occurrence in 1 Kings v., and 
the Chronist, according to his wont, is silent on 
their wisdom, for the sake of brevity, as it was 
elsewhere recorded. — J. G. M.] — Ver. 7. And 
the sons of Oarmi: Achar; that is, Achar was 
descended from Carmi. Comp. the oft-recurring 
use of the plural 133, where only one desci ndant 

is named (vers. 8, 30, 31, 42, and Gen. xlvi. 23). 
By Achar, as the addition, " the troubler of 
Israel" (~oy, properly "the troubled"), shows, 
is meant the Achan of the hook of Joshua 
(vii. 1 ff., xxii 20;, whose name must have been 
known to the author of this book in the by-form 
Achar, as he puts the valley of Aehor in etymo- 
logical connection with it (vii. 26, xv. 7). The 
link that connects Carmi, the father or anci stor 
of this Achar, with Zerah is wanting; but from 
Josh. vii. 1, where he is called a son of Zabdi, the 
son of Zerah, it is highly probable that he springs 
from Zimri, the first named of the sons of Zerah, 
whether Zimri in our passage be an error of the 
pen for Zabdi, or the reverse, or Zabdi be a son 
of Zimri, and thus several links of the series from 
Zerah to Achar have been omitted. On Carmi, 
comp. also eh. iv. 1 and Num. xxvi 6, where a 
family of Reuben bears the name —Ver. S And 



the sons of Ethan .• Azariah. This Etlianite 
Azariah is not otherwise known : no probable 
reason can be assumed why he only of the sons 
of Ethan is mentioned. 

b. The Descendants of Hezron ■■: vers. 9-41. — a. 
His three sons, ver. 9. — And the sons of Hezron 

that were born to him. The passive 1713 stands 

" for the indefinite active, so that the following 
accusatives with j-|X depend on the virtual notion 

of the active 'one bare him;' comp. Gen. iv. 

18, xxi. 5, xlvi. 20, and the sing. 17^3 in a 

similar position, 1 Chron. iii. 4, xxvi. 6" (Berth.). 
The name Kam is, in the New Testament genea- 
logies of Jesus, Matt. i. 3, 4, Luke iii. 33, Aram ; 
comp. Qi, Job xxxii. 2, with Q1X> Gen. xxii. 21. 

The name 13173 is undoubtedly a by-form of 373. 

ver. IS, or, as this name is written in iv. 11, of 

3173 : it is an adject, gentil., that stands to its 

atem 3573, as 131V. 1 Chron. vi. 11, to cpv> vi. 

20 (Ewald, Lehrb. § 164, c), or as in Greek 
Msn^a?!,- (the n. pr. of the well-known Persian 
Bectary) to Man;. Accordingly, the celebrated 
forelather of Bezaleel had of old three names — 
Caleb, Celub, the Celuban. Comp. underneath 
on ver. IS ft', and on ver. 40. The three here 
named, Jerahmeel, Ram, and Celubai, appear to 
have been actual sons or immediate descendants 
of Hezron, whereas the sons of Hezron afterwards 
appended, — Segub, ver. 21, and Ashur, ver. 24, — 
as they are co-ordinated with his later descen- 
dants, may possibly be sons in a wider sense. 
At all events, they did not belong to the aforesaid 
founders of the three celebrated lines id' Hezron- 
ites, which are analyzed in the following passage, 
though in an order different from the present 
enumeration, the family of Ram being placed 
first, and that of Jerahmeel transferred to the 
end (comp. on ver. IS). 

£. The family of Ram, as first of the three 
Hezrouite lines. His precedence is explained by 
the circumstance that the house of David sprang 
from him. The posterity of Ram is therefore 
carried down to David in seven members. The 
six members to Jesse, the father of David, are 
found also in the book of Ruth iv. 19-21 ; comp. 
the genealogies in Matt. i. and Luke iii. — Ver. 
10. Nahshon, prince of the sons of Judah. Tins 
distinguishing epithet, which is wanting in Ruth, 
points to Num. i. 7, ii. 3, vii. 12, where Nahshon 
is named as the prince of Judah at the exodus. 
As this date, according to the most probable in- 
terpretation of the number 430, Exod. xii. 40, is 
to be plaeed fully four centuries alter the time of 
Judah, several members must have fallen out 
between Hezron, the grandson of Judah, and 
Nahshon, as well as between Nahshon and Jesse, 
as the series Salma, Boaz, Obed, and Jesse is not 
sufficient to fill up the interval of 400 years be- 
tween Moses and David. [If the 430 years count 
from the call of Abraham, which has not yet been 
disproved, the exodus was only 210 years after 
the descent of Judah into Egypt, instead of four 
centuries. — J. G. M.] — Ver. 11. Salma. Instead 

'f KD?&> the book of Ruth has, iv. 20, nobb', 

but in the following verse p07C'i which has 

passed into the New Testament (Luke iii. 32, 
^aiuuv, and so Matt. i. 4, 5, where Luther has 
Salma). — Vers. 13-15. The seven sons of Jesse. 
According to 1 Sam. xvii. 12 (comp. eh. xvi. 6 ff.), 
Jesse had 8 sons, — a difference which is most 
easily explained by the supposition that one of 
the eight died without posterity, and therefore 
was not included by later genealogists. — His 
first-born Eliab. So is the eldest called in the 
books of Samuel ; on the contrary, in 1 Chron. 
xxvii. 18 the form Elihu appears to have come 
into the place of Eliab. The Peshito has in our 
passage S instead of 7 sons of Jesse, of whom it 
calls the seventh Elihu, the eighth David ; the 
first 6 agree with the Masoretic text. — And Shima 
tht third. The name KJ,0"'. occurring thus iii 

1 Chron. xx. 7, is in 2 Sam. xiii. 3 and xxi. 22 
in the Keri njJDi." ; on the contrary, in the 
Rethib of the latter passage ijJJX"', a "<I in Samuel 
(xvi. 6, xvii. 13) twice ns^ 1 . The latter is 
merely an abbreviated form of n]10'C'- — The 

names of the next three brothers occur nowhere 
else. — Vers, lb', 17. And their sisters, Zerniah 
anil A bigatt. Both sisters obtained great celebrity 
through their heroic sons, — Zerniah, as the mother 
of Abishai, Joab, and Asahel (1 Sam. xxvi. 0', 

2 Sam. ii. IS, iii. 39, vi. 16, etc.), who are always 
named alter their mother, never after their less 
celebrated father; Abigail, as mother of the com- 
mander Aniasa, who was involved in Absalom's 
rebellion (2 Sam. xvii. 25, xix. 14, xx. 10), whom 
she bare to Jether the Ishmaelite. This in< is 
called 2 Sam. xvii. 25 jon\ with the epithet 
'7>T-*' 5 1, lor which, according at least to our 
passage, the correct form is i")J(B5jkn ' ior the 
Israelitish descent of the man would have needed 
no distinct notice. Abigail herself appears, be- 
sides, according to 2 Sam. xvii. 25, as a daughter 
of Xaliash and sister of Zerniah, and therefore 
not a full, but only a half sister of David. 

y. Thefamily of Caleb, as second of the three 
Hezronite lines: vers. 18-24.— The question, how 
this first list of his descendants is related to the 
second in vers. 42-49, Wellhausen (p. 13 seq. ) 
has endeavoured to answer by regarding the 
Caleb in ver. 42 as corresponding to the Celubai 
in ver. 9, designating the order in which the 
special genealogies of the three Heziointe lines 
occurred, by the names Ram (ver. 10 ft".), Jerah- 
meel (ver. 25 ff.), and Caleb (ver. 42 If. 1, and con- 
sidering the genealogy of Caleb (vers. 18-24) as 
a later insertion, whereby the Chronist has dis- 
figured the original and norma] development of 
his genealogy of the Hezronites. He holds that, 
indeed, this insertion itself is again a conglo- 
merate of genealogical fragments of various origin, 
as appears most clearly from the reference of vers. 
21-23 to Hezron himself, the father of Caleb. ' 
Indeed, even vers. 10-17 are prohably an inter- 
polation, whereby the Chronist has endeavoured 
to extend the pedigree of the Hezronites originally 
beginning with Jerahmeel (" the first-born of Hez- 

1 •■. . . Qux ver. 18 sqq. hgunlur. e.r variis jonhbtis 
haiata <i Chronicogropho tltmum ei Charonteorum catalogo 
inifrposiin sun/, qui quasifundamtntum at t>>/i"s tfwtura 
hujus genealogtie" (f.c p. 18). — Comp. p IG: ". . . far-ajc 

sunt omnia (vers. 18-24), e* meris coi,(je>Ut friujn, emit." 

CHAP. II. 18-24. 


roll," ver. 25), on the basis of the book of Ruth, 
the Ram of which (Ruth iv. 19) appears to him 
as a sou of Hezvon and a brother of Jerahmeel 

and Caleb, whereas he is in truth, according to 
rer. 25, a son of Jerahmeel and grandson of Hezron. 
Accordingly, the old genealogical table before the 
Chronist had only two Hues of Hezronites (Jerah- 
meelites and Calebites), and his supplementing 
action had extended this register, so that lie first 
added a Ram sun of Hezron, with his posterity 
(vers. 10-17), different from Ram son of Jerahmeel, 
and then a second Caleb (vers. 18-24), witli many 
other descendants than those of the younger 
brother Jerahmeel, ver. 42 If. It cannot be denied 
that many reasons appear to recommend this bold 
hypothesis. It explains in a satisfactory way the 
circumstance that the first-born Jerahmeel, whose 
genealogy we should expect first, appears after 
those of his two younger brothers, and also the 
surprising duplication of the names Ram and 
Caleb. But the hypothesis comes short of abso- 
lute certainty in many points which require to be 
adduced for confirmation. And especially it still 
remains doubtful which of the different old tradi- 
tions concerning the descendants of the old prince 
of Judah, Caleb the companion of Joshua, whether 
that in ver. IS ff., or that in ver. 42 If., or that 
in iv. 11, 15 ff. , is to be pronounced the oldest 
and most trustworthy, and whether we are en- 
titled to reject for one of them all the others at 
once as totally untrustworthy, and containing no 
element of historical truth. If it were to be 
assumed that originally there were two persons 
of this name, a Caleb son of Hezron (ii., iv. 11 ff. ) 
and a Caleb sou of Jephunneh (iv. 15 ft'.), this 
duplication would warn us to be so much the 
more cautious in the reception or rejection of this 
or that one of the various traditions that are 
attached to these honourable names: the still 
greater complexity of the collective genealogies 
of Caleb would all the more favour the conjecture 
that each of the series referred to him must be 
accounted in the on" or the other way as authentic, 
as containing in itself elements of the genuine 
posterity of Caleb. — Ver. 18. Begat with Azubalt 

his wife. ]-|N T^in, either " begat witli " (as else- 
where p Tvin. ch. viii. S, 9) or "caused to bring 
forth" (comp. Isa. lxvi. 9). The following words, 
niyT'TINI H'l'X. appear to be corrupt. If we 

translate (with D. Kimchi, Piscat., Osiand., and 
others), " with Azubah, a wife, and with Jerioth," 
two things are strange : the indefinite designa- 
tion of Azubah as a wife, nt?N ('or which we 

should expect "his wife," int'Nb an( l the cir- 
cumstance that of the second wife no son is named. 
If we regard (with Hiller, J. D. Mich.) nsi as 

explicative, with Azubah a wife, that is, Jerioth, 
we establish a mode of expression which is without 
a parallel in our book. It is impossible to render 
"And Caleb begat Azubah and Jerioth" (B. 
Striegel). We must either hold HU'S> which is, 

moreover, wanting in two mss. (see Crit. Note', 
with Berth, and Kamph., as a marginal note that 
lias crept into the text, designed to prevent the 
translation '"begat Azubah," or adopt the reading 
of the 1'esh. and the Vulg., flN intTN, which 

irives the sense, "begat with Azubah his wife 

Jerioth, and these are her (Jerioth's) sons." The 
latter appears the most satisfactory (comp. Keil). 
The names of her three sons occur nowhere else 
in the Old Testament.— Ver. 19. And Azubah 
died, and Caleb took- to him Ephraih, namely, to 
wife. To this second wife of Caleb, whose name 
in ver. 50 (comp. iv. 4) is Ephrathah, belongs 
Hur, who is also mentioned Exod. xxxi. 2 as tht 
grandfather of Bezalel. By this we are scarcely 
to understand that Ephrathah was properly * name equivalent to Bethlehem (lien, xxxvi. 
16, 19 ; Micah v. 1), so that Hur would bo desig 
nated a descendant of Caleb, born at Bethlehem, 
or originating thence (an assumption to win.] 
liertlieau seems inclined). — On ver. 20, comp. 
Exod. xxxi, 2, xxxv. 30. — Ver. 21. Afterward) 
Hezron went in to the daughter of Machir. 
"Afterwards," inxi> that is, after the birth ot 

those three sons mentioned ver. 9, whose mother 
is not named. The whole notice, extending to 
ver. 24, of Hezron's descendants, born in his old 
age of the daughter of Machir the Gileadite, and 
of a son Ashur, born after his death of a third 
wife Abiah (ver. 24), is undoubtedly surprising, 
and unsuitable to the present place : the series of 
Hezron's sons and their descendants is thereby 
violently interrupted, and the above-mentioned 
interpolation theory of Wellhausen has in this 
case a very strong support. If we hold the pre- 
sent order to be original, we must assume, with 
Keil, that the here mentioned descendants of 
Hezron "were somehow more closely connected 
with the family of Caleb than with that of either 
Ram or Jerahmeel." On Machir the first-born of 
Manasseh, to whom Hoses gave the land of Gilead, 
comp. Gen. 1. 23 ; Num. xxxii. 40 ; Deut. iii. 15. 
As he is here and ver. 23 called " father of Gilead,' 
so is it said Num. xxvi. 29 that he begat Gilead 
' omp. Num. xxvii. 1, from which it follows that, 
by this paternal relation of Machir to Gilead, more 
must be meant than the bore notion of a descent 
of the lsraelitish population of Gilead from Ma- 
chir, and that there must have been a definite 
person, Gilead, son of Machir and grandfather of 
Zelophehad. By the designation father of Gilead, 
the present Machir is distinguished from later 
persons of the same name ; comp. 2 Sam. ix. 4, 
xvii. 27. — Ver. 22. And Segub begat Jair. This 
Jair, the grandson of Hezron through Segub, be- 
longed on the mother's side to the tribe of Ma- 
nasseh, and occurs therefore elsewhere, as Num. 
xxxii- 41, Deut. iii. 14. as a Manassite. His 
family, after the conquest of Og king of Bashan 
under Moses, received the territory of Argob, and 
gave to the conquered cities which Moses handed 
over to him the name Havvoth-Jair ("piO nin), 

"tent-villages of Jair," or "life of Jair" (comp. 
Num. xxxii. 41; Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 30; 
1 Kings iv. 13), with which designation the 
name "Judah on Jordan," Josh. xix. 34 (that 
is, the colony of Jews in Gilead east of the 
Jordan), is most probably identical ; comp. v. 
Raunier, Palcest. 4th edit. p. 233 ; Hengsteiib. 
Ge.tch. des Seichi Gottes im A. T. ii. p. 258 : 
Hoffm. Blicke in die frtihestt GescJi. des gelobien 
Landes, i. (1870) p. 114.— Ver. 23. And Oethur 
and Aram, the Geshurites and Aramaeans, which 
is scarcely a hendiadys for "the Aramaeans of 
Geshur," but rather points to an alliance of the 
Geshurites with the neighbouring Aramasaus. 
For Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37, xv. S) was a 



region in Aram or Syria, lying on the north-west 
horder of Bashan near Hermon and the eastern 
bank of the Jordan, that in David's time (eomp. 
on < ■ 1 1 . iii. 2) had a king of its own, and formed 
at that time an independent kingdom, not sub- 
ject to Israel, — in the opinion of Hitzig (Geech. :l. 
Voiles Israel, i. p. 2S ft'.), an Amorite kingdom of 
Ai'ian(') origin, though Moses in the distribution 
of the country had assigned it to Manasseh (Josh, 
xiii. 13; comp. xii. 5). — With Kenath and her 

daughters, sixty cities. So should the "i;n J"l3p~nx 

he most probably taken, as a farther district, 
besides the villages of Jair, which the Geshurites 
and Aramaeans took, and not as an explanatory 
apposition to these (comp. Berth.). For the 
preceding statement, that the villages of Jair 
amounted to twenty-three (ver. 22), is much too 
definite to allow it to be supposed that the now 
named sixty daughter towns of Kenath form an 
inexact repetition of the same designation. Much 
rather the difference of the two districts: "the 
villages of Jair " and the "daughters of Kenath," 
appears in the clearest manner from Num. xxxii. 
41, 42, according to which, of the two Manassites 
Jair and Nobah, the former conquered the " Hav- 
voth Jair," the latter the " Benoth Kenath." 
Only in their sura total were these places sixty in 
number, and only to this sum total does the pre- 
sent -|<y Q'E't? apply. Whether, therefore, the 

group of towns designated by "Kenath" (now 
Kanwat, on the western slope of Jebel Hainan) 
and her daughters numbered exactly thirty-seven 
towns (as Keil thinks), remains uncertain ; and 
the number sixty may very probably be a round 
number (comp. also Deut. iii. 12-14 ; Josh. xiii. 
30). On the time when the Geshurites and Ara- 
maeans took the sixty towns, nothing can be ascer- 
tained from our passage. Certain it is that the 
later Judge of Israel, Jair (Judg. x. 4), possessed 
again at least thirty of these towns under the 
name of Havvoth-Jair, which must have survived 
to still later times. AH these are sons of Jair, 
not the sixty towns, but the afore-mentioned 
Segub and Jair and their descendants and corre- 
latives. It may be conjectured that the genea- 
logical source used by the Chronist was originally 

more full, so that rfj)H ^3 referred not merely to 

these two names. — Ver. 24. And after the death 
of Hezron in Caleb-epArathah. This place, which 
does not elsewhere occur, might possibly be the 
same as Ephrathah or Bethlehem-ephrathah (sec 
on ver. 19) ; the name of Caleb's second wife 
Ephrath might be somehow connected with this 
her place of abode and death. " In 1 Sam. xxx. 
14 a part of the south of Judah is called ' Negeb 
Caleb,' because it belonged to the family of Caleb ; 
in analogy with which the town or place, in which 
Caleb and his wife Ephrath dwelt, might be called 
'Caleb of Ephrathah,' if Ephrath had brought it 
as a dowry to him, as in Josh. xv. 18 f. " (Keil). 
Or from the Negeb Caleb, as the southern part of 
Caleb's territory, 1 Sam. xxx. 14, "possibly the 
northern part might be distinguished by the more 
lelinite name 'Caleb of Ephrathah,' that is, of 
Bethlehem" (Berth.). None of these interpreta- 
tions of this obscure phrase is perfectly satisfac- 
tory ; ami there is therefore much plausibility in 
the emendation of Wellhausen, founded on a 
various reading presented by the Sept. (i*.h 

Xaxi/3 :,',- 'E^a^ = nri"iES 3^3 X3), "And aftei 
Hezron's death Caleb went to Ephrath, the wife 
of his father Hezron." Here for 3 is read X3 ; 

for nc'XI. D'."X : and for D'3X. V3X— * change 
which is certainly somewhat radical ; but the 
resulting sense is not improbable (comp. Gen. 
xxxv. 22). As the text stands, here is a third 
wife of Hezron, called Abiah (comp. vers. 9 and 
21), who bears to him "Ashur, father of Tekoa" 
(comp. iv. 5-7), as a fl. postumus after his death. 
This Ashur (whom Wellhausen is disposed to 
change into an mrr'^N. ; <nd to identify wit'i 

Hur, Caleb's son by Ephrath, ver. 19) is called 
father of Tekoa, as lord and chieftain of the 
town Tekoa, the home of the prophet Amos, 
two hours south of Bethlehem (comp. Josh. xv. 
59), where this place still exists under the name 
Tekua (comp. Robinson's Pal. ii. p. 4C6). 

3. The family of Jerahmeel, the third line of 
Hezron : vers. 25-41. — Of Jerahmeel (he whom 
God pities, whom He loves = 0iopiX«) the first- 
born of Hezron : ver. 9. As there was a negeb 
Caleb (ver. 24) and a negeb of the Kenites, so 
there was a negeb of the Jerahmeelites, 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 10; comp. xxx. 29. This is a proof of the 
strength and power of this line springing from 
the oldest Hezronites. — Bam the first-born. 
Wellhausen, perhaps without ground, takes this 
Ram to be originally identical with the Ram of 
ver. 10, the founder of the Ramite family, from 
which David sprang ; comp. on iv. 21. — And 
Bunah, and Oren, and Ozem of Ahijah. The 
last of these names, DTIK. should not apparently 

designate a fifth son of Jerahmeel, because in that 
case the 1 should not be wanting. It appears 
rather to be the name of the mother of the four 
sons, and a o before DTIX appears to have 

fallen out before the Q of the foregoing Di'Nl 

(comp. viii. 9). This conjecture, thrown out by 
Jun., Tremell. , Clericus, J. H. Mich., J. Lauge, 
and approved by all the moderns, appears the 
more probable, as in the following verse mention 
is made of a second wife of Jerahmeel, and the 
Syr. and the Sept. in our vei-se have reckoned 
only four sons, the latter rendering n s nx by 

iStXtpls xutcu. — Ver. 26. Atarah ; she iras the 
mother of Onam, whose family is traced out 
vers. 2S-33. The name moy appears to signify 

"crown," a name not unsuitable for a female, 
Prov. xxxi. 10. Yet it might signify "wall, 
fort," as the sing, of ni^oy, the city (comp. Num. 

xxxii. 3, 34 f. ; Josh. xvi. 5, 7, xviii. 13 ; and Well- 
hausen, p. 25). — Vers. 28-30. Onam's family 
continues itself in pairs of sons to Abishur and 
Nadab, his grandsons, and to their sons. On the 
name "Abihail," comp. Crit. Note. — Ver. 31. 
And the sons of Sheshan (descendants ; see on ver. 
7), Ahlai. This Ahlai must have been a daughter, 
not a son, of Sheshan, great-grandson of Nadab, 
ver. 29 ; for (ver. 34) Sheshan had no sons, but 
only daughters : Ahlai was therefore his heiress ; 
but whether the same daughter who (ver. 35) 
married the Egyptian Jarha must remain uncer- 
tain. The remark of Hiller (Onom. S. p. 786), 
therefore, on Sheshan : Quicquid habuit Hoerorum, 
s. nepotuin, sustulit ex unico. filia AcIUai, is not 

CHAP. II. 42-45. 


quite correct. — Ver. 33. These were the sons of 
./. rahmi 1 1. This subscription (going back to ver. 
25) includes 23 descendants of Jerahineel. It de- 
serves notice, that 23 descendants of Jerahn I, 

with the preceding descendants of Judah (from 
ver. 3), make up the sum of 70 members of the 
house of Judah, namely, sons of Judah, S ; of 
Perez, 2 ; of Zerah, S ; Carmi, Achar, and 
Azariah, 3 : Ram and his descendants (including 
the 2 daughters of Jesse, and Jether father of 
Amnsa), 21 ; Caleb and his descendants, 10 j and 
Jerahmcel and his descendants, 24. This new 
number 70 of the ancestors of the Jews, made 
out by Bertheau, loses weight ami certainty, be- 
cause it includes several females, against all 
genealogical rule reckons the father and mother 
of Amasa as two members, anil excludes the 13 
descendants of Sheshan, which sprang from the 
Egyptian servant Jarha (vers. 34-41), treating 
them as a mere offshoot (comp. Keil, p. 46). And 
would not the Chronist, if he had actually 
wished to represent the posterity of Judah, after 
the manner of that of his father Israel, Gen. 
xlvi. 26 f., as 70 souls, have overturned this 
reckoning again by his later additions, and 
especially tin- supplements given in iv. 1-23, and 
altogether effaced the impression made thereby ! 
Welihausen's interpolation theory, even if only 
approximately tine, by no means agrees with tins 
assumption of a tendency in the writer to sym- 
bolic numbers in bis enumerations in vers. 3-33. 
— Vers. 34-41. The family of Jarha, the Egyptian 
servant. This Jarha occurs nowhere else ; he 
may have served Sheshan during the sojourn of 
Israel in Egypt ; for the latter branched off from 
Judah in the ninth generation, and belonged thus 
to the time before Moses. Most of the old ex- 
positors, perhaps rightly, presume that Jarha, only 
after he was made a free man and a proselyte by 
Sheshan (comp. Ex. xxii. 20, xxiii. 9), married his 
daughter; comp. the law concerning intermar- 
riage between Israelites and Egyptians, Deut. 
xxiii. S ; also David's Egyptian servant, 1 Sam. 
xxx. 13 ft. Of the 13 here named descendants of 
Jarha. none occur elsewhere in the history of the 
Old Testament. Their names, indeed, recur 
several times, some of them, for example, in ch. 
iii. , among the descendants of David ; but it is 
not in the remotest degree probable that any of 
these belong to the list of the descendants of 

.1/7" in I'u to tin Genealogy of the House of Judah : 
Three Series of Descendants of Caleb, with 
Names elm fly of Geographical Import: vers. 

<r. The first series: Mesha's posterity: vers. 
42-45. — And the mns of Caleb, brother ofJi rah- 
meel. This introduction leaves no doubt that the 
same Caleb is meant as in ver. 18, and that tins 
is an appendix to his gsnealogy already communi- 
cated Mesha his first-born : In- was tin fattier 
lit Ziph. Though almost all the following names : 
Ziph, Mareshah, Hebron, appear to be local 
names, yet Mesha (j,'t: ;v C^ sounds decidedly like 

a personal name ; comp. the filoabitish king of 
this name, who has recently become celebrated by 
bis monument of victory (2 Kings iii. 4). As, on 
the other hand, Ziph (em) appears to be the town 

adjacent to Hebron which is mentioned Josh. 

xv. 55, the same I hat gave its name to the wilder- 
ness "i Zip], known to us from the history of 
David, 1 Sam. xxiii. 14 If., xxv. 2, and which 
Robinson has recognised (ii. 417 if.) in certain 
ruins on a hill south-east of Hebron, nothing if 

in natural than to perceive in Mesha the fathei 

of Ziph a lord or chieftain, or even the foundi r, 
of the town of Ziph (comp. on ver. 24), By Ziph 
might also be meant the place mentioned Josh. 
xv. 24, pretty far from Hebron in the plain 
(Shephelah) situated not tar from Alarash, the 
ancient Mareshah (so thinks Keil against Ber- 
theau). — And the sons of Mareshah tin fath* r o) 
Hebron. Mareshah is scarcely tin- name of that 
town mentioned Josh. xv. 44 and 2 Chron. xi. 8 
along with Ziph, which occurs in the times of the 
Maccabees and the Romans under the name oi 
Marissa, and is preserved m the ruins of Marash 
in the Shephelah, half an hour south of Beit- 
jibrin (v. Rauni. Pakest. 3d edit. p. 192 ; Robin- 
son, ii. 693 ; Tobler, Dritte Wanderung, pp. 129, 
142). The expression "father of Hebron" 
makes the reference to this town very im- 
probable ; for at no time is any dependence of 
the ancient Hebron (Num. xiii. 23) on that very 
remote Mareshah recorded. We must rather, as 
the reading of the Masoretic text now runs, re- 
gard Mareshah as tie* proper uame of some old 
tribe chief, and hold the Hebron signalized among 
his sons as most probably a person or tribe dis- 
tinct from the well-known city Hebron (comp. v. 

28 and Ex. vi. 18, where |iian ' s likewise a 

personal name). So, justly perhaps, Wellhausen 
and Keil, who is, moreover, disposed to ci 
the text corrupt, and proposes the following 
emendation (see Crit. Note): "and the sons of 
Mesha were Abi- Hebron. " This conjecture is 
supported by the analogy of such compounds as 
Abidan, Abiezer, Abinadab; the simple Hebron 
in v.t. 43 might very well be an abbreviated form 
of Abihebron (comp. En-tappuah, Josh. xvii. 7, 
with the shorter Tappuah, Josh. xvi. 8). [It is 
simpler and easier to regard Hebron as a person, 
named, if you will, alter a former Hebron. — J. 
G. M.] — Ver. 43. And the sons of Hebron: 
Korah, and Tappuah, and Sehem, and Shema. 
These four names also must rather be names of 
persons or tribes than of towns. Eor Korah and 
Shema occur only as personal names ; Reketp. 
once indeed as the name of a city, Josh, xviii. 27, 
but belonging to Benjamin, and" several times as 
a personal name : in Num. xxxi. 8 as the name 
of a Midianite prince ; and 1 Chron. vii. 18 as 
the name of a descendant of Manasseh. Only 
Tappuah ( " apple ") recurs merely as the name of 
a city (Josh. xii. 17, xv. 34, xvi. 8; comp. xvii. 
7), which, however, proves nothing for tin- case 
in point, and by no means establishes a reference 
to this or that so-called city. — Ver. 44. And 
Shema beyat Raltain, talker of Jurkeam. For 
□j)pT>, which occurs nowhere else, the Sept. 

exhibits 'I-x/.av ; whence Bertheau concludes that 
it was originally Ejnp , ) as in Josh. xv. 56. But 

thU name "Jokdcam' the Sept. renders by 
'lixluuft, and here it reads twice in succession 
'ltxXxii. It exhibits the same also for Dpi, and 

thereby obscures the original relation of the 
genealogical data in our passage ; some of the four 
sons of Hebron (ver. 43), first Shema and then 



the penultimate Rekem, have their genealogy 
traced. With Shammai the son of this Rekem 
comp. the so named persons aliove ver. 28 and 
below iv. 17, and also the celebrated leader of 
the Pharisees of this name, the antagonist of 
Hillel in the time of Jesus (Joseph. Anliq. xiv. 
9. 4). — Ver. 45. And Maon was father of Belli- 
Zur. Both Maon and Bethznr are cities in the 
hill country of Judea ; comp. for the former, 
which is now called Main, and is pointed out as 
a castle in ruins, with cisterns, etc., on a hill in 
Carmel south of Hebron, Josh. xv. 55 ; 1 Sam. 
xxiii. 24 f., xxv. 2 ; Robinson, ii. 421 ; for the 
latter, the site of which is to be sought north of 
Hebron on the road to Jerusalem, Josh. xv. 58 ; 2 
Chron. xi. 7 ; v. Raumer, Pal. p. 163. 'there 
is no decisive reason for excluding a reference to 
these places. Maon the son of Shammai may 
be regarded as the founder of the city so called 
(comp. Judg. x. 12, where Maon is the name of a 
non-lsraelitish tribe, along with Amalek and the 
Zidonians) ; Bethzur may then have been founded 
as a colony from Maon, a genetic relation, which 
is here expressed in a manner not quite usual by 
"father of Bethzur" (for above in vers. 24, 42, 
and below in vers. 60, 51, it is not descent of a 
colony from its mother city, but government of 
cities by their princes or lords, that is designated 
in this manner). 

6. The second series: posterity of Ephah and 
Maachah, the two concubines of Caleb : vers. 
46-49. — And Ephah, Caleb's concubine. The 

name nB^i occurring elsewhere (ver. 47 and i. 

83) as a man's name, seems here, where it desig- 
nates a secondary wife of Caleb, to point to a 
aon-Israelitish origin of its possessor, whether 
she be regarded as a person or a race. Of the 
latter opinion is Wellhausen, p. 12, who takes 
this non-lsraelitish yens mingling witli the C'aleb- 
ites to belong to Midian ; and on the contrary, the 
second concubine of Caleb, designated as Maachah, 
ver. 48, to be a gens belonging to Canaan. ■ Of the 
three sons of Ephah, Haran and Gazez are not 
otherwise known. The middle name Moza occurs 
Josh, xviii. 26 as the name of a city of Benjamin ; 
but this can scarcely be connected with the son of 
Caleb and Ephah. That Gazez (Sept. rfgwi) is 
first named as a third son, and then as a grand- 
son of Caleb, may be explained in two ways, — 
either so that the statement : "and Haran begat 
Gazez" (which is omitted in the Sept. ), be taken 
as a more exact addition to the foregoing mention 
of Gazez, or that there were really two descen- 
dants of Caleb of the same name, a son and a 
grandson (uncle and nephew; comp. ch. iii. 10). 
The former is the more probable assumption. 
-Ver. 47. And the sons of Jehdai. It is not 
clear how this Jehdai (''nn'') is genealogically 

connected with the foregoing. Hiller in the 
Onom. S. conjectures without ground that he 
was one and the same person with Moza, ver. 46 ; 
Jehdai might as well be a second concubine of 
Caleb. Of the six sons of Jehdai also, of whose 
names only some (Jotham ; comp. Shaaph, ver. 
49) occur elsewhere, we know nothing more. — 
Ver. 48. And Caleb's concubine Maachah bare 
Sheber and Tirlianah. Though this name nsyo 
occurs often (comp. iii. 2, vii. 16, viii. 29, xi. 43; 
also the nom. gentilic. irOj?Qn> 2 Kings xxv. 23 ; 

1 Chron. iv. 19), yet nothing certain can be era- 
jectured concerning its present bearer ; that she 
was a Canaanitess is a mere conjecture of Well- 
hausen. The two sons of Maachah occur nowhere 

else. The masc. -\~>> (for which some mss. have 

m?' ; see Crit. Note) m:iy arise from the writer 

thinking of the father, whom he does not name. 
— Ver. 49. And she bare (besides the two already 
mentioned) Shaaph, the father of Madinannah. 
This city of Judah, mentioned Josh. xv. 31, maj 
be preserved in the present Miniay or Miniah 
south of Gaza. Its "father" Shaaph, clearly 
different from him who is so named ver. 47, may 
be regarded as its prince or founder (comp. on 
ver. 42): even so Sheva (on which name comp. 

2 Sam. xx. 25, Keri) in reference to Machbenah, 
and the unnamed father in reference to Gibeah. 
Machbenah, belonging no doubt to Judah, is no 
further known. Joshua also, xv. 57, names a 
Gibeah in the mountains of Judah, whether the 
same with the village Jeba mentioned by Robin- 
son and Tobler, on a hill in Wady Mussur, re- 
mains a question; comp. Keil on Josh. xv. — And 
Caleb's daughter was Achsa. This closing notice 
puts it beyond doubt that the Caleb hitherto 
(from ver. 46) spoken of is the same as Caleb the 
son of Jephunneh and father of Achsa (whom he 
promised and gave to the conqueror of Debir as a 
reward, Josh. xv. 16 If. ; Judg. i. 12). This is 
Caleb son of Jephunneh. the contemporary of 
Moses and Joshua; and therefore it seems difficult 
to identify him at once with the brother of Jerah- 
meel and son of Hezrou mentioned in vers. 18 and 
42 (comp. on ver. 18). For this Hezronite, a great- 
grandson of Judah through Perez, appears to have 
been older than Moses and Joshua; but our pas- 
sage, as also ch. iv. 15, refers clearly to that con- 
temporary of Joshua who is mentioned in the 
books of Joshua and Judges. That this younger 
Caleb is a descendant of the Hezronite is highly 
probable, because in the descendants of one and 
the same stock it is easy for the collateral genea- 
logies to intermingle, as they have done here 
and in iv. 15 ff. (comp. besides, the remarks on 
ch. iv. 11, 13, 15). If we assume accordingly two 
Calebs, an older, the Hezronite, of whom we read 
vers. 9 (under the name Celubai), 18, 42-45, and 
then again vers. 50-55, and a younger, whose 
genealogy is given in our verses (46-49) and in 
ch. iv. 15 ff., we do not go so far as some older 
expositors (even Starke), who assume with a 
double Caleb a double Achsa, a daughter of the 
Hezronite Caleb (supposed to be here mentioned*, 
and a daughter of the Jephunnite Caleb (Josh. xv. ; 
Judg. i. ). As little do we approve of Movers' 
conjecture (Chron. p. S3), that the words, "and 
Caleb's daughter was Achsa," are a spurious in- 
terpolation of a later hand. But Keil's conjecture, 
also, that the expression "daughter" denotes here 
"grand- daughter, descendant," that it is the 
Achsah of Josh. xv. 16 that is here spoken of, but 
as a later descendant of the old Hezronite Caleb, 
and not a daughter of the Jephunnite, we cannot 
accept, as it obviously does violence to the term 
"daughter." Finally, we reject also Bertheau's 
attempt to admit only one Caleb, and to refer the 
diversity in the accounts of him here and before 
to the inexact manner of the genealogical terms 
that express also geographical relations ; as well 
as Ewald's opinion, that Caleb in vers. 42-49 is 

CHAP. II. 50-55. 


the Caleb of the book of Joshua; the Caleb in 
vers. 9, 18-20. ami 50-55, on the contrary, is a 
quite different person, whose real name was 
Celubai. (On the somewhat different, and at all 
events more probable hypothesis of Wellhausen, 
s e .ilmvi' <>n ver. Is. ) 

c. The third series: posterity of Hur, son of 
Caleb: ver" 50-55. — As Hur is doubtless thi 
grandfath>!i of Bezale.d mentioned ver. 19, we 
have here again a line going back to Caleb the 
rlezronite. —Thest were t/ie sons of Caleb. This 
introductory sentence, the generality of which 
does not suit the following statement, giving a 
genealogy of only one son of Caleb, appears to 
indicate that tin- whole section is taken from an 
origin illy different connection. — 1'he son of Hur, 
first-born of Ephratliah (romp. ver. 19) : Shobal. 
As after Shobal in the following verse, Salma anil 
Hareph are also named as sons of Hur, it appears 
more correct to read for "Virrp, with the Sept., 

the plur. "flrr \33- In the Masoretic pointing, 

indeed, the names Salma ami Hareph follow 
Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim, without close 
connection by i; and Tirr|3 appears in some 

measure as a superscription. Whether Shobal be 
the same with the brother of Hur and son of 
Judah mentioned ch. iv. 1, must remain doubt- 
ful. The town of Kiriath-jearim, of which he is 
here called the father, that is, founder or chief, is 
that old Giheonite town which is otherwise called 
Kiriath-baal or Baalah (comp. Josh. ix. 17, xv. 
9, 60), and lay in the north-west corner of Judah, 
on the border of Benjamin, probably the present 
Kureyet el Enab (wine town), on the road from 
Jerusalem to Jaffa (Robinson, ii. 588 ff. ; Keil on 
Josh. ix. 17). — Ver. 51. Salma, father of Beth - 
I'litm. The coincidence of name with the Beth- 
lehemite ancestor of David of the house of Ram 
mentioned ver. 17 is perhaps only accidental; 
comp. on ver. 54. — Hareph, father of Beth- 
gader, of the same place, which in Josh. xii. 13 
is Geder, and in Josh. xv. 3<3 Gederah; comp. 
ch. xii. 4. xxrii. 28. Ivei' thinks rather of 
Gedor ("lilj), Josh. xv. 5S, x Chron. iv. 4, xii. 

7, but with less ground. The name Hareph does 
not occur elsewhere, though P|i"in> Neh. vii. 24, 

x. 20 (comp. 'annn, l Chron. xii. 51, may be only 

a variation of the same name. — Ver. 52. Haroeh 
and the half of Menultoth. These words, un- 
intelligible to the old translators : 'vn nshn 

nirOQIt, tor which the Sept. gives three proper 

names: 'A^ai *«) AjVj ««< 'A^unwl, and the Vulg. 
the unmeaning words : ani uidebat dimidium re- 
qitietiomon, are obviously corrupt. Let us read 
after ch. iv. 2, where a Reaiah son of Shobal 
occurs, for nx'"P "'XT (for to regard the former 

/is a mere by-form of rVX"l> as many old expositors 
do, is inadmissible), and for rririjisn 'VH accord- 
ing to ver. 54: nn;Bn \¥m or Timor; lyni- 

The text thus amended (according to Bertheau's 
conjecture) gives Reaiah and Hazi-hammanahath, 

that is, half of the Manahathite, as sons of Shobal, 
two Jewish families, of which the latter may be 
part of the inhabitants of the town Manahath, 
eh. viii. 6. The situation of this place is deter- 
mined by ver. 54, where Zorah is mentioned as a 

neighbouring town, to be near the border o! 
Judah, towards Dan. Reaiah seems from ch. 
iv. 2 not to have continued as a local name, but 
to have been the ancestor of I lie citizens of Zora ; 
so that his former seat is also to be sought in the 
north-west of Judah. — Ver. 58. And the families 
<>/ Kiriatli -jearim were the I/hrite, etc. These 
families of Kiriath-jearim are annexed to the 
already named sons of Shobal as other sons, 
descendants of the same ancestor. The four 
families are adduced in the fundamental text as 
singulars: the Ithrite, the Puthite, etc. The 
tlnv, hist named occur nowhere else; on the con- 
trary, to the family of the lthrites, ch. xi. 40 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 38), belonged ha and Gareb, two 
of David's heroes. — From these came the Zorathite 
mol the Eshtaolite. Zorah, the home of Samson 
(Judg. xiii. 2, xvi. 31), now Sura, between Jeru- 
salem and Jabneh ; Esbtaol, a town on the border 
of Judah and Dan, near Zorah (comp. Judg. xvi. 
31, xviii. 11), probably the present Urn Eshteijeh. 
— Ver. 54. The sons of Salma: Bethlehem (the 
family of Bethlehem ; comp. ver. 51) and the Xeto- 
phathile. The town Netopbah must, as follows 
from the reference of its inhabitants to Salma, be 
sought close by Bethlehem; comp. ch. ix. 16; 
2 Sain, xxiii. 28 f. ; 2 Kings xxv. 23; Ezra ii. 22; 
Neh. vii. 26, whence appears the comparative 
celebrity of this town, whose site has not yet been 
discovered. — Ataroth of the house ofJoab. This 
is certainly the name of a town, which is to be 
interpreted, not "crowns," but rather "walls, 
forts," of the house of Joab; comp. on ver. 26. 
The site is as uncertain as that of the following 
Hazi-hammanahath (half Manahath); comp. ch. 
viii. 6. On the contrary, 'jpjjn at the close 

points certainly to the known border city Zorah 
mentioned in the foregoing verse ; for 'jnv * 3 

only formally different from Tli'li", being derived 

from the masc. of njnx, which may have been 

used along with the feminine as the name of tne 
town, although this cannot be proved. The 
Zorites of our verse must have formed a second 
element of the inhabitants of Zorah, along with 
the Zorathites of the previous verse descended 
from Shobal. — Ver. 55. And the families of tlie 
scribes dwelling at Jabez. This Jewish town of 
Jabez (yzV), whose name recurs ch. iv. 9 f . as 

that of a descendant of Judah, is quite unknown 
in site, but must apparently be sought, like all 
the places mentioned from ver. 53, in the north of 
Judah, on the borders of Benjamin or Dan. Of 
tin- families of scribes in Jabez, however, three 
are mentioned : the Tiiathites, Shimathites, and 
Suchathites. These three names the Vulg. has 
applied appellatively to the functions of these 
three classes of learned men, translating: canentes 
et resonantes et in tabernaculis commorantes. It 
is possible that the Jewish doctors consulted by 
Jerome in the translation of our book (perhaps 
the rabbi from Tiberias, witli whom he collated 
the text from beginning to end ; comp. Introd. 
§ 6, Rem.) had presented an etymological basis 
for this interpretation, in seeking to refer— 1. 
DTIjnn to njrij., "jubilee song, trumpet sound;" 

2. DTlVD!;' to nj?Dt> ; , " report, echo" (or perhaps 

to nyeC', Aram. xnyDC*, tradiUo leyis ; comp. 



Wellhausen, p 30) ; 3. DYD1K> to miE' = H3D, 

"hut, booth:" comp. Lev. xxiii. 34 ff. If the 
etymology here were correct, and it commends 
itself at all events more than the partly deviating 
one which Bertheau (by reference of the first 
term to the Chald, jnn, door, and thus making 

D'DJT.n a synonym of D ,_ IJ?b', porters) has at- 
tempted, the functions assigned to the three 
classes of Sopherim, and giving origin to their 
names, would belong to divine worship, and re- 
semble those of the Levites. And this seems to 
agree very well with the closing remark : these 
are the Kenites, that came from Hammath, father 
of the house of Rechab, as a certain connection or 
spiritual relationship may be shown, as well of 
the Kenites as of the. Rechabites, with the Levites, 
if we think on the one hand of Jethro, father-in- 
law of Moses, the priest of the Midian-Kenitcs 
in the region of Sinai (Ex. ii. 15, iii. 1; comp. 
Judg. i. 16, iv. 11, 17), and of bis influence on 
the legislative and religious activity of Moses 
(Ex. xviii.); on the other hand, of the priestly 
fidelity of the family of the Rechabites, as Jer. 
xxxv. (comp. 2 Kings x. 15) describes them, of 
their constant "standing before the Lord," and, 
moreover, of the ancient tradition still surviving 
among the nominal descendants of the Rechabites 
in Yemen, that the house of Rechab descended 
from Hnbab or Keni (Judg. i. 16), the father-in- 
law of Moses (comp. A. Murray, Comment. </■ 
Kinaiis, Hamb. 1718; Nagelsbach on Jer. xxxv., 
vol. xv. p. 254 of Bibelwerk). On a fair ex- 
amination of these circumstances, it appears 
highly probable that the certainly foreign (1 .Sam. 
xv. 6) yet highly honoured Kenites, in like 
manner as the Gibeonites, ministered of old in 
the sanctuary of Israel, and that the Rechabites 
of the times of the Kings and a ter the exile 
(Neh. iii. 14) were descendants of these old Kenite 
temple ministers, who, by adherence to one part 
of their ancient wont and use, kept themselves 
distinct from the great mass of the people. The 
naming of Hammath also, as " father of the 
house of Rechab," agrees very well with this 
hypothesis ; for if Jonathan the Rechabite that 
met with Jehu king of Israel, and was honoured 
by him (2 Kings x. 15, 23), was a son of Rechab, 
so may Hammath have been father or forefather of 
this Rechab, and so ancestor of the whole family. 
Though all this rises little above the range of the 
hypothetical, and though in particular the ques- 
tion remains dark and unanswerable, why this 
Kenite family of Sopherim from Jabez is directly 
attached to Salma the father of Bethlehem, and 
through him to Hur the son of Caleb (whether 
on account of some intermarriage having taken 
place between a Kenite and an heiress of the 
house of Salma ?), yet it is on the whole probable 
that those three names are really designations of 
three classes of ministers in the sanctuary, and not 
proper names of families, as the Sept. (' ApyxSttip, 
2afjcBci>t!tp., ^uxttinifi) held, and a majority of recent 
expositors still hold. Besides, Wellhausen 's at- 
tempt to refer that which is stated, both in our 
verse concerning the Kenites or Rechabites of 
Jabez, and generally from ver. 50 on concerning 
the posterity of Hur and their settlements in the 
north of Judah to the time after the exile, and SO 
ascribe these statements to bias and fancy, and to 
admit only the foregoing genealogy, vers. 42-49, 

which assigns to the Calebites settlements in the 
south of Judah around Hebron, as historically 
reliable, that is, referring to the time before the 
exile, — this whole attempt (pp. 29-33) falls short 
of satisfactory proof. There is no ground for 
holding that which is reported of the Calebites 
as inhabitants of Kiriath-jearirn, Bethlehem, 
Nctophah, Zorah, etc., to be a collection of later 
traditions than the foregoing accounts of Calebite 
families in Tappuah, Maon, Bethzur, etc. Neither 
do we know the geographical position of the 
several places mentioned iu the two sections (vers. 
42-49 and 50-55) so well, as to be able to assert 
that the former refers only to the south, the 
latter only to the north, of Judah. Respecting 
Jabez, for example, the seat of the Kenites, it is 
by no means determined that it is to be sought 
in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem and Kiriath- 
jearirn (comp. above). In short, it is advisable to 
avoid such violent attempts to solve the problem 
here presented as the assumption of a genealogy 
of Calebites before and after the exile, and to 
approve the more cautious remark of Bertheau : 
" \Ve can easily imagine the motive which led the 
Chronist to communicate this verse, though we 
are unable completely to perceive its contents." 

[The term '31P3, ver. 9, seems to be, if not a 

patronymic, at least a virtual plural, and may 
well indicate more than one Caleb. The name 
was famous and frequent in the tribe of Judah. 
The first of the name appears in vers. 18-24. He 
is designated "the son of Hezron," though Ram 
is not, evidently to distinguish him from others 
of the name. He may have been born 50 or 58 
years after Jacob came down to Egypt, as his 
lather was born shortly before that event. He 
has by his wife Azubah three sons, or perhaps 
grandsons ; and after her death he marries 
Ephrath, and by her has a well-known son Hur, 
who was the contemporary of Moses, Ex. xvii. 
10. The episode about his father Hezron marry- 
ing again when sixty years old, is brought in 
partly from the concurrence in the foregoing 
paragraph of the two names Caleb and Ephrath. 
which are combined in the name of the place 
where he died, and partly from the high anti- 
quarian interest which it possesses. Hezron was 
born before Jacob went down to Egypt, and there- 
fore most probably died within 110 years from 
that date. He died, not in Egypt, but in Caleb- 
Ephrathah. This implies the presence and power 
of Caleb in the region of Hebion as a sheik 
giving name to a place in his estate. In this 
quarter Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob had resided 
and acquired some property in land, Gen. xxiii. 
Caleb of the line of Judah held possession of 
this estate during the early period of Israel's 
residence in Egypt, when they were still a free 
ami honoured people. And there his father died 
in a town called after the united names of himself 
and his wife. After the Israelites, however, were 
reduced to slavery by the Pharaoh that knew not 
Joseph, the occupation of this region by the 
descendants of Judah was rendered precarious or 
entirely interrupted. In this paragraph, then, we 
have a most unexpected and interesting glimpse 
of wdiat was taking place in the time of the first 
Caleb ; and in this view of the passage we see 
that it occupies its right place. 

A second Caleb is presented to us in vers. 42- 
49. He is distinct from the former in everything 

CHAP. in. 


hut the name : 1. In the mode in which ho is in- 
troduced, namely, in an appendix alter the three 
sons of Hezron have been brought forward in 
order : 2. In his s.ins and wives, which are a]] 
quite different from those of h s namesake ; •" 
In his time, as lie is the lather of Achsah, and 
therefore lived in and after the to years of the 
wilderness, two or three generations later than 
the former Caleb ; 4. In his place, as a careful 
examination of the two paragraphs will show ; 5, 
In his designation as "the brother of Jerahnieel," 
while the former is called "the son of Hezron ;" for 
this phrase cannot mean tie' son of theJerahmeel 
already mentioned, as this would he a superfluous 
a Idition, and would not square with the time of 
this Caleb. Some will conceive that the term 
" brother " is here used in a wide sense to denote 
a kinsman of Jerahnieel, a member of the family. 
But it is more simple to consider Jerahnieel here 
to be a deseeudant of the former Jerahnieel, not 

otherwise mentioned, ju.-t as Celubincli. iv. 11 
is said to In- a brother of Slmah, who is not pre- 
viously mentioned. This appendix is thus in its 
light place, as it signalizes an important member 
oi the Jerahmeelite clan, 1 Sam. xxvii. 10, Calel 
thr Mm nt Jephunneh. 

A third Caleb comes before lis in a second 
appendix : vers. 50-5§. He is clearly different 
from each of the others, as he is " tie' son of Hut, 
th.' first-born of Ephrathah," ami therefore m.t a 
Jerahmeelite like the seCond, hut the grandson 
of tin- first. 

There is nothing to hinder us taking this view 
of the whole passage, and it might be supported 
at much greater length. It deals fairly with the 
author, as it presumes him to observe order, and 
endeavours not to import confusion into Lis 
narrative by a preconceived theory. We sub- 
mit it to the judgment of the reader. — J. G. 

2. The Descendants of David in Elioenai ami his Seven Sons: eh. iii. 

Ch. ill. 1. And these were the sons of David, that were born to him in Hebron : 
the first-born Amnon, of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess ; the second Daniel, of 

2 Abigail the Carmelitess. The third Absalom, 1 the son of Maachah, daughter 

3 of talmai king of Geshur ; the fourth Adonijah, son of Haggith. The fifth 

4 Shephatiah of Abital ; the sixth Ithream, by Eglah his wife. Six were born 
unto him in Hebron, and he reigned there seven years and six months ; and 

5 he reigned thirty and three years in Jerusalem. And these were born to him 
in Jerusalem : Shima, and Shobab, and Nathan, and Solomon, four, of Bath- 

6, 7 shua daughter of Ammiel. And Ibhar, and Elishama, 2 and Eliphelet. And 

8 Nogah. and Nepheg, and Japhia. And Elishama, and Eliada, and Eliphelet, nine. 

9 Alfthe sons of David, except the sons of the concubines, and Tamar their sister. 
10 And the son of Solomon : Eehoboam, Abiah his son, Asa his son, Jehosha- 

11,12 phat his son. Joram his son, Ahaziah his son, Joash his son. Amaziah his 
13 son, Azariah his son, Jotham his son. Ahaz- his son, Hezekiah his son. 

14, 15 Manasseh his son. Amon his son, Josiah his son. And the sons of Josiali : 
the first-born Johanan, the second Jehoiakim, the third Zedekiah, the fourth 
16 Shailum. And the sons of Jehoiakim : Jechoniah his son, Zedekiah his son. 

17, 18 And the sons of Jechoniah the captive: Shealtiel his son. And Malchiram. 

1 9 and Pedaiah, and Shenazzar, Jecamiah, Hoshama, and Nedabiah. And the 
sons of Pedaiah : Zerubbabel and Shimei ; and the son 3 of Zerubbabel : 

20 Meshullam and Hananiah, and Shelomith their sister. And Hashubah, and 

21 Ohel, and Berechiah, and Hasadiah, Jushabhesed, five. And the son 4 of 
Hananiah : Pelatiah and Jesaiah ; the sons 5 of Rephaiah, the sons of Arnan, 

22 the sons of Obadiah, the sons of Shechaniah. And the sons of Shechaniah : 
Shemaiah ; and the sons of Shemaiah : Hattush, and Igal, and Bariah, and 

23 Neariah. and Shaphat, six. And the son of Neariah : Elioenai, and Hezekiah, 

24 and Azrikam, three. And the sons of Elioenai: Hodaiah, 8 and Eliashib, and 
Pelaiah. and Akkub, and Johanan, and Delaiah, and Anani, seven. 

1 For DV"'3S^ mar.} uss. ami most old prints read Di?"'2N' Comp. Exec Expl. 

- VE^' vN 1 in this first place is perhaps an error of the transcriber for J^CvN V which appears not only In the two 
parallel passages xiv. 5 and 2 Sam. Y. 15 (after "trQ^), hut also in cod. Vat. of the Sept., as it gives 'Ekiri. 

1 For p} before ?2B*tT some MSs', as well as the old translators, read ''l^S, an unnecessary amendment {comp 
Exeg. Remark on ii. 7). 

* The same variation as in vcr 19 (see Note 2). 

5 For ^33, " sons of," the Sept. reads from this to the end of the verse 133, "his son." so that from Hanaman tt 

Shechaniah it yields a series of seven successive generations. Sc also R. Benjamin in R. Azariah de Rossi in Mecr 
Afvnnm. (comp. Zunz. Gotttsdienst tche Vortrdge der Jwlen, p. 31). 

'AVn; WTITn (for which, according to the Hebrew law of sounds, we should expect "iTtnnl). The Kttkd 

'•TVnin cannot be so pronnun:ed. and appears to arise from a confusion of the forms Bo4nu$ahu and fforfyafcu 




Preliminary Remark. — After the family of 
Sam, the middle son of Hezron was carried 
down, ii. 10-17, only to Jesse the father of 
David, and the genealogies of Caleb and Jerah- 
meel were interposed, ii. 18-55, the line of Ram- 
ites, starting from David, is resumed and traced 
from David to the time after the captivity. This 
is given in three paragraphs, of which the first 
•agisters all the sons of David except those bom 
ot concubines, vers. 1-9; the second, the series 
of kings of the house of David from Solomon to 
Jechoniah and Zedekiah. vers. 10-16 : and the 
third, the descendants of Jechoniah to the seven 
sons of Elioenai, vers. 17-24. The names in the 
second of these paragraphs mostly rec ir, those in 
the third, at least partly, in the genealogy of Jesus 
in Matthew (whereas Luke iii. 23 tf. presents a 
totally different series of names from David to 
Shealtiel, and again from Zerubbabel to Joseph). 

1. The Sons of David : vers. 1-9. a. The six 
sons born in Hebron : vers. 1-4. — These six senior 
sons of David are,- with one exception, enumerated 
literally as in 2 Sam. iii. 2-5. — The first-born 
Amman, of Ahinoam the. Jezreelitess ; literally, 

" to Ahinoam." The \> before Djjynx designates 
the wife to whom the son belonged. Comp. on this 
Ahinoam, 1 Sam. xxv. 43, xxvii. 3, and on Amnon, 
who is also called Aminon (2 Sam. xiii. 20), 2 Sam. 
xiii. — ThesecondDaniel,of Abigail theCarmelitess. 
Instead of »j{jj, properly "a second," stands in 
the parallel 2 Sam. iii. 3 irOTD, "his second," 
with which nptr'an, 1 Chron. v. 12, is to be com- 
pared. A more important difference from 2 Sam. 
iii. 3 is 3X73, quite another name, which stands 
there for ^X'jq. This other designation of the 

second son of David may be explained by the 
supposition of a real double name, as in Uzziah 
Azariah (comp. on 2 Chron. xxvi. 1), Jehoiakim 
Eliakim. Mattaniah Zedekiah (comp. also on ver. 

15). Tlie variant ii^Xsi/Za (perhaps = n'^l) pre- 
sented by the Sept. in 2 Sam. iii. 3 may be an 
error of transcription for Jini;. (or inversely 
" Daniel," a later variation for the original De- 
laiah ) ; but the name Cilab is still unexplained. 
On Abigail, the widow of Xabal the Carmelite 
(not to be confounded with Abigail the sister of 
David, ii. 16), comp. 1 Sam. xxv. 3 If. — Ver. 2. 

The third Absalom. For Di'PCOX is also found 
Dife"3S, 1 Kings xv. 2, 10. The ^ before 

3V"'3X mi ght. in another connection, serve to 

lay emphasis on the name (" the well-known Ab- 
salom ; " comp. Isa. xxxii. 1). Here, however, 
in a mere list of names, it scarcely has this im- 
port, but seems rather to have come into the text 
through an oversight, in consequence of the fore- 
going ax^ in bT2xb- Other attempts to ex- 
plain this p (which is wanting in some copies ; 

see Note) are quite worthless, and deserve to be 
noted only as curiosa ; for example, Kimchi's pro- 
posal to take ~> for {<?. thereby designating him 

as properly not an Absalom, a father's peace, but 
a rebel, or Hillei's supposition {Onom. S. p. 733) 

that 3i7L"3X^ is a fuller form fir the simpler and 

more usual Di?'j ; 3K> etc. On Geshur, comp. above 

ii. 20 ; on AJonijah, son of Haggith, comp. 1 
Kings i. and ii. — Ver. 3. By Eylah lot wife, 

in'J'N n?K? '• quite similar to 2 Sam. iii. 5, 
TH iYJ'X i"6jl6. This addition " his wife," oi 

"wife of David," appears to be inserted merely 
to make a full-toned conclusion of the series, anil 
scarcely to distinguish Eglah as the most eminent 
wife of David, as some Rabbis and recently 
Thenius on 2 Sam. iii. 5 think, who take Eglan 
only for another name of Michal, 1 Sam. xviii. 

20, or even substitute 73*0 as the original read- 
ing for n?JJJ (so Thenius). — Ver. 4. For the 

historical notices in this verse comp. 2 Sam. ii. 
11, v. 5. The statement in 2 Sam. ii. 10 (from 
which Ishbosheth appears to have reigned only 
two years in Mahanaim) conflicts only apparently 
with the seven years of the residence of David in 
Hebron ; on which see Hengstenb. Gesch. d. 
Retches Gotten unter dem A. B. ii. 2, p. 114 f. 

Ik The thirteen sons of David born in Jeru- 
salem : vers. 5-9. These sons of David (of whom 
four are by Bathsheba) are again mentioned xiv. 
7-11, in the history of David. Less complete is 
the list in the parallel passage 2 Sam. v. 14-lfS, 
by the omission of the last two. — Ver. 5. The foui 
sons of Bathsheba, or, as she is here called, 
Bathshua. The two names, occurring beside one 
another, receive their explanation from the inter 
vening form JTC'TQ : as this, however, is ob 
viously weakened from J'3£'TI3 (as JRBrTIS 
again is a weakening of Jflt; ; -n3\ the latter form 

appears to be the oldest and most original. Two 
other peculiarities of the names contained in our 
verse are — 1. X"Du' as t ne name of the first oi 
Bathsheha's four sons, for which stands in xiv. 4 
and 2 Sam. v. 14 JOBtji ; 2. Ainmiel (PX'QJ?) M 
the name of the father of Bathsheba, for which 
in 2 Sam. xi. 3 is the form Eliam (DJI'pxJ.con- 

taining the two elements of the name transposed. 
It is uncertain which of these two forms is correct 
and original. — Vers. 6-S. Here follow the nine 
sons born at Jerusalem of other wives. And lh- 
hnr, and Elisliama, and Elvpheht. As the two 
parallel passages xiv. 5 and 2 Sam. v. 1 5 agree in pre 

senting after Ibhar an Elishua, JJVC"?X> Elishamp 

in our passage appears clearly an error of transcrip- 
tion, especially as this name occurs again in ver. 8. 

The following name Eliphelet (OT'S'px) is found 
also in xiv. 5, although in the somewhat abbre- 
viated form OP37X ; on the contrary, it is wanting 

in 2 Sam. v. 15, where only one Eliphelet, the last of 

the series, is mentioned. It is uncertain whether 
this want be original, and the double position is 
the result of some error of the Chronist or his 
voucher (as Berth, thinks). That David should 
have repeated the same name in the sons of his 

CHAP. III. 10-10. 


different wives is of itself not incredible. — Ver. 7. 
And Sot/ah, andNepheg, andJapkia. The name 
jsijj), omitted by an oversight in 2 Sam. v. 15, is 

certainly original, though nothing be known con- 
cerning this Wiu'ili, perhaps because he died 
early and childless. " The view of Movers, p. 
•229, that this name was not originally in the text, 
and came in by a false writing of the following 
333, has arisen from an undue preference for the 
text of the books of Samuel " (Berth.). — Ver. 8. 
And Elishama (comp. on ver. 6), and Etiada, 

and Eliphelet, nine. For JJT^X appears xiv. 7 

JHvi'2> scarcely correct ; for the other parallel 

2 Sam. v. 16 and the Sept. and Syr. versions in 

xiv. 7 have j;T?t{ (Sept. cod. Vat. 'EXiaU— cod. 

.1 A .c, indeed, Bsf/.XiaSi). — Ver. 9. All the sons of 
David, except the sons of the concubines. These 
sons of David by concubines or slaves are also 
unnamed elsewhere ; but their existence appears 
from 2 Sam. v. 13, xii. 11, xv. 16, xvi. 22.— And 
Vamar their sister, not the only one. but the 
sister known from the history (2 Sam. xiii. 1 If. ). 
2. The Kings of the Jfmise of David from 
Solomon to the Exile: vers. 10-16. — As far as 
losiah, they are enumerated, without naming any 
non-reigning descendants, as a simple line Df 
sovereigns, embracing in it fifteen members (with 
the omission of the usurper Athaliah as an idolati i 
and a foreigner) by the addition of a 132, "his 

son," to each. At variance with this course, four 
sons of Josiah are then named, not perhaps in 
him, the great reformer, " to introduce a pause in 
the long line of David's descendants" (Berth.), 
but " because with Josiah the regular succession 
ceased" (Keil). — The first -born Johanan, the 
second Jehoiakim, the third Zedekiah, the fourth 
Shallum. To Josiah succeeded, 2 Kings xxiii. 30, 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, his son Jehoahaz as king. 
This Jehoahaz is called in Jer. xxii. 11 properly 
Shallum ; he was thus, as the present list shows, 
the youngest, or at all events one of the youngest, 
among them : not to be identified with the 
first-born Johanan, as many older writers (Seb. 
Schmidt, Starke, etc.), and of the. moderns, for 
example, Hitzig (Begriffder Kritik, etc, p. 182ff., 
and Gesch. d. folks Isr. p. 246 1, do. For, 1. 
The statement of Jeremiah, that Shallum became 
king in his father's stead, is quite positive and 
unhesitating. 2. From comparing 2 Kings xxiii. 
31, 36, with 2 Chron. xxxvi. 2, 5, it appears that 
Jehoahaz was two years younger than Jehoiakim, 
and therefore not the first-born. 3. The preferring 
of a younger sou before an older to the throne is 
not surprising, if we consider the analogous case 
if Solomon, who, though one of the youngest of 
the sons of David (the youngest of the four sons 
of Bathshebal, succeeded to the throne. 4. The 
double name Jehoahaz Shallum is not more sur- 
prising than Jehoahaz Johanan would be; the 
mutually exchanging names are in both cases, if 
not quite alike in meaning, yet expressive of 
similar ideas (jntfiiV, "whom Jehovah holds," 

and £!|->j£ "who is requited (of God)," and so 

"HilT): comp. the numerous cases of double 

raming, of which some examples are quoted on 
ver. 1, also Simonis Onom. p. 20. The only 

inaccuracy that can be imputed to the Chronist 
in the present statements is, that he names 
Shallum in the last place, and so appears to 
favour the opinion that he was the youngest of 
the four brothers, whereas Zedekiah was much 
younger than lie; indeed, as a comparison of 
■> Kings xxiii. 31 with xxiv. 1* shows, at least 
13 or 14 years younger (for Shallum u;is -j;; \ 
old when he ascended the throne, while Zedekiah, 
who ascended the throne 11 years later, was then 
only 21 years of age). How this inaccuracy in 
the order is to be explained, Keil shows very well, 
p. 55 1'.: "In our genealogy Zedekiah is placed 
after Jehoiakim and before Shallum, because, on 
the one hand, Jehoiakim and Zedekiah held the 
throne a longer time, each for eleven years; on the 
other hand, Zedekiah and Shallum were the sons 
of Hamutal (2 Kings xxiii. 31, xxiv. IS), Jehoia- 
kim the son of Zebidah (2 Kings xxiii. 36). 
With respect to age, they should have succeeded 
thus : Johanan, Jehoiakim, Shallum, and Zede- 
kiah; and in regard to their reign, Shallum should 
have stood before Jehoiakim. But in both cases 
those born of the same mother Hamutal would 
have been separated. To avoid this, Shallum 
appears to have been reckoned beside his brother 
Zedekiah in the fourth place." Regarded thus, the 
passage loses its obscurity, which Nagelsbach has 
still imputed to it (on Jer. xxii. 11), without 
going unite so tar as Hitzig, who here lays a 
whole s ries of errors to the charge of the Chro- 
nist. Comp. against the imputations of the 
latter, Movers, p. 157 f . : "The two names 
(Johanan ami Jehoahaz) are to be distinguished 
exactly as Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin ; the 
Chronist named Jehoahaz along with Shallum, or, 
as Hitzig thinks right, called h m the first-born, 
the error would certainly have been undeniable. 
Further misled by the passage of Jeremiah, he has 
taken Shallum for another son of Josiah, the 
fourth, and different from Jehoahaz. Shallum 
Jehoahaz is certainly named the fourth in ver. 15, 
incorrectly indeed, for he was the third ; but the 
Chronist could not mistake the passage of Jere- 
miah, for it clearly says: 'who (Shallum) reigned 
instead of Josiah his father.' How should an 
error in the Jewish line of kings occur in a Jewish 
historian!" — Ver. 16. And the sons of Jehoia- 
kim: Jechoniah his son, Zedekiah his ton. In- 
stead of r^W = VP \\2* (whom God establishes), 

t: t : t ' t 

the son of Jehoiakim in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, as in 
2 Kings xxiv. 8 ff., bears the equivalent name 
Jehoiachin (j'3'irP ; comp. paty, Ezirk. i. 2), where- 
as he is called, Jer. xxiv. 1, xxvii. 20, xxviii. 4, and 
Esth. ii. 6, jVH'i quite as here and Jer. xxii. 24, 

28, xxxvii. 1, Conjahu (W33, an abbreviation of 

WW, rPjaO- The Zedekiah here named can 

only be regarded as a son of Jechoniah, and so a 
grandson of Jehoiakim and great-grandson of 
Josiah; for the 133 added to his name uniformly 

designates in the previous genealogical line the 
son of the aforesaid: and the circumstance, that 
this son of Jechoniah is named here apart from 
his other sons, may find its explanation in this, 
that this Zedekiah, perhaps the first-born, did 
not go into captivity with his father and brethren, 
but died beforehand as a royal prince in Jerusalem. 
He is therefore not to be confounded with the 
Zedekiah who was mentioned in the foregoing 




Terse as a third son of Josiah, and, 2 Kings xxiv. 
17 ft.. 2 Chum, xxxvi. 11, became successor of 
Jechoniah on the throne; he is a grand-nephew 
of king Zedekiah, who before his accession was 
called Mattaniah, and whose subsequent name, as 
well in Chronicles (2 Chron. xxxvi. 10) as in Kings 
ii Bongs xxiv. 17 S. i, is uniformly written in'ptV 

(not, as here, n s p"ti'>- This last variety of name 

is merely graphical, though in tin- present ease, 
where the double name (Mattaniah Zedekiah) 
9 ■; ires as a mark of the king, it may have a further 
import. Against the assumption of some ancients 
i even of Starke), that the Zedekiah of our verse is 
the same as king Zedekiah, who is quoted (ver. 15) 
as a son of Jehoiaehin, because lie was his suc- 
cessor on the throne, comp. the just remarks of 
r.iluv. in the Bihlia iUustrata. With respect to 
2 rhron. xxxvi. 10, where Zedekiah the successor 
ol Jehoiaehin appears to be erroneously termed 
; :is brother, which in reality is only inexactness, 
or a wider sense of the word ns (= relative in 

general), see on the passage. 

3. The Descendants of Jechoniah to tint Si <•• // 
Sons of Elioenai : vers. 17-24. — And (hi sons if 
Jechoniah the captive. It is certainly possible 
to translate the words ibx n-JD" \ni with the 

Sept., Vulg. , Kimchi, Jim., etc., and even Keil : 
"And the sons of Jechoniah were Assir. " But 
the appellative meaning of ~|QX> "the captive," 

adopted by Luther, Starke, Berth., Kamph., is 
decidedly preferable. For, 1. As one of the sons 
of Jechoniah, the early deceased Zedekiah, has, 
been already named, we expect here a remark of 
Jechoniah indicating that he as captive or in 
captivity begat the sons now to be named. 2. An 
Lssir, as connecting link between Jechoniah and 
Shealtiel, nowhere occurs, neither in Matt. i. 12 
nor in the Seder Olam Sutta (comp. Herzfeld, 
fiesch. it. V. Israel, i. 379). 3. The absence of 

133 after -|QN, while it stands after ■>x , r6x;.". 

makes it impossible to see in Assir a link between 
Jechoniah and Shealtiel. 4. Neither can Assir be 
regarded as a brother of Shealtiel, because the 
copula could not then be wanting between the 
two names, and because the singular jjg after 

^STli'X'J' i s inexplicable, if two sons of Jechoniah 

were named. 5. The combination proposed by 
Kcil (p. 57), that Assir, the only son of Jechoniah 
besides the early deceased Zedekiah, left only a 
daughter, by whom he became the father in-law 
of N'eri, a descendant of David of the line of 
Nathan, and by this son-in-law, again (Luke iii. 
27), the lather, or strictly the grandfather, of 
Shealtiel, of Malchiram, Pedaiah. and the other 
sons named ver. IS, fails through its excessive 
artificiality, and through this, that it takes 133 at 

the close of our verse, notwithstanding the con- 
stant use of the Chronist in the foregoing genea- 
logy, in the sense of his grandson. 6. The single 
objection that can be made to the appellative 
meaning of 10X, that it wants the article, loses 

much of its force from the abrupt and merely 
allusive tnaunei of our genealogist. 7. The Maso- 
retic accentuation points out iqx as an appella- 
tive j.ddition to rPJ3\ a circumstance not to be 

overlooked in the present case, as it proves our in- 
terpretation to be supported by no less respectable 
and ancient authorities than the opposite one. — 
Ver.lS. And Malchiram, and Pedaiali, etc. These 
six other sons of the captive Jechoniah, Kimchi, 
Tremell., Piscat, Hiller, Burmann, and recently 
Hitzig on Hag. i. 1, 12, regard not as brothers, 
but as sons of Shealtiel, because Zerubbabel else- 
where appears (Hag. i. 1; Ezra iii. 2, v. 2; Mitt, 
i. 12) as son, ->r at all events direct successoi, 
perhaps grandson, of Shealtiel, whereas here he 
would appear to be his nephew, if his father 
Pedaiah (ver. 19) had actually to pass for a 
brother ol Shealtiel. Against this hypothesis is 

— 1. The copula before QT370, which makes it 

impossible to regard the six named in our verse 
otherwise than as brothers of Shealtiel. 2. The 
paternal relation of Pedaiah to Zcrubbabel, as 
attested ver. 19, may be easily reeonciled with 
the elsewhere attested filial relation of Zerubbabfil 
to Shealtiel, by the assumption of intermarriage 
or adoption ; in other words, the Chronist's 
making Zerubbabel to be son of Pedaiah and 
nephew of Shealtiel may well be taken for a 
more exact statement than that of the other 
reporters (Hag., Ezra, and Matt). Besides, the 
five sons of Jechoniah named along with Shealtiel 
and Pedaiah are otherwise unknown. Only of 
Pedaiah are further descendants known in the 
following verses. — Ver. 19. And the sons of 
Pedaiali: Zerubbabel and Shimei. The latter is 
not elsewhere named : concerning the former, of 
wdiose identity with the celebrated prince and 
leader of the first band of returning captives, 536 
B.C., there can be no well-founded doubt (although 
Hottinger, S. J. Baumgartcn. Starke, and the 
ancients incline to assume two or even three 
different Zerubbabels), comp. on the previous 
v ers e. — And the son of Zerubbabel: MeshuUam 
and Hananiah. On the somewhat surprising 
sing- pi, on account of the plural number of 
sons, and the variant <;35, see Crit. Note. Ber- 

theau, moreover, justly remarks: "In the nauies 
of the sons of Zerubbabel appear to be reflected 
the hopes of the Israelites at the time of the 
return from Babylon, in MeshuUam (friend of 
God), comp. Isa.' xlii. 19, Hananiah (grace of 
God), Berechiah, Hasadiah, Jushab-Chesed (mercy 
will return)." — And Bhelomith thin- sister. She 
is perhaps named after the first two sons, because 
she sprang from the same mother. Her name 
divides the collective family of Zerubbabel into two 
groups, the former of two, the latter of five sons. 
Possiblv the second group contains exclusively or 
chiefly younger sons of Zerubbabel born after the 
return from the exile. — Ver. 21. And the son of 
Hananiah: Pelatiah am! Jeshmah. The two 
grandsons of Zerubbabel are otherwise unknown, 
but must have belonged to the contemporaries of 
Ezra, about 450 B.C. — The suns of Rephaiah, the 
sons of Arnan, the sons of UbaJiah, the sons 
of Shechaniah. In what* relation these four 
families stand to Pelatiah and Jeshaiah, the sons 
of Hananiah, is not clear, as the express state- 
ment that their heads, Rephaiah, etc., were sons of 
Hananiah, and brothers of those two, is wanting; 
and the various readings of the old translators 
(Sept.. Vulg., Syr.), that give, instead of the plur. 
«J3, always the sing, with the suit". 133, thereby 

CHAP. III. 22-24. 


originating a continuous line of descent, with 
seven members from Hananiah to Shechaniali, 
have little claim to credibility. For, 1. The line 
of David's descent would, if ver. 21 actually 
reckoned seen successive generations, SC em to be 
continued far into the 3d century b.c. (for in 
vers. 22-24 four generations more are added), — 
much further than a rational estimate of the age 
of our author, who must have lived at the latest 
about 330 B.C., will admit (comp. Einl. p. 3). 
2. The assumption of an addition to the series, 
arising from a younger writer than the Ohronist, 
is extremely doubtful. 3. The Hattush of ver. 
22 appears to be the same with the descendant of 
David bearing the same name mentioned Ezra 
viii. 2, a younger contemporary of Ezra., which is 
quite possible, and even probable, if this Hattush 
be the fourth in descent from Zerubbabel, but, on 
the contrary, impossible if he he the ninth. 4. 
The brief mode of enumerating with the mere 
(32, appending the son only to the father without 

mention of other descendants, does not agree with 
the verses around from ver. 18, in which a more 
copious enumeration, almost in every number 
giving a plurality of children, is presented. It it 
appear, on the whole, most probable that the sons 
of Rcphaiah, etc., are designations of contem- 
porary families of the house of David, not succes- 
sive generations, it still remains doubtful how 
these families are connected with the last-named 
descendant of Zerubbabel. On this there are, in 
tlie main, two opinions among recent expositors: 
a. Ew., Berth., Kamph., etc., take Rephaiah, 
Arnan, Obadiah, and Shechaniali, as well as the 
two before named, Pelatiah and Jeshaiah, to be 
sons of Hananiah, and assume that, on account of 
the great celebrity and wide extension of their 
families, these last four sons are named, "not as 
individuals, but as families" (for which cases like 
ch. i. 41, ii. 42, iv. 15, xxiv. 26, etc., afford 

6. Movers, Herzfeld, Haverniek, Keil see in these 
four families, generations "whose descent the 
Chronist could not or would not more precisely 
define, and therefore merely enumerates one after 
another" (Herzf.), and are inclined to regard the 

whole series from ITDT "33 to the end of the 

chapter as "a genealogical fragment, perhaps 
inserted afterwards into the text of Chronicles" 
(Keil), and accept where possible the assumption 
defined by the ancients, as Heidegger, Vitringa, 
Carpzov, etc., of a corruption of the present 

Masoretic text, perhaps a gap before rpS" 1 "3 

(so likewise Keil). We may reserve the choice 
between these two views; for while the assump- 
tion of a corruption of the text seems to be 
natural enough, and to be rendered even probable 
by the change of <}3 into 133 in the Sept., yet, 

on the other hand, we scruple to ascribe t" the 
Chronist an uncertain or defective knowledge 
concerning the families of the house of David 
alter Zerubbabel, as it is to be presumed that he 
would be especially well informed on matters so 
near his own time. — Ver. 22. And the aom of 
Shechaniah: Shemaiah. The plur. '33, as in i. 

41, ii. 42, etc. (hi Hattush son of Shemaiah, then 
named in the first place, see on previous verse, 
and Introd. §3, Rem. The closing notice, that 

six sons of Shemaiah are named in all. is strange, 
because only five of them are named; and it is 
quite unfeasible, with .1. H. Mich., Starke, and 
others (as in Gen. xlvi. 15), to assume that the 
father is included. We can scarcely escape lie' 
assumpti >n, that one of the six names has fcl'en 
out of the text by an old error of transcription . 
but we can hardly regard the sixth name Si 9a 
\Srs>:n\ presented by the Vnlg. in the EtIU. Sixi 
of 1590, as anything else than a poor emeudatior 
arising from the number ntS'tfi since no other text 

presents this name. — Ver. 23. And the eon of 
Xeariah: Eiioe.nai. With the latter name, which 

is here written without n Oj'yivN ), but elsewhere 

in full , j"j;irT , 7S (my eyes unto Jehovah), comp. 

Ezra viii. 4, and, with respect to the sentence 
which contains its etymology, Ps. xxv. 15. — Ver. 
24. And the sons of Elioenai: Hodaiah, etc. 

With the name :irpnin (or perhaps iHTflin. 
"praise Jehovah, praise God") compare the 
shorter form rvilin, v - 24, ix. 7, Ezra ii. 40, and 
nVlirii Neh. vii. 43 ; see also Crit. Note. 

The seven sons of Elioenai here named, if we are 
to suppose a direct genealogical connection of the 
families enumerated from ver. 216 with the before- 
named descendants of Zerubbabel (if, consequently, 
the assumption of Movers, Herzfeld, and Keil, 
that vers. 216-24 form an unconnected iuterpo 
lation, is to be rejected), would be the seventh 
generation inclusive from Zerubbabel, and, if the 
length of a generation be fixed at 30 years, would 
have to be placed near the middle of the 4th 
century B.C., as, for example, Bertheau (p. 35) 
reckons the vears 386-356 B.C., Ewald {Gesch. d. 
V. Isr. 2d edit. i. 229) the time after 350, as the 
period of the existence of the seven sons of Elioe- 
nai, who are supposed to be contemporary with the 
author of Chronicles. The assumption that we 
are here dealing with direct descendants of Zerub- 
babel is liable to serious doubt. For, besides the 
loose connection of ITDI 'JS and the following 

families in ver. 21, it appears to favour the 
fragment hypothesis, that "in the genealogy of 
Jesus, Matt, i., not a single name of the descen- 
dants of Zerubbabel agrees with the names in this 
register," and that at least seven members must 
be supposed to be overleaped at once by Matthew 
it his genealogical voucher (so Clericus, and 
recently Keil). In rep'.y to this, it may be assumed 
certainly, that those descendants of Zerubbabel 
whose pedigree is traced by the Chronist to 1 is 
own time need not necessarily have been the 
direct ancestors of Joseph (or Mary), but that the 
line of Abiud, Eliakim, etc., leading to Jesus in 
Matthew, might have s] rung from another of the 
seven sons of Zerubbabel Besides, Matthew must 
have made very great omissions in the interval 
of 500 years between Zerubbabel and Joseph, as 
he reckons only twelve members for this period 
(comp. the edit, of the Bibelw. on Matt p. - 
an omission of six or seven successive membi rs 
would be nothing inconceivable in his mode of pp 1- 
ceeding. And if the genealogy of Hananiah, coiu- 
municatedat lengtr by the Chronist, in particular 
the family of Elioenai with his seven sons, were 
deemed worthy of special notice on account of 
their celebrity, high reputation, and eminent 


services on behalf of the theocracy, this would j logists, that the third line from the exile to 
not prove that the New Testament pedigree of I Joseph and Mary should include in it chiefly 
.Tesus must necessarily have mentioned these , undistinguished names, and thus form a descend- 
famous descendants of Zerubbabel as belonging i ing line which ends in the carpenter Jos-.-ph (see 
to the ancestors of our Lord. For lowliness and Lange, p. 6). Nothing decisive can thus be 
obscurity, not splendour and fame, should be the > inferred from a comparison of the New Testament 
characteristic of the pedigree of Jesus after the 
exile. If the line of the ancestors of Jesus, reach- 
ing from David to the exile, according to Mat- 
thew's arrangement, contains crowned heads, and 

genealogies of the Messiah with our passage for 
the relation of the names therein contained to 
the posterity of Zerubbabel, or for the question 
whether those named in vers. 216-24 are to be 

thus forms a lofty range of royal names, it j regarded as descendants or a.s remoter sonceetions 

corresponds to the plan of the apostolic genea- I of this prince. 

.'5. Supplements to the Genealogy of the House of Judah (leading to the Genealogical Survey of 
the Twelve Tribes of Israel): ch. iv. 1-23. 

Ch. rv. 1. The sons of Judah : Perez, Hezron, and Carmi, and Hur, and Shobal. 

2 And Reaiah son of Shobal begat Jahath ; and Jahath begat Ahumai and 
Labad : these are the families of the Zorathite. 

3 And these were 1 of the father of Etam: Jezreel, and Ishma, and Idbash; 

4 and the name of their sister was Hazelelponi. And Penuel the father of Gedor, 
and Ezer the father of Hushah : these are the sons of Hur the first-born of 
Ephrathah, the father of Bethlehem. 

5, 6 And Ashur the father of Tekrih had two wives, Helah and Naarata. And 
Naarah bare him Ahuzzam, and Ilepher, and Temeni, and the Ahashtari : 

7 these were the sons of Naarah. And the sous of Helah : Zereth, Izhar, 2 and 

8 . And Koz begat Anub and Zobebah, <tiul the families of Aharhel the son 

9 of Harum. And Jabez was honoured above his brethren ; and his mother 

10 called his name Jabez, saying, Because I bare him with sorrow. And Jabez 
called on the God of Israel, saying, If thou wilt bless me indeed, and enlarge 
my border, and thy hand be with me, and thou deal without evil, that it 
grieve me not ! And God brought that which he had asked. 

1 1 And Celub the brother of Shuhah begat Mehir ; he was the father of Esh- 

12 ton. And Eshton begat Beth-rapha, and Paseah, and Tehinnah the father of 
the city Nahash : these are the men of Piechah. 

13 And the sons of Kenaz : Othniel and Seraiah ; and the sons of Othniel : 

14 Hathath. And Meonothai begat Ophrah : and Seraiah begat Joab father of 
the valley of the carpenters ; for they were carpenters. 

15 And the sons of Caleb son of Jephunneh : Iru, Elah, and Naam ; and the 
sons of Elah and Kenaz. 

16 And the sons of Jehalelel : Ziph and Ziphah, Tiria and Asarel. 

1 7 And the son 3 of Ezrah : Jether, and Mered, and Epher, and Jalon ; and she 
conceived [and bare]* Miriam, and Schammai, and Ishbah father of Eshtemoa. 

18 And his wife, the Jewess, bare Jered the father of Gedor, and Heber the father 
of Socho, and Jekuthiel the father of Zanoah : and these are the sons of Bithiah 
daughter of Pharaoh, whom Mered took. 5 

19 And the sons of the wife of Hodiah, the sister of Naham : the father of 
Keilah the Garmite, and Eshtemoa 6 the Maachathite. 

20 And the sons of Shimon : Amnon and Kinnah, Benhanan and Tulon ; 7 and 
the sons of Ishi : Zoheth and Benzoheth. 8 

21 The sons of Shelah son of Judah : Er the father of Lechah, and Ladah the 
. father of Mareshah ; and the families of the house of byssus work, of the house 

22 of Ashbea. And Jokim, and the men of Cozeba, and Joash, and Saraph, who 

23 ruled over Moab, and Jashubi-lehem 9 : and these are ancient things. These are 
the potters and the dwellers in Netaim and Gederah ; with the king, in his 
service, they dwelt there. 

1 For DtS'V ^N i"l?Nl, which gives no tolerable sense, read with some M8S. Dti'V '3X y 22 >"I9RV oi wltl 
the Sept, Vulg., and some other mss. DC]} 'J3 HpSV 

CHAP. IV. 1. 


' So (inV) in the Kcthib The Keri "inSI is designed to gain a name better kn 

<>mp. Gen. xxlii. 8, 

ilvi. 10). 

* For pi some mss. Iiave ''jai, which is perhaps to be preferred, as in vers- 13. 16, 19, 20. 

« For inni, "and she conceived," the Sept., following pel-hups another reading, give xott tyumna 'U9ip (Vulg : 
fmuitgwMariam). For D^ID they exhibit >! ■ o«v (cod. Vat. Ma?**). 

4 This closing sentence T1D . . . MpXl Stands here probably in the wrong place, and is t( be placed after 
p7'l, ver. 17; see Exeg. Expos. 

a Before ybHlw'X (which the Sept. here renders by 'UffOvfAxii, whereas in ver. 17 it has 'E*0i,**' {c<jd. V<tt. *E# 
6«i^i»]) '3X1 seems to have fallen out, as the parallel fv'l'p 'as indicates. 

: A', ihib: ]i?in ; Keri: ji?*B. 

8 Uefore r)rTiT~|3, which (not a-, for example, pn~ja Immediately before) is not a nom. propr , but denotes "son 
cf Zobelli," the name of tliis son seems to have fallen our 

9 Jerome (perhaps on the ground of a somewhat different text, but more probably only following the arbitrary inter- 
pretation of an old Jewish Midrash) renders the words from D^pVl ■ et qui stare /ecit solem, virique mevdaeii et tecum 
et ineendenSj qui primipes fuerunt in ifoab, et qui reuersi sunt in Lachem. 


Preliminary Remark. — This section, un- 
usually rich in obscurities and difficulties, is 
characterized on the one hand us a supplement 
to the pedigree of Judah already communicated, 
embracing numerous fragments of old genealogies; 
on the oilier hand, as a transition and introduc- 
tion to the genealogical and chorographica] survey 
of the twelve tribes except Judah, contained in 
iv. 24-vii. In common with the latter group of 
genealogies, it makes frequent reference to the 
places in the territory of each tribe, and inserts 
brief historical or archaeological notices, which 
are of considerable value on account "I the anti- 
quity of the events recorded (vers. 9, 10, 11, 
21-23). We are reminded of the former notices 
of the families of Judah in ch. ii. , not only by 
the superscription connecting the introductory 
terse of this chapter, with its enumeration of 
some of the most eminent descendants of Judah 
(ver. 1), but also by the abundance of the details 
lommunicated concerning many more or less cele- 
brated Jewish families (at all events a proof thai 
tile tribe of Judah passed with the author for tile 
i.mst important of all, and that the most special 
notices concerning it lay before him); as well as 
by the loose order of the several fragments, in 
which a similar neglect of the formation of longer 
lines of generations standing in direct succession 
to one another betrays itself, as in those supple- 
mentary reports concerning various descendants 
of Cvieb at the close of ch. ii., and perhaps in the 
closing verses of ch. iii. Nowhere is this frag- 
mentary character of the genealogical notes of 
our author so striking as in the present section, 
which presents no less than ten or twelve isolated 
fragments ol lines or genealogical notices, having 
no visible connection with that which precedes or 
follows. The whole, in fact, looks almost like a 
gathering of genealogical pebbles, rolled together 
from various quarters, and consisting of older 
and younger parts, that are kept together only 
by their common connection with the tribe 
of Judah. That anything here communicated 
refers to the state of things after the exile, is 
alumni by Bertheau (p. 36), perhaps without 
sufficient ground. Yet it cannot !»■ positively 
asserted that the author (who in ch. iii. traced 
the bouse of David down to his own late times) 

here describes only ancient relations, and pur- 
posely has not overstepped the limits of the 

1. The Superscription: ver. 1. — The $07is of 
Judah: Perez, Hezron, and Carmi, and llur, and 
Shobal. These live are called " sons" of Judah, 
as appears from ii. 3 ff., only in a wider sense ; 
for Perez only was an actual sou of Judah (ii. 5) ; 
Hezron was his grandson ; Carmi, as the probable 
grandson of Zerah (ii. 7), was his great-grandson . 
llur the son of Caleb, son of Hezron, was his 
great-great-grandson (ii. 18, 19); and Shobal son 
of Hur was his grandson's great-grandson (ii. 50). 
The putting together of these five descendants is 
highly peculiar, and cannot be satisfactorily ex- 
plained in its historical grounds. Several of the 
families founded by them certainly became chiel 
families in the tribe of Judah, but not all; ii 
particular, the prominence of Carmi between 
names so celebrated as Hezron and Hur is so 
truly strange, as to justify the suspicion that this 
name is not genuine, and to favour the hypothesis 
of Vellhausen (p. 20), that for <D13 is to be read 

'a^S, Celubai=Caleb (see ii. 9). If this were the 
original reading, we should obtain a series of 
directly succeeding descendants of Judah (comp. 
ii. 3, 9, 18 f., 50), and so far as our verse is a 
superscription for the following, it would merely 
indicate descendants of Hezron, who is also 
named in ch. ii. as the ancestor of a widely-spread 
stock of Jewish families. This indication, how- 
ever, would by no means correspond with the 
following verses. For only by uncertain con- 
jecture do we think to find in vers. 5-7 descend- 
ants of Hur, in vers. 11-15 descendants of Caleb, 
in vers. 16-23 other Hezronites of different lines 
(conip. on the respective passages). On the 
whole, the several groups of our section are 
strung together without much connection ; ami 
that they form no continuous line of descent (by 
which the line started in ver. 1, if the proposed 
emendation be accepted, would be carried for- 
ward) is at all events clear and beyond a doubt. 
'Die matter, therefore, must rest with the remark 
of Bertheau: " Why in our passage precisely 
these five 'sons' of Judah are enumerated, while 
in Gen. xlvi. 1 and 1 Chron. ii. other name? 
occur in a different order, is a question we should 
only be able to answer if we could state tiie point 



of time in the history and development of the 
tribe of Judah to which our series refers, and 
nere iu a position to trace further from other 
sources the relations of the families of Judah here 
exhibited. As matters stand, we must be con- 
tented with the gen ra'. remark, that the families 
designated by our rive names were without doubt 
the prominent families in the time of the author 
of our series, and are therefore enumerated as 
sons of Judah. It is surprising, certainly, that 
ii. the following pedigree, vers. "2-20, this arrange- 
rnsnt almost entirely disappears, and that in vers. 
21-23 Shelah, sixth ' son' ot Judah, is intro- 
duced by way of appendix." 

2. 77m ZorathUes, a line of descent from Sho- 
bal : ver. 2. — And Reaiak son of Shobal (the 
cot] who is probably latent under nXIH. ii. 52, on 
which see) begat Jahath. fllT is no further men- 
tioned as a descendant of Judah through Shobal, 
but occurs often as a Levite name ; conip. vi. 5, 
28, xxiii. 10 If, xxiv. 22. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 12.— 
His sons also, Ahumai and Lahad, occur nowhere 
else. On the contrary, the closing notice, "these 
are the families of the Zorathite," refers us to 
well-known ground, in so far as a descent of the 
inhabitants of Zorah from Shobal (the ancestor 
of Kiriath-.jearim, the mother city of Zorah and 
Eshtaol) is manifest from ii. 50-53. The pre- 
sent verse therefore stands plainly in the relation 
of a supplement to that passage. 

3. A Line of Descent from Hur : vers. 3, 4. — 
And these icert of the father of Etam. So is it 
to be amended instead of the unmeaning "and 
these were Abi Etam " of the Masoretie text, or 
with the Sept. and Vulg. : " And these were the 
children of Etam." au'JJ, whether it be an ele- 
ment of a personal name QB'JJ '3X. or itself de- 
note an old patriarch or family, points at all 
events to the inhabitants of an old Jewish moun- 
tain city not far from Bethlehem and Tekoa 
(2 i 'lirou. xi. 6), which occurs in the history of 
Samson (Judg. xv. S). Jezreel also, the first- 
named son of Etam, occurs Josh. xv. 50 as a 
mountain city of Judah ; eomp. the nom. gentit. 
" the Jezreelitess " referring to this city, and ap- 
plied to Ahinoam the wife of David, iii. 1. On 
the contrary, Ishma, Idbash, and their sister 
Hazelelponi are mentioned only here. Whether 
the name of the last is the name of a 
family or of an individual (comp. Ew. § 273e) 
remains doubtful. — Ver. 4. And Penuel the 

father of Gedor. Penuel (^133^ is llt ' re tlie 
name of a patriarch of Jewish descent, but in 
viii. 25 of a Benjamite. With the city Penuel or 
l'eniel, east of the Jordan and south of Jabbok 
(Gen. xxxii. 31 f., Judg. viii. S, 17, 1 Kings xii. 
25), the name herj has no connection. On the 
contrary, that of his son Gedor occurs also as a 
name of a town in the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 
58 ; com]). 1 Chron. iv. 39, xiii. 7), and this 
town, preserved as a ruin in the present Jedur 
I Robins, ii. 592), is to be referred to the son of 
l'.nuel as its father or founder. We meet, iu- 
deed, in ver. 18 with a certain Jered as "father 
.if Gedor," whence we may conclude that the 
posterity of both formed tie- population of this 
il. dor. — And Ezer the father of Bvshak ijy 

;"help ") occurs elsewhere as a man's name (vii. 

21, xii. 9), but not in the genealogies of the house 
of Judah. The site of the town Hushah founded 
by this Ezer is unknown ; but the nam. gentii. 
TVJ'in occurs several tiroes, namely, in the Davidic 

hero Sibbechai, 1 Chron. xi. 28, xx. 4, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 27. — These aie the sons of Hw the first- 
horn if Ephrathath, the. father of Bethlehem. 
Comp. ii. 19, and on Hur's relation to Bethlehem 
ii. 51, where more precisely than here Salma tin- 
son of Hur is called "father of Bethlehem." 
"The circumstance, moreover, that in our verses 
(3 and 4) other names and persons are enumerated 
as descendants of Hur than in ii. 50-55, betokens 
no difference ; for there is no ground for the 
assumption that in tlie latter passage all his 
descendants are given " (Keil). Our passage is 
thus, like ver. 2, supplementary to ii. 50-55, so 
far as it repeats and confirms some of the names 
and affinities there mentioned, and adds other 
new ones. 

4. Ashur the father of Tekoa and his de- 
scendants: vers. 5-7. According to ii. 24, this 
Ashur was a posthumous son of Caleb [? HezronJ 
by Abiah. That he was properly a son of Caleb, 

and no other than Hnr (-pin = "VHTi."X> * uat is > 

"Wl L ,;, X, Ew. § 2736), is a hypothesis of Well' 

hausen, grounded on several rather forced emenda- 
tions of the text (p. 14 sq. ; comp. above on the 
p.) — Ver. 6. And Naarah hare him Ahuzzam, a 
son mentioned nowhere else. Why Naarah 's 
sou* are enumerated first, while Helah was 
named ver. 5 as the first, and Naarah the second, 
wife of Ashur, remains uncertain. Hepher the 
second son of Naarah is at all events different 
from the Gileadite of this name mentioned xi. 
36 and Num. xxvi. 32 f, but might possibly be 
the patriarch or founder of the district Hepher, 
1 Kings iv. lo, iu the south of Judah, not far 
from Tappuah, where a Canaanitish king resided 
in early times (Josh. xii. 17). — Temeni ('jo'W) 

or Temani (Southern), the third son, will de- 
signate a neighbouring family of the tribe of 
Judah. Ahashtari, that is, the family of those from 

Ahashtar, is wholly unknown. — Ver. 7. And tlie 
sons of Hi 'ah : Zinth, lzhar, and E'hnan. These 
names occur only here. The iriS of the K ' ri < 
instead of the Kethib -|nY\ occurs as the name ot 

a son of Simeon, Gen. xlvi. 10, and of a Canaan- 
itish king, Gen. xxiii. 8 ; but these names have 
obviously nothing to do with the son of Ashur 
and Helah. 

5. Koz ami his descendants, among whom is 
Jabez : vers. 8-10. This section w.ints all genealo- 
gical connection with the families already men- 
tioned. — And Koz beijat Anub. A Koz (with the 
art. J'ipn) occurs afterwards, xxiv. 10, as a Levite, 
and also in Ezra ii. 61 and Neh. iii. 4, in which 
latter passage, moreover, the Levitieal descent is 
not expressed, so that possibly a Jew descended 
from this Koz might be meant. In what rela- 
tion our Koz stands to those before named, 
whether he belonged to the sons of Ashnr ias 
Glassius, Treniell, Piscator, Starke, etc., think), 
is quite uncertain. The name of his sou 2«J) 

appears, moreover, to be identical with that of 
the town 3jy, Josh. xi. 21, xv. 50 (a place not fat 

from Debir in the south of Judah) ; for the P-nt 

CHAP. IV. 7-14. 


cod. Alex.) lenders it by 'a»«w3. If tliis identi- 
fication be correct, ayy, "the grape," would be 

the product of pp, a "thorn," and the present 
genealogical notiee thus present an allegorical 
sense, reminding us of the fable of Jotham (Judg. 
ix. i, and of .Matt. vii. 16 (comp. I Idler, Hierophyt. 
i. p. 404). — Zobebah and the families of Aharhel 
the son of Sarum. Thes ■ are quite unknown. — 
Ver. 9. And Jabez was honoured above his bre- 
thren. Jabez here is probably the name of another 
descendant of Eoz j for the lfl'l connects the 

notice of him closely with that which precedes. 

The town Jab -z, the inhabitants of which are 

mentioned ii. 55, may perhaps have I a founded 

bj him ; from which might be surmised a con- 
nection of himself and of those named, ver. 8, 
with Shobal the son of Hnr (ii. 50). But all 
this is very uncertain. — / bare him with sorrow. 
This maternal utterance, discovering the funda- 
mental meaning of the name j'ay = "son of 

sorrow " (comp. the root QVIS thesecond and third 

radicals of which are here transposed), reminds us 
of similar exclamations of mothers in the patri- 
archal age, as Gen. iv. 25, xix. 37 f. , xxix. 32-35, 
xxxiii. 20. In like manner, the statement that 
Jabez was "honoured above his brethren," re- 
minds us of Gen. xxxiv. 19 (Hamor the soil of 
Sheehem). And by the vow of this Jabez to the 
"God of Israel " (comp. Gen. xxviii. 20, xxxiii. 
20) recorded in ver. 10, as well as by the new ex- 
planation of the name, which is contained in the 
terms of tins vow (a second reference of J'ajp to 

the root y*]l> but ^'itli a new turn, <3Vy 'rta^, 

" that thou grieve me not"), we arc carried back 
to the scenes of Genesis (comp. Gen. xvii. 17 tf., 
xviii. 12, xxi. 6, xxvi. 8, etc.), so that we have 
here an undoubted primeval historical record. 
Even the rhetorical clothing of the vow, a mere 
antecedent clause, with qx wanting a consequent, 

but with clear emphasizing of the '3V1? coming 

in at the end as the point of the whole, reminds 
us of the ancient style of the Pentateuch ; comp. 
Gen. xxviii. 20 tf. ; Num. xxi. 2, etc. — And God 
brought that which fa had asked. This statement, 
occupying the place of consequent to the aposio- 
pesis 1J313FI 7p2~QX. serves to explain the above 

notice that Jabez was honoured above his bre- 
thren, and exhibit him as the lord of a wide 
Lomain, and the possessor of the divine blessing. 
Observe, moreover, the name DTipX use d bere 
(as in v. 20, 25, 26 1 instead of nin\ which occurs 

elsewhere in these genealogical sections (for 
example, ii. 3, v. 41, etc.). 

o The. Men of Sechah: vers. 11, 12. — And 
t.'etub tin- broth r of Shuhah begat Mehir. 
This Celub (3^3) bears indeed the same name as 

the famous hero Caleb or Celubai (ii. 9), but is 
distinguished by the addition "the brother of 
Shuhah " from his more illustrious namesake, 
and cannot possibly have passed witli our genealo- 
gist l'"r the same person (as Wellhausen, p. 'Jo, 

thinks). The choice of the form 31S3. which 
"oris to 2^tj as 2W- ver. 8, to 2}]}< while the 

famous Caleb the son of Jephunneh, ver. 15. is 
designated by his usual name, shows that in the 
view of the writer tlie owners "I' ih" two names 
are to be kept apart. It is doubtful whether 
rims' be a man's or a woman's name ; its identi- 
fication witli rVC ; 'n, ver. 4, is not admitted (against 

Starke and other old writers). Mehir tl 
and Esliton the grandson, of Celub occur no- 
where else. — Ver. 12. And Eshton begat Beth 
rapha, that is, perhaps, the house or family of 
Kapha, who is otherwise unknown ; for neither 
the Benjamite Kapha (viii. 2i nor the offspring of 
Rapha ;.xx. 4-S) can apply here. And the two 
following descendants of Eshton remain at least 
uncertain. Paseah might possibly be the ancestor 
of tlie "sons of Paseah" introduced among the 
Xethiiiim (Ezra ii. 49; Neh. vii. 51); Tehinnah 
occurs not elsewhere, though perhaps tlie city 
N'ahash, ofwhich he is the father "i' founder, may 
be connected with Nahash the father of Abigail, 
the step-sister of David (see ii. 10: 2 Sun. xvii. 
251. — These tie the men of Rechah, the in- 
habitants perhaps of the town Eechah, a place 
not elsewhere named. 

7. The Descendants of Kenaz : vers. 13, 14. 
— And the sons of Kenaz: Othniel and Seraiah. 
That Kenaz (Up), the "father" of Othniel the 

judge (Judg. i. 13 If., iii. 9), sprang from 
Hezron the grandson of Judah, appears to follow 
from this, that Caleb the sou of Jephunneh is 
several times designated a Kenizzite (i^p), and so 

placed in a certain genealogical relation to Kenaz. 
It is to be observed, indeed, that Kenaz, if really 
father or grandfather, and not a more remote 
ancestor of Othniel, would have been younger 
than Caleb or a contemporary of nearly tlie same 
age. Caleb and Othniel are usually called 
" brothers," on account of their common relation 
to Kenaz (Josh. xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13) ; and, in- 
deed, in the latter place Othniel is called the 
"younger brother" of Caleb (we must there- 
fore translate, with Bachmann, tlie son of Kenaz, 
younger brother of Caleb, with which, how- 
ever, Josh. xv. 17 would conflict ; see Keil, p. 
03). Hence appears the possibility that both the 
companion of Joshua, Caleb the son of Jephunneh 
(who was eighty-five years old at the conquest of 
Canaan, Josh. xiv. 10 f. ), and Othniel the judge, 
at least a generation younger (the conqueror of 
Cushan rishathaim), stood in a common relation to 
an otherwise unknown patriarch Kenaz. Of what 
nature this relation was, whether it was that 
Caleb, by means of his father Jephunneh, was a 
grandson of Kenaz (as appears to have been the 
case, Num. xxxii. 12), and that Othniel, either 
through Jephunneh or some other, was likewise 
in- grandson, or perhaps great-grandson, rausl re- 
main uncertain. Possibly Kenaz is merely tlie 
name of a race external to Israel, belonging 111 
fact 10 Edoui, Gen. xxxvi. 11, 1 Cnron. i. 36, 53, 
to which Caleb became somehow related in the 
march through the wilderness, and from which 
also Othniel was descended. Knobel 1011 Gen. 
xxxvi. 11, p. 2S1) conceives lie relationship 
thus : " The ' Kenizzite ' is perhaps a sui name of 
Caleb, originating from some Kenizzites having 
pissed into his family during the joiirnev ot 
Moses. After Jephunneh's death, one of them 
appears to have married Caleb's mother, and had 
by her Othnid. His name being afterwards for 



gotten, he was designated by the Dame of his 
tribe."— Seraiah, Othniel's brother, occurs only 
here ; we meet with a later Jew of this name, 
who returned with Zembbabel, Ezra ii. 2. — And 
the sons of Othniel: Hathath. On the phrase 
"331 before only one name, see ii. 7. Yet the 

plural might here possibly refer also to Meonothai 
as brother of Hathath (ver. 14), if a Vljil'Cl 

hail fallen out at the end of our verse, or if the 
genealogist had presupposed that Meonothai was 
brother to Hathath, and therefore hastened at 
once to the statement of his descendants. 
Othniel's sons occur nowhere else. The name 
Meonothai might also be connected with the 
town Maon (Jusli. xv. 55), or with the Meunim 
(Ezra ii. 5U; Neh. vii. 52). — Ver. 14. And 
Meonothai begat Ophrah. We can scarcely think 
of Ophrah as the Benjamite town of this name 
(Josh, xviii. 23; 1 Sam. xiii. 17), or even of the 
home of Gideon in the tribe of Manasseh (Judg. 
vi. 11). — And Seraiah beijal Joab father if the 
valley of the carpenters. This occurs here as a 
place founded by Joab son of Seraiah (ver. 13), 
called the " Valley of the carpenters or the 
craftsmen" (D'SShn), and in Neh. xi. 35 ; and, 

indeed, as a place not far from Jerusalem, on the 
north side. Whether it had received its name 
after the exile, and whether Joab, the founder of 
the colony, is to pass for one of those Joabs in 
Zerubbabel's time who are mentioned Ezra ii. ti, 
Neh. vii. 11 (to which hypothesis Berth, seems 
inclined), must remain doubtful. 

S. Tlu Descendants of Caleb tin- Son qfJephun- 
neh : ver. 15. —That this Jephunnite Caleb is 
probably the same with him whose genealogy is 
given oh. ii. 46-49 (and therefore with the Caleb 
of Num., Josh., and Judg ), and different from 
the Hezronite Cclubai or Caleb (ii. 9, IS, 42 ti'., 
50 ff., perhaps his ancestor [rather descendant]), 
has been fully shown on ii. 49. — Iru, Elah, ami 
Noam. These three sons of Caleb occur m m here 
else; for the second, Elah, must have been com- 
bined with the Edomite prince of the same name 
mentioned i. 52, as Eenaz might be identical 
with the Kenaz named there, "ver. 53. This 
Calebite Kenaz cannot be the same as the father 
of Othniel (ver. 13) ; rather as grandson or great- 
grandson, he bore the same name as his ancestor. 
Why "the sons of Elah" are set down between 
this Kenaz and Naam in the series of the sons of 
Caleb we can no longer explain. It is inadmis- 
sible, at all events, to translate, with a number 
of older expositors (including Starke) ; " and the 
sons of Elah were (also) Kenaz," as if 1 before 
Jjp could be anything but the copula. As the 

words run, Kenaz is appended to the aforemen- 
tioned descendants of Caleb, of whom the sons of 
Elah take the fourth place, as the fifth and last ; 
only if a name were fallen out before f;p^ (as 

Keil supposes) could Kenaz be regarded as be- 
longing to the sons of Elah. 

9. Jehaleltl's Sons : ver. 16. — Ziph and Ziphah, 
Tiriah and Asarel. Only the first of these is 
known, and, indeed, as the supposed father of 
one of those towns in Judah which are named in 
Josh. xv. 24, 55. Even of Jehalelel we know- 
nothing more. A quite arbitrary hypothesis of 
some older scholars makes out of him rather a 
woman, the supposed second wife of Kenaz, ver 
13, whose first wife was (?) Jelihunneh. 

10. Ezrah's Posterity: vers. 17, IS.— And thi 
sons of Ezrah: Jether, and Mered, and Epher, 
and Jalon ; and she conceived, etc. If the 
sm g- pi is f° De retained, we may compare such 

cases as iii. 19, 21, 23, etc. ; but see Crit. Note. 
The here-named Ezrah occurs nowhere else ; he 
belongs, at. all events, to a grey antiquity, as the 
father of old Jewish towns like Eshtemoa, Socho. 
Zanoah, etc. It is not clear how he is connected 
with the foregoing or following families of Judah, 
Of his four sons, the last, Jalon, occurs only here 
even in name; the names Jether and Epher occui 
elsewhere, but in other families (Jether, ii. 32. 
comp. 53; and Epher, xi. 33 and v. 24); furthei 
notices of them are wanting. On the contrary, 
the closing sentence of ver. 18 shows, with respect 
to Mered, that probably all the names from ver. 
lilt ("and she conceived," etc.) denote descend- 
ants <»! this man by two wives, a "Jewess" and a 
"daughter of Pharaoh." And as the words -inm 

' 131, standing as they now do alter the name of 
the fourth son of Ezrah, and wanting a feminine 
subject, yield no rational sense, the removal (pro- 
posed by Bertheau, and adopted by Kamph., 
Keil, and others) of that closing sentence: "and 
these are the sons of Bithiah daughter of Pharaoh, 

whom Mered took," to our passage after vt>^, 

' T ; 

commends itself as a very suitable amendment ; 
comp. the Crit. Note, "inm is then to be taken 

as a synonym of "pm (which is given by the 

Sept. and the Vulg. ), and the names Miriam 

(□'"ID, 'or which, perhaps, US~\12, lis in Sept. cod. 

Vat. or the like, is to be read, as we expect to find 
a man's name in the first place), Shammai, and 
Ishbah then denote the sons born to Mered by 
Pharaoh's daughter; whereupon in ver. IS the 
names of those descended from the Jewess are 
added. We obtain here, accordingly, two lines 
descending from Mered — one Egyptian, from which 
land in particular from Ishbah (he third son of 
Pharaoh's daughter) the inhabitants of the town 
Eshtemoa (Sept. 'Erfa/tu* or 'Erfm/ia*), on the 
mountains of Judah, the present Samua, south 
of Hebron, drew their origin (comp. Josh. xv. 15, 
xxi. 14, and ver. 19), and one Jewish, from which 
three towns of Judah are derived: — 1. Gedoi, 
comp. on ver. 4 ; 2. Socho, perhaps the present 
Suweikeh, in the lowland south west of Jeru- 
salem, comp. Josh. xv. 35, 1 Sam. xvii. 1, etc. ; 
3. Zanoah, perhaps the present Sanuah, in the 
lowland near Zorah, comp. Josh. xv. 34 (though 
the other Zanoah on the mountains of Judab. 
Josh, xv. 36, the site of which we do not know, 
might be meant). Of the names of the three 
"fathers" or founders of these towns, Jekuthie] 

(^NTUpV probably "fear of God") occurs no- 
where else; while Jered (comp. Gen. v. 15) and 
"QPI occur elsewhere, the latter pretty often 

(Gen. xlvi. 17; Num. xxvi. 45; Judg. iv. 11, 17; 
1 Chron. viii. 17).— And these are the sons oj 
Bithiah, etc. These words, in the position which 
we have assigned to them, are not a subscription 
tor the preceding, but rather an introduction 
to the following words "131 innV We know 

nothing more of this daughter of Pharaoh. 
n'jns"ri3 may be merely a general phrase for 

CHAP. IV. 19-23. 


rVIXQ. au Egyptian ; so thinks Hitzig, Oesch. d. 

V. isr. p. 64, who, indeed, without right, might 
thus degrade the Pharaoh's daughter of the 
Exodus, the foster-mother of .Moses, into a com- 
mon Egyptian. No less arbitrary is the opposite 
conjeeture of the older Rabbins, and recently "I 
Fiirat (Gesch. d. bibl. Liter, i. 319), that this 
same king's daughter Theiuiuthis, the protectress 

of Muses, is here meant. The na Miriam, at 

the head of the descendants of this Egyptian, 
seems to have given rise to this identification 
with Thernmthis (comp. Wagenseil, Sota, p. '271). 
The opinion of Osiander, Hilh-r. .1. II. Michaelis, 
Starke, etc., that we are not to think of an 
Egyptian here, as Bithiah is a Hebrew name, 
and Pharaoh the name of a Jew. is also arbitrary, 
and directly against the phrase njPS"n3 (comp. 

2 Chron. viii. 11; 1 Kings ix. 24). 

11. Tint Sons of ike Wife of ffodiah: ver. 19. 
— And (he suns of the wife of Hodiah, the sister 
of Naham. Hodiah (n>"lin), as the present St. 

constr. jyj'N. an< I its occurrence as the name of 

several Levites after the exile, in the book of 
Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7, ix. 5, x. 11), show, is 
not a woman's, but a man's name. We know 
neither the name of Hodiah's wife nor her rela 
tion to the foregoing; for that QrU, whose sister 

she is said to be, is the same as QJJJ, Caleb's son, 

ver. 15, no one will seriously assert. — Thefather 
of Keilah Hie Garmite, and Eshtemoa (or perhaps 
"the father ol Eshtemoa;" see Git. Note) thi 
Maachathite. The two designations, "the liar- 
mite" and "the Maachathite," are to us equally 
obscure and unintelligible ; the latter may, per- 
haps, contain an allusion to Maachah the third 
wife of Caleb, ii. 48. The situation of Keilah 

(n^'yp), a town in the lowland of Judah (Josh. 

x\\ 44), has not yet been ascertained. On Eshte- 
moa, see ver. 17. 

12. Descendants of Shimon and hid : ver. 20. 
— A»d the sous of Shimon: Amnon, etc. We 
know not otherwise either Shimon or his four 
sons, and therefore cannot indicate his place in 
the genealogy of Judah. That he was a Hezronite, 
like all the foregoing, is a mere conjecture of 
Wellhausen (p 20). — And tin: son- of Ishi: 
Zoheth and Benzoheth. The name Ishi was also 
home by a Jerahmeelite (ii. 31), the son of 
Appaim, and by a Shneonite, iv. 42. Neither 
can be meant here, especially as a son Zoheth, 
not there mentioned, and an anonymous grandson 
of this Zoheth, are added as descendants. 

13. Descendants of She la It, third son of Judah: 
vers 21-23. — The sons of Shelah son of Judah. 
tin this third son of Judah by the Canaauitess 
Bathshua, see ii. 3; Gen. xxxviii. 5. The absence 

of the copula 1 before nbc' '33 ( as before 133 

rTWiT, ver. I) marks the beginning of a new 

genealogical series: and, indeed, a series that is 
of the more importance, because the posterity of 
Shelah is entirely omitted in eh. ii. — Er the 
father of Lechah, and Ladah the father of Mar- 

eshah. This Er is not to be confounded with 
Shelah 's brother, the tirst - born of Judah (as 
Bertheau thinks); rather is this a similar case 
jf uncle and nephew having the same name, as 

in Ram, for example, ii. 9; comp. ver. 25. We 

know no more of the town Lechah (113^) founded 

by this younger Er; but Mareshah, founded by 
ids brother Ladah, is no doubt the present Marash 

in the Shephelah; see on ch. ii. 42.— And the 
families of the house of byssus n;,rk, of the hovst 
of Ashbea. This house of byssus work (cotton 
factory) may have been situated in Egypt, or 
possibly in Palestine. We know as little of its 
situation as of the "house of Ashbea" (JV3 

i'ZJI'K. rendered by Jerome: domus juramenli) 

For the cultivation of cotton (p3, here dcfei 

tively i'3) also in Syria and Palestine, comp 

Ezek. xxvii. 16; Pausan. v. 5. 2; Pococke, Mor- 
ijenl ii. 88; Robinson, ii. 612, 628, iii. 432.— 
Ver. 22. And Jokhn, and the men of Cozeba, etc. 
The strange rendering of these and the following 
words in the Vulg. (see Crit. Note) seems to have 
been occasioned by an old Rabbinical combination 

of the words 3K1D^ ^>JQ t" ; X w!t » the narra- 
tive of the book of Ruth ; the Q^pi' = qui stare 

n cit solem are accordingly Elinieleeh, the viri 
mendacii his sons Mahlon and Chilion, who re- 
moved with him to Moab, and married daughters 

of this land; and in Dl"6 'OB* is indicated their 
return to Bethlehem, etc. Our passage in reality 
states a total or partial conquest of Moab, effected 
in ancient times by several descendants of Shelah, 
whose names are not otherwise known to us. 
Li'pV appears contracted from DV'V- The men 
of H3T3 might be the inhabitants of 3*13, Gen. 
xxxviii. 5 < = 3 , t3N. Josh. xv. 44), the birth- 
place of Shelah, in the lowland of Judah. An 
altogether strange and now inexplicable name 
occurs at the end, rjnS l, 3B>\ "which the punc- 
tuators would scarcely have so pronounced, if the 
pronunciation had not been so handed down to 
them" (Berth.!. — And these art ancient things, 
thai is, not merely "before the exile, in the 
period of the kings," as Bertheau thinks (p. 46), 
who endeavours to convert this notice into an 
indin ct support of his hypothesis, that in vers. 
7-20 the generations and families of Judah after 
the exile are reported, while vers. 21-23 form an 
appendix referring to the period of kings, but 
certainly w ithout warrant ; the words merely be- 
speak a high age, belonging to the grey foretime, 
for the traditions concerning Jokim, the men of 
Cozeba, etc. (comp. Wellhausen, p. 23, 11. 1). — 
Ver. 23. These are the potters and the dm lb rt in 
Netaim and Gederah. riEH, "these," appear tc 

refer to the whole descendants of Shelah (with 
the natural exception of those "byssus workers," 
ver. 21, that could not well he at the same time 
potters), and not merely those named in ver. 22 
(as Berth.); for this verse has its closing notice 
in D'pTlJ? E'-Q'nn'l. It is not known where 

Netaim (D'yD3. "plantings") was; perhaps it 

means royal gardens near Jerusalem, or near 
those pleasure gardens of Solomon in the Wady 
Urtus at Bethlehem (see on Song i. 1. vol. 
xiii. p. 29 of Bilelir.); comp. also I'zziah's 



gardens, 2 C'hron. xxvi. 10. Gederah (nTBi 

"fence") is perhaps the town mentioned Josh. 
xv. 36 in the lowland of Jndah (the present 
village Gedera, about an hour south-west of 
Jabneh ; see Keil on 1 Chron. xii. 4). — With the 
king, in his service, they dwelt there. To what 
king this alludes is uncertain ; probably no single 
king (as Uzziah, or David, or Solomon) is meant : 
but the phrase applies to the kings of the house 
of David in general, who, from the beginning, 
inherited extensive private domains, where not 
merely cattle - breeding, tillage, and gardening 
were pursued, but also handicrafts, as the pottery 
here mentioned, the cotton-weaving, ver. 21, and 
perhaps carpentry, ver. 14.' 

It has been already remarked that Bertheau's 
assumption, that vers. 1-20 of our chapter 
"presented a description of the generations and 
families of the tribe of Judah which were living 
soon after the exile (the time of Zerubbabel, 
Ezra, and Neherniah)," but vers. 21-23 formed 
an appendix relating to earlier times, was not 
well founded, and finds no sufficient support in 
the assertion, "and these are ancient things." 
Comp. the full refutation which Keil (p. 66 ff., 
note 2) has given to this hypothesis. Neither is 

1 Moreover, the encineer of the "Palestine Exploration 
Fund," Captain Wan en, lias recently discovered remains 
of the pottery of the>e royal factories in Jerusalem. See 
Our Wort in 'Palestine, London 1873, p. 149. 

the concomitant assumption tenable, that then 
are exactly twelve families of the house of Judah 
in vers. 1-29, and of Judah, too, alter the exile, 
in the days of Zerubbabel ; for tlie families men- 
tioned are not arranged according to the sons 
and grandsons of Judah in ver. 1, but are strung 
together loosely, and without any mark of con- 
nection. Instead of twelve, also, a smaller num- 
ber of families may he brought out by another 
mode of reckoning ; as, for example, Ewald, in a 
far more arbitrary way indeed than, 
has found twelve families in the whole, of our 
section, including Shelah and his descendants 
in vers. 21-23 (Gesch. i. p. 471). Both appeal 
to be merely accidental — the number twelve of 
the families named, according to Bertheau's 
reckoning, and the circumstance that many of 
the persons ami places in our section recur it 
Ezra and Nehemiah. To the latter circumstance, 
strongly urged by Bertheau, Keil has justly 
opposed the no less undeniable fact, that most 
of the places already occur in Joshua, and very 
many of the persons in Samuel and Kings, and 
that, with respect to the geographical coincidences 
with Ezra and Nehemiah, the historical contents 
of these books, that were almost exclusively 
enacted on the soil of Judah, and among Israelites 
of Jewish extraction, should in great part be 
taken into account in explanation of this. Comp. 
also what has been urged above in the Prelimi- 
nary Remark, p. 53. 

c. The Families of Simeon, and the Transjohdanic Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- 
Manasseh (till the Deportation of the latter by the Assyrians). — Ch. iv. 24-v. 26. 


. IV 



















1. The Families of Simeun: ch. iv. 24-43. 

24. The sons of Simeon were Nemuel, and Jamin, Jarib, Zerah, Shaul. 
Shallum his son, Mibsam his son, Mishma his son. And the sons of Mishma : 
Hainuel his son, Zaccur his son, Shimi his son. And Shimi had sixteen sons 
and six daughters ; but his brethren had not many sons : and all their family 
did not multiply, like the sons of Judah. 

And they dwelt at Beer-sheba, and Moladah, and Hazar-shual. And at 
Bilhah, and at Ezem, and at Tolad. And at Bethuel, and at Hormah, and at 
Ziklag. And at Beth-marcaboth, and at Hazar-susim, and at Beth-biri, and 
at Shaaraim : these were their towns until the reign of David. And their 
villages, Etam, and Ain, Rimmon, and Tochen, and Ashan, five towns. Ami 
all their villages that were round these towus unto Baal. This was their 
habitation, and they had their own genealogy. 

And Meshobab, and Jamlech, and Joshah the son of Amaziah. And Joel, 
and Jehu the son of Josibiah, the son of Seraiah, the son of Asiel. And 
Elioenai, and Jaakobah, and Jeshohaiah, and Asaiah, and Adiel, and Jesimiel, 
and Benaiah. And Ziza the son of Shiphi, the son of Allon. the son of Jedaiah, 
the son of Shimri, the son of Shemaiah. These are they that entered by name 
princes in their families ; and their father-houses spread greatly. And they 
went to the entrance of Gedor, 1 to the east of the valley, to seek pasture 
for their flocks. And they found fat and good pasture, and the land was 
wide on all sides, and quiet, and peaceful ; for they were of Ham who dwelt 
there before. And these written by name came in the days of Hezekiah 
king of Judah, and smote their tents, and the Melinites'-' that were found 
there, and destroyed them unto this day, and dwelt in their stead ; for there 
was pasture there for their flocks. Ami of them, of the sons of Simeon, five 
hundred men went to mount Seir ; and Pelatiah, and Neariah, and Eephaiah, 

CHAP. IV. 24-33. 


43 and Uzziel, the sons of Ishi, were at their head. And they smote the 
remnant that had escaped of Amalek, and dwelt there unto this day, 

1 The Sei>r gives here Vipxp, whence ~n3 might possibly be an error of transcription for ")")•]. 
* So (D'WBil) the Keri, whereas I lie Kethib gives D'J'l'Qn. unit the Sept. accordingly Mow'wf- 


Preliminary Remark. — This account of the 
tribe of Simeon includes in it a genealogical, a 
geographical, and a historical section. The first 
(vers. 24-27) gives the five sons of Simeon, and 
traces the posterity of the last, Shaul, through a 
series ol generations : the second (vers. 28-33) 
recounts their dwelling-places till the time of 
David ; the third (vers. 34-43) contains two 
migrations or conquests of Sim- unite families, one 
in the time of Hezekiah into a region previously 
inhabited by Hamites, another without a date to 
.Mount Seii, into a district previously Amalekite. 
These accounts partake of the same fragmentary 
character as the sei tions referring to the following 
tribes. Convp. moreover, K. H. Graf, Dei- Stamm 
Simeon, a contribution to the History of Israel, 
Meissen 1S66, and, with respect to the geography, 
the great work "!' the Englishmen E. H. Palmer 
and T. Drake, The Desert of the Exodus, etc., 
Cambridge 1&71 , one of the most valuable publica- 
tions of the " Palestine Exploration Fund," with 
specially valuable contributions to the geography 
of the south of Palestine. With the conclusion 
of these inquirers, that the south border of Pales- 
tine, in particular of the tribe of Simeon, must be 
extended much farther than is usually supposed, 
agrees also Consul Wetzstein, Ueber Kadesh mud 
PaUistma'sSiidgrenze (Excursus III. in Delitzsch's 
Comment on Gen., 4th edit.). 

1. The Five Sons of Simeon, and the Desa mlnn's 
of Shaul; vers. 25-27. — Lemuel. andJamin^Jarib 
Zerah, Shaul. The list in Num. xxvi. 12-14 also 
names five sons of Simeon, and quite the same as 
here, except Jarib, who is there Jakin (p^), of 

which it appears to lie a corruption. On the 
contrary, in the older parallels, Gen. xlvi. 10, 
Ex. vi. 15, six sons of Simeon are enumerated, 
among whom an ( lhad stands in the third place, 
who is wanting here and in Numbers, perhaps 
because his posterity had died out so soon as to 
form no distinct family ; and in the first place a 
Jemuel, who corresponds to the Nemuel of our 
passage, and in the last a Zohar, instead of the 
Zerah here before the last. It is plain that we 
have here equivalent names, as "l|"l'V> candor, is 

not very remote from nil, ortus soils (corop. 

Mai. iii. 20 ; Luke i. 78), and also 7X1DJ (with 

whom Hitzig on Prov. xxx. 01, perhaps too 
toldly, identities the conjectural king Lemuel ol 

Massa) appears only a by-form of pSftQ\ '!"}' "1 

God. It is uncertain whether we are t<> regard 
the forms given in Genesis and Exodus at once as 
original. It is at least plain, from the agreement 
of Num. xxvi. 12-14 with our passage, that the 
Chrouist has not adopted an arbitrary form of the 
names, as Gramberg assumes. — Ver. 25. sin, Hum 
his son, etc. Only of Shaul, the last (perhaps the 
voungest) of the sons of Simeon, whose mother is 
called a Canaauitess in the parallel accounts of 
Genesis and Exodus, are further descendants re- 

ported in six succeeding generations, Shalluni, 
Mibsam, Mishma, Hamuel, Zaccur, and Shimi. 
By the words, "and the sons of .Mishma," at the 
beginning of ver. 27, these six generations are 
divided into two groups, of which, however, the 
s cond, only lineal, without any collateral descen- 
dants; comp. the plur. '33} in like cases, as i. 41, 

ii. 31, iii. 16, 22, etc. — Ver. 27. And •Shimi had 
sixteen sons and six daughters. This lather of a 
very large and flourishing family is brought into 
prominence, like Elioenai, iii. 24 : comp. the 
descendants of Jacob, Jesse, David, Jet, and 
Ps. exxvii. 8, exxviii. 3. — But his brethren (the 
remaining Simeonites, not merely Shimi's imme- 
diate brothers) had not many sons. This is the 
reason that their whole " family did not multiply 
like that of Judah." With this agrees the com- 
paratively small number of the Simeonites in the 
census under Moses (Num. i.-iv. ), and the way 
in which this smaller tribe was included in the 
stronger tribe of Judah in the division of the land, 
Josh. xix. 1. 

2. The original Dwelling-Places of the Simeon- 
ites in the Southern Part of the Land of Judah: 
vers. 28-33 ; comp. Josh. xix. 2-8.— With the 
names of the Simeonite dwelling-places reported 
in this old parallel, those here named agree in the 
main, and in particular with respect to the sepa- 
ration into two groups, one of thirteen, the other 
of five towns. Only the second group consists 
there of only four towns (see on ver. 32), and in 
the first group, notwithstanding the statement 
that thirteen towns are reported, ver. 6, four- 
teen are actually named ; between Beer-sheba 
and Moladah a Sheba is inserted, a name (JQBJ) 

which appears to be a repetition of the second 
component of yx? "1K3, occasioned by negligence 

in copying, but possibly also = yoCi*> a town 

named, Josh. xv. 26, before Moladah (of the latter 
opinion is, for example, Keil, on Josh. xix. 2 and 
our passage). There are several unessential differ- 
ences of form or orthography between our passage 

and Josh, xix., as in the latter n?3 for n!"l?3, 

ver. 29, i^inta for ~bsn, ^j-q for bwnz, 

HD1D "fifTl for D'DID IVn. niK3^ JV3 (house of 
lions) for '{03 JT3. an d jni~m> (pleasant har- 
bour) for D'll'C' (two gates). It cannot be shown 

which of these forms is the more original : some 
of the deviations may rest on mere errors of trau- 
scription, as might so easily happen in places that 
scarcely ever occur again. Moreover, the book of 
Joshua (xv. 26-32) repeats the most of them as 
belonging to the towns of the south of Judah, and 
certainly »vith some variations of form (for ex- 
ample, rb'slZ for Bilhah, ^D3 for Bethul, OWE* 

for Shaaraim, Madmannah for Keth-mareaboth, 
Sansannah for Hazar-susim). Most of these 
places are still undiscovered ; Beer-sheba survives 



in Bir-es-Seba ; Moladah probably in tlie ruins 
Tel Milh, south of Hebron, on the road to Aila ; ' 
Hormah, the older name of which was Shephath, 
in the ruin Sepnta, two aud a half hours south of 
Khalasa ; Ziklag in Kasluj, east of this Sepata ; 
and Shaaraim in Tell Sheriah, between Beer-sheba 
and Gaza. — These were their towns until the reign 
of David, and their villages. With almost all 
recent expositors, D.Tiyni is certainly to be at- 
tached to ver. 31, for the parallel, Josh. xix. 6, 
speaks of " towns and their villages," and all 
that are named in ver. 32 are expressly named 
"towns." Moreover, the separation of QDHSffi 
from the foregoing, occasioned by the date " until 
the reign of David," is already very old ; for the 
old translators agree with the Masoretic text in 
transferring the word to the following verse. 
The reason why the date "until the reign of 
David" was inserted here, and not in ver. 33 
(where it would be less surprising), appears to be 
this, that the changes occurring from the time of 
David in the habitations of the Simeonites, con- 
sisting in their partial removal by the Jews (com p. 
ver. 34 ff. ), applied only to the thirteen towns 
already named, whereas the live towns, with theii 
villages to be named in the following verse, re- 
mained still an undiminished possession of the 
Simeonites. So, justly, Keil, following Rashi and 
Kimchi, and partly against Bertheau, who assumes 
as the object of the subscription merely an allu- 
sion to Ziklag (conip. 1 Sam. xxvii. 6), or perhaps 
to others of the forementioned towns, as belong- 
ing from the time of David no longer to the tribe 
of Simeon, whereas such a limitation of the sense 
is foreign to the words; and, moreover, Ziklag was 
severed from Simeon by the Philistines before the 
reign of David (1 Sam. xxvii. 6).— Ver. 32. Etam, 
and Ain, JRimmon, and Tochen, and Ashen, fate 
towns. After the thirteen towns, the parallel, 
Josh. xix. 7, gives a second group, not a penta- 
polis, but only a tetrapolis, with the omission of 
Tochen, and the change of Etam (DU'J?) into Ether 

(IDV). It is hard to say where the original is to 

be sought. We are scarcely entitled, with Movers 
(p. 73) and Bertheau, to charge both texts with 
inaccuracy, and to altirm that the series of these 
towns originally ran thus : pQ-\ pjj, -)j-|y. pft, 

JC'J?, so that by an oversight two cities were made 

out of one En-rimmon (which occurs in Neh. xi. 
29), and by another oversight Tochen fell out of 
the text ol Joshua, and by a third the name -injj, 
which is proved to be original by the subsequent 
mention of such a town in Josh. xv. 43, has in 
Chronicles been supplanted by the better known 
DU'V- Against this conjecture Keil has justly 

urged : 1. The \\q-\ and py are counted as sepa- 
rate cities not merely in Josh. xix. 7, but also in 
Josh. xv. 32, and the union of the two names into 
an En-rimmon in Nehemiah may be explained 
simply from the contiguity of the two places (of 
which Rimmon is discovered in " Rum er Rum- 
u.anin," four hours north of Beer-sheba, and Ain 
appears to have been the name of an oil will lying 
near it), or possibly by a coalescence of the two at 
a later period ; 2. Etam, if it actually came into 
the text by exchange with the original Ether, 

1 So also 1'alDier and Diake. p. 303 

should have been, not at the head of the list, but 
the last but one (where "tnj; stands in Josh. xix. 

7) ; and 3. There were notoriously two Etams, one 
in the mountains of Judah south of Bethlehem, 
2 Chron. xi. 6, and one in the Negeb of Judah on 
the border of Simeon, which occurs in the history 
of Samson, Judg. xv. 8, 11, and must be the place 
here meant, where a locality near Ain and Rim- 
mon is intended. This leaves nothing unsolved 
but the difference of the number, being only four 
in Joshua, and five here. The hypothesis of Keil, 
that pn is only another name for -inj?, is not 

well grounded. — Ver. 33 And all theii villages 
that were round these towns unto Baal. The 
parallel, Josh. xix. 8, is more full : "and all the 
villages that were round these towns, unto Baa- 
lath-beer, Ramath-negeb." Hence ^2 appears 
to be an abbreviation of the fuller name D?y2 
"IX3> alu ' the group of villages extending to this 

Baalath-beer (or Bealoth, as it is called Josh. xv. 
24) bore the name Ramath-negeb or Ramah of the 
south, with which Ramoth-negeb, 1 Sam. xxx. 27, 
is manifestly identical. " An attempt has been 
recently made to determine the situation of this 
place, in doing which it is to be observed that 
Baal or Baalatli-beer is not to be counted among 
the towns of Simeon ; for it is only said that the 
villages of the last-named towns extend to Baal, 
that is, in the direction and perhaps very near to 
Baal, so that we are warranted in seeking our 
Baal in a region somewhat more remote from the 
towns, if it hail otherwise a peculiar character 
and adaptation to denote the direction in which 
the territory of Simeon extended. Now Walkott 
found near Ramet el Khulil, about an hour north 
of Hebron, a second Ramah, called Ramet el 
Amleh, and also two heights with old sites. A 
whole group of places on bills, which can be 
observed at one glance, and present a grand and 
peculiar aspect, is here found : there is no doubt 
that the Ramoth-negeb, 1 Sam. xxx. 27, is to be 
sought here. As there is a remarkable well in 
Ramet el Khulil, the conjecture arises that here 
is a Baalath-beer, a well-town ; and a continuation 
of this conjecture presents itself in the designation 
of this place by the addition Ramoth-negeb." 
So Bertheau, after Roediger (review of Robinson's 
Bibl. Sacra, Halle'sche Literaturztg. 1843, Xo. 
Ill) ; whereas Keil on Josh. xix. S is inclined to 
seek Baalath-beer and Ramoth-negeb in a more 
southerly situation than Ramet el Khulil, which 
is not far from Hebron ; and the best chartogra- 
ihcrs of the day (Menke in ch. iii. of his Bible 
Atlas, Gotha 186S) place the localities in ijucs- 
tion south-west of the Dead Sea, on the caravan 
road leading to Hebron. — This was their habita- 
tion, and they had their own genealogy, that is, 
their own register of families as a separate inde- 
pendent tribe, though they dwelt in the territory 
of Judah, and were much less in number and ex- 
tent than this contiguous tribe. On the substan- 
tively used infin. {jTPnn, genealogy (properly, 

entrance in the register), comp. Introd. § 5. 
3. History of the Two Migrations or Conquest* 

of the Simeonites : vers. 34-43. — a. First expedi- 
tion, in the time of Hezekiah : vers. 34-41. — 
And Meshobab, and Jarnlech, and Jtoshah, etc. 
These thirteen princes of the tribe of Simeon are 

CHAP. IV. 38-43. 


only made prominent because they were the 
leaders of the present expedition, not because the 

former genealogical series (vers. 24-26) was i 

tinued by them. For although of sonic of them 
(Joshah, Jehu, and Ziza) the descent for several 
generations is given, yet the connection of these 
small genealogical lines with that earlier scries is 
wanting. With the remarkable form ro'pJJ', "to 

Jacob " (reckoned to him), comp. the analogous 

form ni 1 X"it."\ 1 Chron. xxv. 14, and other 

examples in Ewald, Lehrb. p. 070, n. 1, 7th edit. 
-Ver. 38. These on they that entered by nam 
princes in their families (not: "thesewere famous, 
celebrated princes," as Luther). A phraseessen- 
tially the sLime occurs in ver. 41 ; comp. also xii. 
31; Num. i. 17; Ezra viii. 25. "Princes of 
families" are, moreover, not heads of families, 
but "heads of the houses into which the families 
were divided" (Keil). — And their father-houses 
spread greatly, unfolded and branched out into a 
great multitude. On rfaKTFSi plural of the 

compound 3N~JV3i comp. Ewald, ^ 270, p. 657, 

where the same plural is cited from 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 5, Num. i. 2, IS, 20, vii. 2, etc., and 

the similar ni03 iV3> high houses, from 1 Kings 

xii. 31, 2 Kings xvii. 29, 32.— And they went to 
the entrance of Oedor (scarcely "to the west of 

Gedor," as Keil, for this would have required 
the addition of C'OC'H to xi3D^)> io the east of 

the valley. What valley is uncertain, as the de- 
finite article only points to some known valley 
near Gedor, a place that cannot itself be deter- 
mined ; but the identification of this tf'jn with 

the valley of the Dead Sea is a very precarious 
conjecture of Ewald and Bertheau, for the valley 
of the Dead Sea with its southern continuation 
bears in the 0. T. the standing name of n3"IJjn. 

Equally uncertain is the conjecture of the same 
inquirers, and of Kamph., Graf, Muhlau (also ol 
Menke in ch. iii. of his Bible Atlas), that "na 

is an error of transcription for "nj (Tsfeif in Sept. ; 

see Crit. Note). A place so far west as Gerar 
now Kirbet el Gerar I on the river Gerar can 
scarcely ' we been used to mark the border of the 
Simeonite pasture lands : and the mode of ex- 
pression is not fitted to indicate the west and 
east bounding points of the region occupied by 
the Simeonites (comp. also on ver. 41). On the 
Dther hand, to identify Gedor with the town 
"rVl3 named in Josh, xv 58, situated on the 

iwmitains of Judah, has its difficulties. For it 
must also be presumed that the Meunim named 
in ver. 41 were the inhabitants of the adjacent 
hill-town Jlaon, Josh. xv. 55; and the region of 
this hill-town of Judah cannot be that intended 
here, as the latter is described, -er. 40, as on all 
sides (literally " on both sides; " Q^T, as in Gen. 

xxxiv. 21) open, and therefore clearly as a plain. — 
Ver. 40. For they were of Ham who dwelt then 
before. For the phrase, comp. Judg. xviii. 7, 28. 
These men ol Ham, whom the Simeonites found as 
inhabitants, peaceable and harmless inhabitants of 
the country in question, and subdued, may have 
been Egyptians, Cushites, or Canaanites ; most 
probably they belonged to the last branch of the 

Hamites, as the region in question is contiguous 
to Palestine. HitzigC'Thc Kingdom of Massa" in 
Zcllei's Theolog. Jakrbiichern, 1844, p. 209 11'., 
and on Prov. p. 312) gratuitously supposes the 
Amalekites to be designated by "the men of 
lhiiu " (likewise Hoffmann, lilich in diefriiheste 
Geschichte dee heiliyen Landes, p. 73): for the 
history of the second expedition of the Simeonites 
refers to the Amalekites, vers. 42, 43, and it is a 
question whether the Amalekites were Hamites 
(Knobel on Gen. x. 13, 23, and comp. above on 
i. .'iii 1. 1 ; and the circumstance that these Hamites 
were nomades aoes not compel us to think of 
Amalekites (Ludim, Hyksos?), since many 
Canaanitish tribes lived as nomades; for example, 
those of Laish, Judg. xviii. — Ver. 41. Came in 
th,- days <;/' Hezekiah, Here is a quite definite 
chronological date, that shows still more posi- 
tively than the reference to the reign of David in 
ver. 31, the high age and the certainty of these 
notices. — And smote their (the Hamites') tents, 
and the Melinites (hat were found there. The 
smiting refers first to the tents or d veilings of the 
Hamites, and then to the Meunibs found there, 
who are therefore foreigners who had come to 
dwell among the Hamites. Q'^JJD (for which the 

Kethib has Q^iyo and the Sept. Mivam) are here, 

as in 2 Chron. xxvi. 7 (comp. xx. 1), probably 
inhabitants of the town Maon near Petra, east of 
the Wady Musa (Robinson, iii. 127). Their 
being involved in the fate of the Hamites implies 
that the scene of the present event lay to the east, 
though it cannot be further defined. Against the 
ri Jing proposed by some old expositors (Luther, 
Starke), D^yBnTlrS), "and the fixed habita- 
tions," in contrast with the forementioned tents, 
see Bochart, Oeoejr. Sacra, p. 138. — And destroyed 
them unto this day, and dwelt in their stead. 
DD'in'l, ad internecionem usque eos exciderunt 

(J. H. Mich.), deleverunt (Vulg. ). Comp. D'-inn, 

ban, extirpate, in 2 Chron. xx 23, xxxii. 14, 2 
Kings xix. 11, Isa. xxxvii. 11. The term "unto 
this day " points to the time of composition, not 
by the Chronist, but by the old historical sources 
at least before the exile employed by him. 

b. Second expedition of the Simeonites against 
Mount Seir : vers. 42, 43. — And of them, of the 
sons of Simeon, five hundred men went to Mount 
Si ir. Nothing more, precise is stated regarding 
the time of this expedition ; it may have been 
before or alter that in the time of Hezekiah. 
And the sta:ement, "of them, of the sons of 
Simeon," is quite general, and sets no limit either 
to the Simeonites named vers. 34-37 or to those 
before enumerated, vers. 24-27. Keil, who ex- 
changes the Islii of our verse with Shinii, ver. 27, 
is arbitrary in thinking only of the latter ; and 
no less so is Bertheau, who refers the words to 
the part of the Simeonites described ver. 34 If. 
Of the surmise, that the event of our verse is 
somehow connected with that referred, vers. 34- 
41, to the time of Hezekiah, and is to be re- 
garded as in some measure a continuation of it 
iEw., Berth., Kamph.), there is not the slightest 
hint in the text, even if the valley of the present 
expedition to Mount Seir could be situated in the 
same direction from the tribe of Simeon as that of 
the former ; see on vers. 39, 40. — Ver. 43. And 
they smote the remnant that had escaped of 


Amalek, that is, those Arnalekites who escaped 
annihilation in the victories of Saul and David 
over this hereditary foe of the Israelites (who 
were formerly settled, Judg. v. 14, xii. 15, conip. 
Num. xiii. 29, chiefly in Paran or half-Manasseh 
east of Jordan ; comp. Hitzii;, Gesch. d. V. 1st.' 
pp. 26, 104) ; conip. 1 Sam. xiv. 4S, xv. 7; 2 Sam. 
viii. 12. These who thus escaped had retired 
into the Idumean mountains, ami there inter- 
mingled partly with the Edomites (comp. i. 36 f. ). 
Here they were now sought out and extirpated 
by the Simeonites under the sons of Islii, while 
the conquerors occupied their seats. From a 
comparison of the present passage with Mic. 
i. 15, ii. 8-10, Isa. xxi. 11, xxviii. 12, etc., 
which appear to indicate an advance of the 
Israelites who believed in Jehovah far into the 
south and south-east in the times of Hezekiah 
and Isaiah, Hitzig (Das Kbnigreich Massa) has, 
with the concurrence of Bunsen, Bertheau, etc., 
•loveloped his hypothesis of the founding of an 

Israelitish kingdom of Massa east or south-east 
of Seir (not far from Dumah ; comp. Gen. .xxv. 44: 
1 Chron. i. 30) by the colony of Simeonites here 
mentioned, and has assigned to it as kings, Agur 
and Lemuel, the authors of the two appendices 
to the book of Proverbs. Comp. our substantially 
concurring judgment concerning this hypothesis 
on Prov. xxx. 1 tt, vol. xii. p. 208 of the Bibelw. 
The objections urged against this hypothesis by 
Graf (Uer Slarnm Simeon, p. 12 ff.) and Miihlau 
(De prov. Aguri, etc., orig. p. 24 f.) certainly 
point out much that is not and cannot be proved 
in it, but are not sufficient to show that it is i 
mere fancy picture. At all event?, the traditions, 
that in accordance with our passage part of the 
tribe of Simeon penetrated far into Arabia and 
founded there an Israelitish colony, are as wide- 
spread as they are ancient. Arabian legends even 
make the tribe of Simeon found the city and the 
temple of Mecca. See Hoffmann, Blicke, etc., 
p. 124. 

2. The Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh : ch. v. 

a.. The Tribe of Reuben : vers. 1-10. 

Ch. V. 1. And the sons of Keuben, the first-born of Israel, — for he was the first-born ; 
but, because he defiled his father's bed, his birthright was given to the sons ot 

2 Joseph the son of Israel, though he was not to be registered as first-born. For 
Judah was mighty among his brethren, and of him was the prince; ami Joseph 

3 had the birthright. — The sons of Reuben, the first-born of Israel : Hanoch and 

4 Pallu, Hezron and Canni. The sons of Joel : Shemaiah his son, Gog his son, 
5, 6 Shimi his son. Micah his son, Reaiah his son, Baal his son. Beerah his son, 

whom Tilgath-pilneser king of Asshur carried away ; he was prince among the 

7 And his brethren by their families, in the register after their generations: 

8 the chief Jeiel, and Zechariah. And Bela the son of Azaz, the son of Shema, 

9 the son of Joel ; he dwelt in Aroer, even unto Nebo and Baal-meon. And east- 
ward he dwelt unto the entrance into the wilderness from the river Euphrates ; 

10 for their cattle multiplied in the land of Gilead. And in the days of Saul they 
made war with the Hagarites, and they fell by their hand ; and they dwelt in 
their tents on all the east side of Gilead. 

/3. The Tribe of Gad: vers. 11-17. 

11 And the sons of Gad dwelt over against them, in the land of Bashan, unto 

12 Salcah. Joel the chief, and Shapham the second, and Janai and Shaphat 1 in 

13 Bashan. And their brethren by their father-houses: Michael, and Meshullam, 

14 and Sheba, and Jorai, and Jachan, and Zia, and Eber, seven. These are the 
sons of Abihail the son of Huri, the son of Jaroah, the son of Gilead, the son 

15 of Michael, the son of Jeshishai, the son of Jahdo, the son of Buz. Alii the 

16 son of Abdiel, the son of Guni, chief of their father-houses. And they dwelt in 
Gilead in Bashan, and in her daughters, and in all the suburbs of Sharon 2 unto 

17 their outgoings. All of them were registered in the davs of Jotham king of 
Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam king of Israel. 

y. War of the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh with Arab Kalians: vers. 18-22. 

18 And the sons of Reuben, and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, of valiant 
men bearing shield and sword, and drawing the bow, and skilful in war, were 

19 forty and four thousand and seven hundred and sixty going forth to war. And 

20 they made war with the Hagarites, and Jetur, and Naphish, and Nodab. And 
they were helped against them, and the Hagarites were delivered into their 
hand, and all that were with them; for they cried to God in the battle, and Hp 

CHAP. V. 1-6. 


1\ was entreated of them, because they trusted in Him. And they took their 

cattle: their camels fifty thousand, and sheep two hundred and fifty thousand, 

22 and asses two thousand, and souls of men a hundred thousand. For many fell 
slain, because the war was of God ; and they dwelt in their stead until the 

5. The half-Tribe of Manasseh: vers. 23. 24. 

23 And the sons of the half-tribe of Manasseh dwelt in the land, from Bashan 

24 unto Baal-hermon and Senir ami .Mount Herraon : these were many. And 
these were the heads of their father houses, even Epher, and [shi, and Eliel, 
and Azriel. and Jeremiah, and Hodaviah, and Jahdiel, valiant heroes, famous 
men, heads of father houses. 

c. Carrying of the Three East-Jordanic Tribes- into lixile : vers. "25, 26. 

•Jo And they were untrue to the God of their fathers, and lusted after the gods 
26 of the people of the land, whom the Lord destroyed before them. And the God 
of Israel stirred up the spirit of Ful king of Asshur, and the spirit of Tilgath- 
pilneser king of Asshur, and he carried them away, the Reuhenites, ami the 
Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, and brought them to Halah and Habor, 
and the mountain and the river Gozan, unto this day. 

' For US""! ttie Sept. read D2i." or "13D ; for it gives the words |t;'33 02L"1 'jJH by: **i r«>i> « yp*u- 
1 For plw' the cod. F<i/. of the Sept has Tipiau. (possibly from an original fVHCN comp. Exeg. Xnt.o. 


Preliminary Remark. — The three east-jor- 
danic tribes are closely connected by our genea- 
logist on account of their common fate, not only 
by being here placed together, although by this 
arrangement the eastern half of Manasseh are 
severed from their western kindred, but also by 
the insertion of two historic episodes referring to 
the common doings and fortunes of the three. 
The first of these pieces is inserted between Gad 
and half-Manasseh ; the second is transferred to 
the end, hecause it describes the catastrophe by 
which the three tribes lost their independence. 
"An endeavour after an equable distribution "1 
the historical matter" (Berth.) may lie at the 
ground of this : tor even to the genealogical 
account of the Reubenites a short war notice, 
ver. 10, is appended. But the notable thine; is, 
that the more copious and important of these 
historical notices refer to the common aits and 
the common fall of the three (it is not observed 
that the tribe of Gad, in connection with whose 
generations the war report, vers. 18—22, is given, 
played a specially prominent part in it), by which 
■ur section is distinguished as one compact group 
from the genealogical series of our chapter. 

1. The Tribe m' ft uben vers. 1-10.— The in- 
troductory vers. 1, 2 treat of the birthright of 
Reuben in its relation to that of Joseph. For h 
\cas the first-born ; but 61 cause, etc. These words 
to the close of ver. 2 form a parenthesis, which, 
reminding us in its opening words of ten. xlix. 4, 
set forth the ground on which the birthright of 
Joseph is mentioned along with that of lb 
Though he tea's not to bt r< gisU ri d as first-born, 
literally, "though not to register (7 before BTPDil, 

to denote that which should take place . 

S -2 " ! 7 , c) for the first birth," that is, in the rank 

of the first-born. The subject here is perhaps 

not Reuben (Sept., Vulg.), but Joseph, as Kimchi 

and other Rabbinical expositors justly observe ; 
for the statement of the following verse refi is !" 
Joseph as the chief person spoken of here. — Ver. 
2. For Judah ica-i mighty among his brethren. 
"03, waj3 strong, mighty, in numbers and influ- 
ence; comp. Gen. xlix. 8 ff. ; Judg. i. 1, and eh. 
ii.-iv. — Ami of him wax the prince (namely, 
David, xxviii. 4; 1 Sam. xiii.14, xxv. 30), or, "and 
of him should be one of the princes" 1 liamph. |. 
This concealed reference to the Davidic kingdom 
that sprang from Judah reminds us in its form 
of Mic. v. 1 (comp. tOQD here with •^B'O there, 

and TM^with < PftnO rriTITJ there). — And Joseph 

had the birthright. To him were allowed two 
territories (according to the right of first birth, 

Deut. xxi. 15-17>, one for Ephraim 1 one for 

Manasseh. — Ver. 3 Hanoeli and Putin, Hezron 
mid Carmi. So are the four sons of Reuben 
named Gen. xlvi. 9, Ex. vi. 14; comp. Num. 
xxvi. 5-7. — Vers. 4-6. The descendants of Joel, 
as a single line of Reuhenites, which is earned 
through several generations. From «'hich of the 
four sons this line descended, the author of tin 
present list knew, and perhaps even tin- Chronist, 
who incorporated it into his work ; but the know- 
ledge is lost to after times. — 'SliemaicJi his eon, 
son, etc. The first }j3 aftei rPJJOtt' the 

Sept. has read as a nom. propr., and thi 
inserted between Shemaiah and flog another 
descendant of Joel, Bene«t, whereby his whole 
descendants are increased fp m seven to eight, 
though scarcely in accordance with the original 
text. The seven names occur also elsewhere, 
but only here in reference to the descendants of 
Reuben. — Ver. 6. Beerah his son. whom Tilgatk- 
pilneser earned away. The Chronist always 
writes 1^X3^3 T\"hv\, whereas in 2 Kin thi 



only form of writing is "IDS&B rkjF\ (comp. the 

similar difference between " Nebuchadrezzar" of 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel and "Nebuchadnezzar" of 
the other books; see on Dan. i. 1). Whether G. 
i Ippert's interpretation of the name = "JTOfi 
~nD~N7 , 3- "prayer to the son of the Zodiac," 

th Assyrian Hercules, be correct, or the cer- 
tainly preferable one of Schrader (Tuklat-habal- 
near, "trust in the son of the house of grace," 
or, "he who trusts in the house of grace," that 
Is, in the god Adar ; comp. Schrader, £>'<■ Keilin- 
schriften itnd das Alte T.. 1872, pp. 134 f., 237), 
the form used in the books of Kings appears 
the more original. — He was a prince among the 
Reubenites, that is, Beerah. He was prince of a 
family of Reubenites, not of the whole tribe ; for 

the ^ OjQ'KI?) indicates a looser sort of con- 
nection than the relation of prince to the whole 
tribe, to be expressed by the stat constr. The 
adjective form, "the Reubenite," denotes here, 
as in ver. 26 and xxvi. 32, generally those be- 
longing to the tribe of Reuben ; comp. ver. 18, H3, 

and iv. 2, "DJIISn, and similar forms in Chronicles. 

— Vers. 7-9. The brothers of Beerah, that is, 
the families among the descendants of Joel most 
nearly related to his family. — And his brethren 
by their families (.before vnnSL"D^ supply c ;, X. 

every one by his family ; comp. Num. ii. 34, 
xi. 10), in the register after their generations (or 
order of birth): the chief Jeiel, etc. C'Nin, the 

head, the first, the chief of the family. Comp. 
ver. 12 and ix. 17, where, however, tiiis epithet 
stands after the name of the person in question, 
while in xii. 3, xxiii. 8, as here, it stands before. 
— Ver. 8. And Bela the son of Azaz, the sun of 
Shema, the son of Joel; scarcely any other than 
the Joel of ver. 4. From him sprang Bela in the 
third generation, a clear proof that he belonged 
only in the wider sense to the brethren "1 Beerah, 
who descended from him in the seventh genera- 
tion, and that he was at all events considerably 
older than the latter; see on ver. 10. — He dwelt 
in Arocr,even unto Nebo and Baal-meon. Aroer, 
now a ruin, Arrayr on the river Anion icomp. 
Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16); Nebo, a place on Mount 
Nebo, in the range of Abarim, over against Jericho 
i Num. xxxii. 38, xxxiii. 47); Baal-meon, perhaps 
the ruins Myun, two miles south of Heshbon 
(comp. Num. xxxii. 3S, where it is also found 
along with Nebo). — Ver. 9. And eastward hi 
din It, unto the entrance into tin- wilderness from 
(lit rin r Euphrates, that is, to the line where the 
jt -at wilderness begins, that extends from the 
Euphrates to the east border of Persea, or Gilead 
as it is called in this verse ; for Gilead (Gen. xxxi. 
21, xxxvii. 25; Josh. xiii. 11, xvii. 1; Judg. v. 
17, etc.) is the general term usual in the Old 
Testament for the territory of Israel east of the 
Jordan ; comp. on ver. 16. — Ver. 10. And in the 
days of Saul (the first king of Israel) they modi 
war with the Hagarites (or Hagarenes ; comp. 
Ps. lxxxiii. 7), the same North Arabian tribe that 
appears, vers. 19, 20, as the adversary of the east- 
jordanic Israelites, perhaps the ' Kyfmm of Strabo, 
xiii. p. 767, occurring, according to Schrader, in 
the form Hagaranu (or Ha-ar-gi-'i) several times 
in the Assyro - Babylonian cuueate inscriptions. 

— And they fell by their hand, or, even into their 
hands, of which the consequence was, that the 
victors dwelt in the tents of the vanquished (thai 
is, occupied their country, Gen. ix. 27), "on all 
the east side of Gilead," that is, on the whole east 
border of the land of Gilead and beyond it (with 
"jq-^-^j; comp. >;3 Sy, "close before," Gen. 

xvi. 12). Who are these conquerors? Are they 
the Reubenites in general, or only those of the 
family of Bela ? Against the latter alternative, 
which is defended by Keil, appears to be the 

circumstance that in vers. S, 9 Bela is spoken of 

in the singular. But this singular begins even in 
ver. 9i to pass into the plural (Du'JpD), and the 

mighty outspreading of the Belaites mentioned 
there seems intended to prepare fur tin- notice oi 
their war with their Hagareue neighbours. More- 
over, the statement in ver. 8, that Bela was great- 
grandson of Joel, while Beerah was his descendant 
in the seventh generation, corresponds with the 
fact that this conquest of the Hagarites preceded 
tin- deportation of the Reubenites under Beerah 
by Tilgatli-pilneser, ver. 6, some centuries. After 
the removal of a considerable portion of the 
Reubenites, so wide an outspreading of another 
Reubenite family as is here related would scarcely 
have taken place. We must therefore refer what 
is recorded from ver. 7 of the family of the 
brothers of Beerah, and especially of that of Bela, 
to a much earlier time than that which is related 
in ver. 6, because the narrative issues in the pre- 
sent notice of a war in the time of Saul; and there 
is no good ground why we should isolate this war 
notice, and regard it as an unconnected appendix 
to the genealogy of Reuben (against Berth, and 
others, and also against Hoffmann, Das gelobte 
Land in d<» Zeiten des getheilten Reichs, etc. 
1871, p. 27). 

2. The Tribe of Gad: vers. 11-17.— And the 
sons of Gail ilu-elt ore:- against them in the land nl 
Bashan, that is, over against the Reubenites 
dwelling beside tin- Dead Sea in the mountain 
range of Abarim or Moab, and also beyond the 
Jordan in middle Gilead. which formed the 
southern part of the former kingdom of Og king 
of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33; Deut. iii. 11). The 
extension of this tract inhabited by the Gadites 
to the east is shown to be considerable by the 
addition "unto Salehah"(as in Josh. xiii. 11). 
For Salchah, now Sulkhad, lies on the southern 
slope of Jebel Hauran, six or seven hours east of 
Bozra, and therefore about thirty hours in a direct 
line east from Jordan.— Ver. 12. Joel thechief, and 
Shaphan tin- sin, ml, and Janai and Shaphat in 
Bashan, that is, dwelling, the lot."' of the pre- 
vious verse completing the sense here. It is un- 
certain how these four Gadite heads of families 
are genealogically connected with the immediate 
descendants of Gad named in Gen. xlvi. 16. The 
omission of thos- seven sons of Gad enumerated 
in Genesis (Ziphion, Haggi, Shuni, Ezbon, Eii, 
Arodi, Areli) is surprising, and raises the sus- 
picion of a gap in the text. On the variant 
reading of the Sept. for BSK^ see Crit. Note. As 
U3C' occurs elsewhere as a proper name, for ex- 
ample, iii. 22, its retention here is the less doubt- 
ful. — Ver. 13. And their brethren by tin ir father- 
houses, that is, by the families at whose head 
they stood, and which were named after them. 

CHAP. V. 15-22. 


For the plur. Dn'JliaX JV3, comp. on iv. 33. 

Luther has erroneously taken the phrase for a 
singular, and therefore translated, " and their 
brethren of the house of their fathers," etc. Tin- 
term "brethren " stands naturally in as wide a 
sense as in ver. 7. A statement of the country 
where they dwelt does not follow the names ol i hese 
seven brothers of the lour Gadite heads of families 
already named. But their pedigree is first given, 
vers. 14, 15, through eight generations, termin- 
ating in a not otherwise known Buz, who has 
perhaps as little to do with his namesake the son 
of Nahor, Gen. xxii. 21, as with the progenitor of 
Elihu, Job xxxii. 2. — Ver. 15. Ahi, the son of 
Abdiel, the son of Guni, chief of their father- 
houses. This Ahi we may suppose to have lived 
at the beginning of the eighth century B.C., under 
eroboam II. of Israel, or half a century Inter, 
under Jotham of Judah, as ver. 17 shows. — Ver. 
16. And they dwelt in Gilead, in Bashan, and in 
her daughters, and in all the suburbs of Sharon 
-into their outgoings. The first of these designa- 
tions of place is the widest and most general : it 
en. braces both " Bashan and her daughters " and 
"the suburbs of Sharon;" see on ver. 9. The 
suffix in nTW33 refers to both countries, the 

more extensive Gilead and the narrower Bashan 
forming merely the northern part of Gilead ; and 
the "suburbs" or pastures tD'^'1316, as in Num. 

hxv. 2 ff . ; Josh. xxi. 11 ff. ; Ezek. xlviii. 15) of 
Sharon are no doubt to be sought in Gilead, as 
nothing is known of a dwelling or a grazing of 
any Gadites on the well-known plain of Sharon, 
west of Jordan, between Csesarea and Joppa 
(Songii. 1; Isa. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 2. lxv. 10); and 
the "outgoings " of the suburbs of Sharon are not 

necessarily outgoings or boundaries on tl L, 

Keil, referring to Josh. xvii. 9, will hue if ; 
comp. on the contrary, Num. xxxiv. 4, 7.. Kamph. 
is right, who at the same time mentions a plausi- 
ble conjecture of the early expositors, that Shirion 
should be read for Sharon. But we see no reason 
why there should not be a Sharon east of the 
Jordan. Comp. Smith's Bibl. Diet., Art. "Sharon. " 
— Ver. 17. All of them were registered in the days 
of Jotham, etc. " All of them " refers to the col- 
lective families of the Gadites from ver. 11, not 
merely to those mentioned ver. 13 ff. Of the 
' \\ o kings of the eighth century under whose 
reign the registration took plate, that of the 
rightful kingdom of Judah is, contrary to the 
.•rder of time, named first. We meet with no 
other notices of these two registrations of the 
tribe of Gad, of which that undertaken by Jero- 
boam it. of Israel (825—784), at all events, coin- 
cides with the restoration of the old boundaries of 
the northern kingdom mentioned 2 Kings xiv. 
25 ff. A temporary subjection of the tribe of 
Had by Jotham of Judah (759- 743), or per- 
haps by bis predecessor, the powerful Pzziah 
(811-759), as a prelude to the second registration 
here mentioned, is easily conceivable, because 
after Jeroboam's death a long weakening of the 
northern kingdom by internal strife and anarchy 
ensued, from which it recovered under Pekah's 
reign of twenty years (759-739). Comp. Keil, 
p. 77, where, however, Pekah's reign, probably 
by an error of the press, is stated to he of only ten 
years' duration. 
3. War of the Tribes of Reufien, Gad, and half - 

Manasseh with Aral* Tribes: vers. 18-22.— On 
the reason why this account is inserted here after 
the families of Gad, see Preliminary Remark. — Of 
valiant men, literally, of sons of valour (p'rj »J3 jo; 
comp. ^Tl ,- li32, ver. 24). These and the follow- 
ing descriptions of the military prowess of these 
tribes are confirmed by 1 Chron. xii. 8, 21, at 
least with regard to Gad and hall- Manasseh. 

With nDIT>D '"HD^, comp. the partie. Pual 
,_ 113^D, Song iii. 8 and eh. xxv. 7. The number 
44,760, which certainly rests on an exact numera- 
tion, nearly agrees with that given in Josh. iv. 13, 
but not with the added numbers yielding a far 
r sum in Num. i. 21, 25, xxvi. 7, 18. The 
difference is explained by this, that the statements 
in Numbers refer to the time when the whole 
tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh were 
aimed lor war under Moses, and in a wandering 
state, and each of these tribes, at least ol' the tirst 
two, numbered more than 40,000 men fit for war, 
whereas the present statement, like that in Josh. 
iv. 13, refers to the time after they were settled 
beyond the Jordan, when the number of troops 
available for external service was naturally much 
smaller; comp. on xxi. 5. —Ver. 19. And they 
made war with /If Hagarites. The same tribe of 
northern Arabs with which Reuben alone, ver. 

10, had been at war. The present common fight 
of all the tribes beyond the Jordan with this tribe 
is perhaps to be dated later than that of Reuben ; 
comp. ver. 22. — And Jetur, rind Naphvsh, and 
Xodab. The first two tribes (of which -\m> has 

given name to the district of Ituraja) occurred 
in i. 31 and in Gen. xxv. 15 as descendants of 
Ishmael. Nodab, also a Beduin tribe, occurs 
nowhere else. The name appears to signify 
"noble, princely," and might possibly be the 
source, of the Nabataeans (Arab, nabt) : for to 
identify this at once with nV33, Gen. xxv. 13, 

Isa. lx. 7, as is usually done, has its difficulties ; 
comp. Chwolsohn, IJh Sabier, i. C98 ; Quatre- 
mere, Les KabaUens, Par. 1835 ; Muhlau, De 
prov. Aguri et Lemuelis orig. et indole, p. 28 f. — 
Ver. 20. And they were helped against them. 
nTV'1' namely, of God ; comp. 2 Chron. xxvi. 15; 

Ps. xxviii. 7. — And oil that were with them, 
namely, the Ituraans, etc., the confederates of 
the Hagarites. — And he was entreated of them. 
"linyjl ' s n0 ' an unusual form of the perf. 
Xiphal (for nnyjl, Isa. xix. 22), but, what alone 

suits for continued narrative, as here, btfin. abs. 
Xiph., with a perfect meaning ; comp. Dinnj, 

Esth. viii. 8; TriBru, Esth. ix. 1.— Ver. 21. 

Camel", fifty thousand. Luther, Starke, and 
even Kamph . in Bunsen's Bibclwerk, incorrectly 

mot observing the plur. D'tTOn), "hve thousand." 

The enormous numbers, that are explained by the 
great riches in herds of the north Arabians, re- 
mind us of the like statements regarding the 
rich booty in the war with Midian, Num. xxxi. 

11, 32 ff.— Ver. 22. For many fell slain. The 
greatness of the defeat which the foe sustained 
accounts for the extremely great value oi the booty 
taken from them. On the further expla 
sentence, " for the war was of God," comp. 



2 Chrcn. xxv. 20; 1 Sam. xvii. 47. — And they 
dwelt in their stead, in the seats of the conquered 
tribes ; unhindered, they made use of their abodes 
aud pastures, "until the captivity," until the 
deportation decreed by Tilgath-pilneser, ver. 6. 

4. The half-Tribeof Manasseh : vers. 23, 24. — 
Front Bashan unto Baal-hermon and Senir and 
Mount Hi rmon. As B.ishan is the district in- 
habited by Gad bordering on the south, ver. 12, 
it denotes here the south border, while Baal- 
hermon (Judg. iii. 3, or " Baal-Gad under Her- 
■jion," Josh. xii. 7, xiii. 5), Senir (later, by the 
Arabs, Sunir : according to Ezek. xxvii. 8, the name 
of a part of the Hermon range ; according to Dent. 
iii. 9, an Amorite name for the whole of Hermon |, 
and .Mount Hermon (or Autilibanus, now Jebel 
esh Sheik) designate the north border. On 
account of this wide extent from south to north, 
and also in breadth, it is said of those belonging 
t.i this half-tribe, "these were many;" comp. 
Num. xxvi. 34, where the number of military age 
in this whole tribe is said to be 52,700. — Ver. 24. 
And these were the heads of their father-Iiouses, 
even Epher. The 1 before irjy may be rendered 

•• even "; but it is surprising, and raises the sus- 
picion that perhaps a name has fallen out. None 
of these heads of families of East Manasseh is 
otherwise known, so that we know nothing of the 

1 Is for w hich they were called " valiant heroes, 

famous men." 

5. Carrying away into Exile of the threi east- 
Jordanic Tribes: vers. 25, iii. — And they were 
untrue, etc., namely, 'the three eastern tribes 
named in the following verse, and not merely 
the Manassites. For the terms, a-, for the fact, 
comp. 2 Kings xvii. 7 ff. — The peoph of the land, 
whom tin Lord liaa destroyed befori them, are 
the Amorites and tke subjects of Og of Bashan. 
— Ver. 26. And th Hod of Israel stirred up the 
epi it of Fill. -|JW, as 2 Chron. xxi. 16 (comp. 

\\\i 20, Ezra i. 1, 5). L. Lavater justly re- 
marks: in mentem Mis dedit, movii eos, ut ex- 
pcditionem facereni contra illos. Pul is, more- 
. named as the beginner of the oppressions 
coming from Assyria (comp. 2 Kings xv. 19 1.) ; 
the removal itself is completed by Tiglath-pi- 
leser, as the sing. Q?J*|, relerring only to him, 

shows. Besides, the Assyriologists, especially 
Rawlinson, Schrader (p. 124 ff.), declare Pul to 
be the sanie with Tiglath-pileser, and his name 
a mere mutilation of the latter name, because the 
Assyrian inscriptions nowhere exhibit any such 
thing as a rider Pul almost contemporary with 
Tiglath-pileser. — Carried tin in away, the Hi 

:/■ s, etc. The suffix in D^J>1 is more precisely 
defined by the following accusatives '131 'llfifcn?, 

introduced by •> (according to later usage): comp. 
Ew. § 277c. — And brouglU them to Hatali and 
Hut, or, mill the mountain and the river Gozan, 

Unto this day. n?H, perhaps = n?3, Gen. x. 11, 

at all events = k«i»j;jp», a region described by 
Strabo and Ptolemy: "On the east side of the 
Tigris, near Adiabene, north ol Nineveh, on the 
borders of Armenia." Not far from this Halah 
(the name of which occurs on the Assyrian monu- 
ments in the form Knl-ha; comp. Schrader, Die 
Keilenschriften mid d. A. T. p. 20 f. ) is to be 
sought ?i3n, perhaps a district in North Assyria, 

after which both the mountain \x2inu; (Ptolem. 
vi. 1), near the Median border, and a river flow- 
ing into the Tigris (Khabur Chasaniat, now 
Khabur), are named. We are not here to think 
of the Mesopotamia!) river Chaboras, rising at 
Nisibis, and falling into the Euphrates near 
Circesium, as its Hebrew name is 133, Ezek. i. 1. 

The river Gozan, also, is scarcely to be sought in 
Mesopotamia (where there is certainly a district 
r«o£*wn5, tlie present Kaushan, bordering on 
that river Chebar, and where also Schrader, p. 
161, lias pointed out a place Guzaim. mar Nisibis 
— Xasibina — in an Assyrian inscription!, but per- 
haps in the border laud of Assyria and Media, 
where the Median city Tarawa, mentioned by 
Ptol. vi. 2. lay, and where also a river Ozan (in 
full, Kizil-Ozan, the red Ozan) is found, the 
Mardos of the old Greeks, rising south-east of 
the lake Urumiah, forming the boundary of 
Assyria and Media, and falling into the Caspian 
S a. As all these places point to the north of 
Assyria and to Media, so the term before the 
la, 1, "the in. mil tain." appears to mean the Median 
highlands : and, indeed, ftf-in seems to he the 

Aramaic form for the Hebrew in, mountain, the 

popular designation in that region of the Median 
highlands (al Jebal among the Arabs): comp. also 
2 Kings xvii. 6, where, in place ef Kin, the 

"cities of Media" (vjrj vij)) are nan cd. Keil 

on our passage and on 2 Kings xvii. ti, Bahr on 
the latter, Ew. (Gesch, iii. p. 318), M. Niebuhr 
(Gesclt. Assurs uml Babels), Wiehelhaus {Das 
Exil der 10 Stamuie. in the Deutschen Morgenl. 
Zeitschr. v. 467 ff. ), Kamph. on our passage, etc., 
are here right : while Thenins, Berth., Hitz. 
think, without sufficient grounds, of parts of 
Mesopotamia, near the Euphrates. Moreover, 
not merely the Chronist, but the sources used by 
him, appear to have assumed as the place to 
which Tiglath-pileser removed the tribes beyond 
the Jordan, the same region in the north ut 
Assyria to which, 2 Kind's xvii. 1''. some decem.i a 
afterwards, Shalmanescr transplanted the remain- 
ing tribes of the northern kingdom. Whether this 
statement be historically correct, or involve the 
confounding of two different events (as Berth, 
will have it), must remain undecided. From 
2 Kings xv. 29, where the country to which 
Tiglath-pileser brought the 24 tribes is simply 
called Asshur, the inaccuracy of the present state- 
ments cannot be proved. 

d The Family of the Levites. with a Statemekt of their Seats is the different 

Tribes.— Ch. v. 27-vi. GO. 

1. The Family of Aaron, or the High-priestly Line to the Exile: ch. v. 27—41. 

On v. 27, 2S. The sons of Levi : Gershon, Kohath, and Merari. Ami the sons of 
29 Kohath : Ann-am. Izhar. and HeLron, and Uzziel. And the sous of Ainram • 

CHAP. V. 27-VI. 66. 67 

Aaron, and Moses, and Miriam. And the sons of Aaron : Nadab and Abihu, 

30 Eleazar and Ithamar. Eleazar begat Pbinehas, and Phinehas begat Abishua. 

31, 32 And Abishua begat Buklri, and Bukki begat Uzzi. And Uzzi begat Zerahiah, 

33 and Zerahiah begat Meraiotli. Meraioth begat Amariah, and Amariah begal 

34, 35 Ahitub. And Alii tub begat Zadok, and Zadok begat Ahimaaz. And Alii- 

36 maaz begat Azariah, and Azariah begat Johanan. And Johanan begat 

Azariah, he that served as priest in the house that Solomon built in Jeru- 

37. 38 salem. And Azariah begat Amariah, and Amariah begat Ahitub. And 

39 Ahitub begat Zadok, and Zadok begat Shallum. And Shallum begat Hilkial 

40 and Hilkiah begat Azariah. And Azariah begat Seraiah, and Seraiah begat 

41 Jehozadak. And Jehozadak went away, when the Lord carried away Judah 
and Jerusalem by the hand of Nebuchadnezzar. 

2. The Descendants of Gershom, Kohath, and Merari, in a Double Series: ch. vi. 1-15 

Oil VI. 1, 2. The sons of Levi : Gershom, Kohath, and Merari. And these are the 

3 names of the sons of Gershom : Libni and ShimL And the sons of Kohath : 

4 Amram and Izhar, and Hebron and Uzziel. The sons of Merari : Mahli and 

5 Mushi. And these are the families after their fathers. 

To Gershom : Libni his son, Jahath his son, Zimmah his son. Joah his 

son, Iddo his son, Zerah his son, Jeatherai his son. 

7 The sons of Kohath : Amminadab his son, Korah his son, Assir his son. 

8, 9 Elkanah his son, and Ebiasaph his son, and Assir his son. Tahath his son. 

Id Uriel his son, Uzziah his son, and Shaul his son. And the sons of Elkanah : 

1 1 Amasai and Ahimoth. Elkanah his son, 1 Elkanah of Zoph his son, and Nahath 

12, 13 his son. Eliab his son, Jeioham his son, Elkanah his son. And the sons of 

Samuel : the first-born 2 Vashni, and Abiah. 

1 4 The sons of Merari : Mahli, Libni his son, Shimi bis son, Uzzah his son. 

15 Shima his son, Haggiah his son, Asaiah his son. 

."■. The Ancestors ofthi Levitical Songmasters Heman, Asaph, and Ethan: vers. 16-34. 

16 And these are they whom David set over the singing in the house of the 

17 LORD, after the resting of the ark. And they ministered before the dwelling 
of the tent of meeting with singing, until Solomon built the house of the Lord 

IS in Jerusalem, and they attended in their order to their service. And these 
are they who attended, and their sons : of the sons of Kohath : Heman the 

19 singer, the son of Joel, the son of Samuel. The son of Elkanah, the son of 

20 Jeroham, the son of Eliel, the son of Toah. The son of Zuph, 8 the son of 

21 Elkanah, the son of Mahath, the son of Amasai. The son of Elkanah, the 

22 son of Joel, the son of Azariah, the son of Zephaniah. The son of Tahath. 

23 the son of Assir, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Korah. The son of Izhar, 
the son of Kohath, the son of Levi, the son of Israel. 

24 And his brother Asaph, who stood on his right hand, Asaph the son of 

25 Berechiah, the son of Shima. The son of Michael, the son of Baaseiah, the 

26 son of Malchiah. The son of Ethni, the son of Zerah, the son of Adaiah. 
27, 28 The son of Ethan, the son of Zimmah, the son of Shimi. The son of Jahath. 

the son of Gershom, the son of Levi. 

29 And the sons of Merari, their brethren on the left band : Ethan the son of 

30 Kishi, the son of Abdi, the son of Malluch. The son of Hashabiah, the son 

31 of Amaziah, the son of Hilkiah. The son of Amzi, the son of Bani, the son of 

32 Shamer. The son of Mahli, the son of Mushi, the son of Merari, the son of Levi. 

33 And their brethren the Levites, given for all service of the tabernacle of 

34 the house of God. And Aaron and his sons offered on the altar of burnt- 
offering, and on the altar of incense, for all the work of the holy of holies, 
and to atone for Israel, in all that Moses, the servant of God, had com- 

4. The Series of High Priests from Eleazar to Ahimoa- [in the time of Solomon): vers. 35-38. 

35 And these are the sons of Aaron : Eleazar his son, Phinehas his son, 


36, 37 Abishua his son. Bukki his son, TTzzi his son, Zerahiah his son. Meraioth 

38 his son, Amariah his son, Aliitub his son. Zadok his son, Ahimaaz his son. 

5. The Towns of it.e Levites: vers. 39-66. 

39 And these are their dwellings, by their districts, in their border, of the 
sons of Aaron : of the family of the Kohathites, for to them was the lot. 

40 And they gave them Hebron, in the land of Judah, and its suburbs round 

41 about it. And the field of the city and its villages they gave to Caleb the 
■42 son of Jephunneh. And to the sons of Aaron they gave the free towns, 1 

Hebron and Libnah and its suburbs, and Jattir and Eshtemoa and its suburbs. 
43, 44 And Hilen 5 and its suburbs, Debir and its suburbs. And Ashan and its 

45 suburbs, and Bethshemesh and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of Benjamin : 
Geba and its suburbs, and Allemeth and its suburbs, and Anathoth and its 
suburbs ; all their cities were thirteen cities in their families. 

46 And to the sons of Kohath that remained of the family of the tribe, were 

47 from the half-tribe, the half of Manasseh, by lot, ten cities. And to the sons 
of Gershom for their families, of the tribe of Issachar, and of the tribe of 
Asher, and of the tribe of Naphtali, and of the tribe of Manasseh, in Bashan, 

48 thirteen cities. To the sons of Merari for their families, of the tribe of 
Keuben, and of the tribe of Gad, and of the tribe of Zebulun, by lot twelve 

49 And the sons of Israel gave to the Levites the cities and their suburbs. 

50 And they gave by lot out of the tribe of the sons of Judah, and the tribe of 
the sons of Simeon, and the tribe of the sons of Benjamin, these cities which 
they called by names. 

51 And of the families of the sons of Kohath, some had the cities of their 

52 border out of the tribe of Ephraim. And they gave them the free towns, 
Shechem and its suburbs in Mount Ephraim, and Gezer and its suburbs. 

53, 54 And Jokmeam and its suburbs, and Beth-horon and its suburbs. And 

55 Aijalon and its suburbs, and Gathrimmon and its suburbs. And out of the 
half-tribe of Manasseh, Aner and its suburbs, and Bilam and its suburbs, 
to the family of the remaining sons of Kohath. 

56 To the sons of Gershom, out of the family of the half-tribe of Manasseh, 

57 Golan in Bashan and its suburbs, and Ashtaroth and its suburbs. And out 
of the tribe of Issachar, Kedesh and its suburbs, Daberath and its suburbs. 

58, 59 And Ramoth and its suburbs, and Anem and its suburbs. And out of the 

60 tribe of Asher, Mashal and its suburbs, and Abdon and its suburbs. And 

61 Hukok and its suburbs, and Rehob and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of 
Naphtali, Kedesh in Galilee and its suburbs, and Hammon and its suburbs, 
and Kiriathaim and its suburbs. 

62 To the sons of Merari that remained, out of the tribe of Zebulun, Rim- 

63 mono and its suburbs, Tabor and its suburbs. And beyond Jordan by 
Jericho, east of Jordan, out of the tribe of Reuben, Bezer in the wilderness 

64 and its suburbs, and Jahzah and its suburbs. And Kedemoth and its 

65 suburbs, and Mephaath and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of Gad, 

66 Ramoth in Gilead and its suburbs, and Mahauaim and its suburbs. And 
Heshbon and its suburbs, and Jazer and its suburbs. 

1 Tht Kelhib is 133 i"13p;>t<i the Kcri puts *33 for 133, and places H3p7K (with Athnnch) as a separate super- 
scription The text is, at all events, corrupt (sec Exeg. Exp].), whether the tlr*t POpPX is to be erased, and *33 
to be rend, or the second n3p?X removed, and the sing. 133 to be retained. 

• After "113371, the name ?Nr must have faUen out, as the comparison of 1 Sam. viii. 2 shows (comp. also ver. IS). 

• The Kt'hib has C^V'tS; the Keri, more correctly, £|1X~|3. 

• For t3?p©n '"ISmX, some old prints, after the Bibl. Veneta Rabb. 1525, have 'BH 7\~\VV '"IjrnX- The 
mbs. (sec de Ro*si, Var. Led ) do not show this addition, which appears to have come into the text from the margin 

1 For p^H (in Jo>h. xxi. 16, pn), the mere accurate have, according to R. Norzi and Ed. NeapoHt., pTV 

CHAP. V. 27-56. 



Preliminary Remark. — Of the live sub- 
divisions into which this section falls, the lirst 
(v. 27-41) i» a list of the high priests from Aaron 
to the exile, which appears to be taken from a 
peculiar older source, partly be ause one portion 
of the high priests is enumerated again (vi. ::.", :',■>> 
under a different genealogical form (instead of 

Ivin before the name, ^2 comes after it), partly 

liecause Gershon (v. 27) appears instead of *' Ger- 
shom," which is used throughout ch. vi. But 
the four divisions also in ch. vi. hear a more or 
less fragmentary character ; only the genealogies 
of the three Davidic songmasters Heinan, Asaph, 
and Ethan (vers. 16-34), appear to be complete in 
themselves, and without delect. In the register 
of the three Levi tica] families Gershom, Kohath, 
and Merari (vers. 1-15), many names are obviously 
wanting, and some parts, especially in the series 
of the Kohathites, vers. 7-13, appear to have 
come down in a state of some confusion. The 
list of the Levitical cities, vers. 39-66, presents 
great corruptions of the text in considerable num- 
ber, with many inaccuracies, and a notorious per- 
version of the original order (see on vers. 49, 50), 
as a cursory comparison of it with that drawn 
from other sources in the book of Joshua, xxi., 
will show. And lastly, the short list of the high 

Eiiests appears clearly to lie a fragment from its 
reaking off with Ahimaaz : is, moreover, closely 
connected with the preceding remarks in vers. 
3H, 34, on the ministry of the Aaronites in the 
temple, and might be fitly formed with these two 
verses into a special section referring to the apx n ~ 
pa-Tixiv yivos of the house of Levi and its func- 
tions. Comp. moreover, H. Graf, ZurOe'ch. d. 
St. Levi, in A. Merx's Archiv. f. Wisseuschaftliche 
Erfors hung des A. T. vol. i. 1S70 (hypercritical 
on the content of our chapter, and throughout). 

1. The Family of Aaron, or the High-priestly 
l.:u> to the Male: v. 27-41. a. Aaron's descent 
from Levi : vers. 27-29. — Gershon, Kohath, and 
Merari. So run the names of the three sons of 
Aaron in the Pentateuch, Gen. xlvi. 11, Ex. vi. 
18. The form JVJ'13 is there constant, while for 

nnp is occasionally n~p- — Ver. 28. The names 

of the four sons of Kohath (The father of the chief 
Levitical line) are literally the same in Ex. vi. 
18. Likewise the names of the three children "t 
Amram, and those of the four sons of Aaron, ver. 
29, agree literally with Ex. vi. 20, 23 ; comp. 
Num. iii. 2-4, and in 1 Chron. xxiv. 2. the ac- 
count of the premature death of Nadab and 
Ahihu by a divine judgment, reminding us of 
Lev. x. 1 if. — b. The descendants and successors 
of Eleazar (Num. XX. 28; Josh. xiv. 1) in the 
oltice of high priest : vers. 30-41. Only this seiies 
of high priests from Eleazar is given here, as in 
vi. 35 ff., not that from Ithamar, as the former 
only is strictly legitimate. That the line from 
Ithamar, to which Eli belonged (1 Sam. ii. SO),— 
whose son was Phinehas, and grandson, Ahitub 
(1 Sam. iv. 11, xiv. 3), further, Ahitub's son 
Ahijah or Ahiraelech (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 3 with 
xxii. 9 ff. ), lastly, this Ahimelech's son Abiatliar 
(from whom Solomon took the high-priesthood to 
give it to Zadok, 1 Sam. xxii. 20 ; 1 Kings ii. 
26-35), — was not unknown toour author, is show n 
by his account in 1 Chron. xxiv. 3 ff. But the 

line of Eleazar only must have passed with him 
as really legitimate ; for here, and in vi. 3.". If., he 
ignores the line of Ithamar running parallel with 
it for several generations (from l/.i, ver. 31, the 
contemporary of Eli, to Zadok, tin- contemporary 

ami ileal of Abiatliar, ver. 84). On the I 
existing between those collateral lines in the tunes 
of Saul and David we find nothing certain, - itl ei 
in our books or in those of Samuel >>r Kings. Sc 
much appears certain, however, from various in- 
timations in the latter books, that the statement 
oi Josephus {A at a j. Jud.vm. 1. 3; con p. ch. v. 12), 
that the descendants of Eleazar kept quiet, and 
lived as private persons during tic supremacy "1 
Eli, Phinehas, Ahitub, and Ahimelech, is incoi 
H-, t, and rests on mere conjecture. Rather, from 
1 Kings iii. 4 ff. (comp. 1 Chron. xvi. 39), Zadok 
appears to have presided at Gibeoii, contemporary 
«uli Abiathar (the constant companion ot David. 
1 Sain. xxii. 20-23) at Jerusilem over the service, 
of Ihe sanctuary ; and even before David, there 
seems to have been a certain co-existence "I differ- 
ent sanctuaries with different high priests in 
different places, — an assumption that is at least 
better supported than the conjecture proposed by 
Thenius on 2 Sam. viii. 17, that, in David's time, 
the two high priests of the collateral houses might 
have held office in alternate years. — Ver. 35. And 
Ahimaaz begat Azariali. As Ahimaaz (ver. 
38) is son of Zadok, he belongs to the reign of 
Solomon, within which also his son Azariali may 
have been high priest. Without doubt, the notice 
standing in ver. 36, beside a younger Azariah 
(grandson of the other), "he that served as priest 
(lilSi Lx. xl. 13; Lev. xvi. 32) in the house that 

Solomon built in Jerusalem," only suits the pre- 
sent Azariali, the grandson of Zadok. For in 

1 Kings iv. 2, also, Azariali the son (more exact Iv 
grandson) of Zadok is named as priestly prince 
under Solomon ; his grandson of the sam, name 
in ver. 36 cannot have lived before the lime of 
Rehoooam, or even Asa or Jehoshaphat. We 
must therefore assume, with Bertheau, tnat tie- 
words quoted from ver. 366 originally stood alter 
tin- name -'Itl', ver. 35a, — an assumption which, 

from the second occurrence of the same name 
shortly after, and from the notorious occurrence 
of such erroneous transpositions in our section 
(see on ver. 49 f. ), involves no difficulty, and at 
least commends itself more than the attempt of 
Keil to identify the Azariah of ver. 36 with the 
high priest of this name under king LJzziah (who, 

2 Chron. xxvi. 17, boldly resisted the attempt of 
this king to burn incense in the sanctuary). ' The 
name Azariah appears to have offer, recurred in 
tin- family of the high priest in the time of the 
kings ; for as our series contains this name no less 
than three times (vers. 35, 3ti, 40), we know from 
other accounts several other high priests of the 
name before the exile ; thus, besides the one ill 
Uzziah's time, another in the time of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxi. 10, who cannot possibly be identi- 

1 Ii is only :in insipid rabbinical eonreit. which Keil si, mild 
no' have reproduced, of Rasln and Kimchl 'o apply tie 
word*, ver 366, " lie that serv< d a- priest in the house I 

Solomon built," to tie- bold stand of the .\zaii.<h, Ul del 
Uxziab, MtHUlBt tliis king recorded in 2 Chron xxvi 17, I: it 
no less untenable is Net, lei's assertion {Chron. pp 
Hint Az riah was the son of Jehuiada, the husband i 
shabaih, and effecter of that it-volution which r,ised toaah 
to the throne ("2 Kings xi.; -I Chron. xxiii. I IT); see oa 
2 Cnron xxiii 8. 



cal with those here mentioned. For the one 
named in ver. 40 as the son of Hilkiah (2 Kings 
xxii. i may have lived under Jusiah, nearly a 
century after Hezekiah ; of all the three Azariahs 
of our suction, therefore, only the first (ver. 35) 
can coincide with one of the elsewhere mentioned 
high priests of this name, and this can have been 
no other than that contemporary of Solomon 
named in 1 Kings iv. 2. — Ver. 37. And Azariah 
I'll/, u Amariah. This is the Amariah mentioned, 
2 Chron. xix. 11, in the history of Jehoshaphat. 
Here Oehler, Art. " Hoherpriester" in Herzog's Heal- 
Encycl. vi. 205, is certainly right, though opposed 
by Keil ; in the .sixty-one years between Solomon's 
death and Jehoshaphat's accession, the four high 
priests named between Zadok and Amariah may 
very well have followed in succession. — Ver. 38. 
Ami Ahitubbegat Zadok. In the neighbourhood 
af this second Ahitub, whom we must place at the 
beginning or middle of the ninth century B.C., 
we miss the Jehoiada who dethroned Athaliah, 
and governed some time for the young king 
Joash (who was perhaps, however, not properly 
high priest, but only " chief of the priesthood of 
his time," that is, a very influential priest ; see 
on 2 Chron. xxiii. 8). Even so somewhat later in 
the vicinity of Shallum is wanting the Uriah, 
known from 2 Kings xvi. 10 ff., who was high 
priest under king Ahaz. The list from vers. 
37-40, or for the last period of the kings (ninth, 
eighth, and seventh centuries), appears very defec- 
tive and concise, like the New Testament genealo- 
gies of Jesus (Matt. i. 8-10; Luke hi. 28-31), 
which make the longest leaps in this ver}' epoch. 
The number of the links omitted in our list 
between the high priests for the time of Solomon 
( ver. 36) and Seraiah must be at least seven ; for 
with the ten generations of high priests enume- 
rated vers. 36-40, correspond seventeen genera- 
tions of the house of David, from Solomon to 
Zedekiah (comp. iii. 10-27); and there is no 
reason why tin* line of priests should have a less 
rapid succession of generations than that of kings. 
— Ver. 41. And Jehozadak ■<■* nt away, to captivity 

in Babylon. 7]pn stands here for the usual more 
definite n?133 TIPH. Jer. xlix. 3. The carrying 

away of this Jehozadak must have taken place 
before the destruction of Jerusalem (perhaps 5119); 
for at the destruction of Jerusalem (588), not he, 
but his aged father Seraiah, grandson of Hilkiah, 
was high priest, as appears from the account in 
2 Kings xxv. 18, 21, of his capture by Nebuchad- 
nezzar ami execution at Riblah. Jehozadak, in 
exile, became father of that Joshua who returned 
536 £ c. with Zerubbabel at the head of the 
exiles, Ezra iii. 2. v 2, Hag. i. 1. 

With the scries here given of the high priests 
troin Aaron to the exile, agrees that in Ezra vii. 
1-5, which is more summary, and makes even 
greater omissions. If we compare the sixteen 
names there given, from Seraiah to Aaron, with 
twenty-two of our list, the shorter list of Ezra 
appears to be an abbreviated extract of the pie- 
sent longer one. But the author of the latter 

1 With Kelt's and Bahr's attemnt (Bihelw. part vii. p. 25 ff.) 
torepanl the "Azar.ah son of Zjilok" of This passage, not 
as priest or high priest, but as the first of the yre-t evil 
functionaries of Solomon, we cannot ap - . e, because Ii"l3n 

Is thereby taken In too abnormal a sense. Comp. Gestn.- 
Uietrich on the wor.J jrtn. 

cannot have aimed at absolute completeness. The 
"ppin used by him to denote the descent is uuite 

as much a mere phrase of indefinite and elastic 
meaning as the p of Ezra. Moreover, tie argu 

ment of Giatnbeig, p. 55, from the repeated 
occurrence of the same names in our list, for 
the assumption of an arbitrary process of com- 
piling by the Chronist, has been long refuted by 
.Movers, Keil, anil others. On the extra-biblical 
traditions concerning the series of high priests 
before the exile, in Josephus, in the Seder Olam, 
etc., comp. Lightfoot, M'mieterium lempli, Opp. 
t. i. p. 682 sqq. ; Seidell, De successiOTte in pontif, 
1. i ; and Reland, Antiq. ii. c. 2. So far as these 
accounts supplement the statements of our text, 
they are almost devoid of any historical authority. 
[The line from Aaron is not said to be a list of 
actual high priests. External influence seems to 
have often determined who should be the actual 
high priest— J. G. M.] 

2. The Descendants of Gershom, Kohath, and 
Merari : vi. 1-15. — These are first given alone 
with their sons (vers. 1-4, ; then follow further 
genealogical statements regarding the descendants 
of the most important of these sons, who became 
the ancestors of the three chief families of the 
Levites. That in the Kohathitc family the line 
of Amram, the father of Aaron, is not given again, 
as in v. 27 ti'., is explained by this, that the 
families of the Levites, not that of the high priest, 
are here to be registered. For the form "Ger- 
shom," comp. on v. 27. The two sons each if 
Gershom and Merari, and the four sons of Kohath, 
bear the same names as in the Pentateuch, Ex. 
vi. 16-19, Num. iii. 17-20, xxvi. 57 ff. — Ver. 46. 
And these are tin- families of Levi, after their 
fathers. This formula, found by the author in 
his source, seems rather to be the superscription 
for the following special genealogy of the Levites, 
than the subscription to what precedes ; but comp. 
Ex. vi. 19, where the same words serve clearly as 
the subscription to the list of the sons and grand 
sons of Levi. — Vers. 5, 6. Descendants of Ger- 
shom. — To Gershom: Libni his son, etc. The ■) 
before Qi^hj serves for introduction, and there- 
fore stands in another sense than in Ezraii. 6, 16, 
where it is nota genitivi; comp. rather Ps. xvi. 3; 
Isa. xxxii. 1. — Jeatherai, the last in this eight- 
link chain of the descendants of Gershom, may 
have lived in the times of Saul and David, but is 
not otherwise known. That some of the nanus 
in this series, Jahath, Zimmah, and Zerah, occur 
also among the ancestors of Asaph, who springs 
from the line of Shimi (vers. 24-28), does nut 
warrant the identification of the two series, nor 
(as Bertheau affirms) the assumption that " these 
are inserted, not because they had to Jeatherai, 
but because they belong to the ancestors of 
Asaph." As if the recurrence of the same names 
in different lines were not usual in our genea- 
logical sections! — Vers. 7-13. Descendants of 
Kohath. Three series of names, each beginning 
with anew 133 or <;-Ql (vers. 7, 10, 3), without ex- 
hibiting their genealogical connection. The very 
beginning: "The sons of Kohath: Amminadao 
his son," involves a surprising deviation both 
from ver. 3 and from Ex. vi. 18 ff., where no 
Amminadab occurs among the sons of Kohath. 
As the latter parallels, as ver. 23, agree in naming 

('HAT. VI. 10-17. 


an Izhar as the link between Kohath and Korah, 
with Ceil and the majority of older expositors, 
Amminadab is to be regarded as a by-name of 
Izhar; for to regard Amminadab, with Bertheau, 
as a descendant of Izhar, and suppose au omission 
of the latter by some oversight, is less probable. 
Why should not the name Amminadab, otherwise 
occurring among the descendants of Judah as 
father of Nahsnon and father-in-law "I Aaron 
(Ex. vi. 23; Nihil vi, 28; Ruth i. 19; comp, 
1 Chron. ii. 10), by some ii" longer discoverable 

mum', serve osa by-name to Izhar, the ond sen 

Kohath? — Korah his son, Astir his son, Elkanah 
his son, and Ebiasaph his son. If we a 
the series in vers. 18-23 of the ancestors of 
Heraan, which presents so many points of contact 
with the present, that it may and must be used 
for the elucidation of several of its obscurities, it 
appears that Ebiasaph also (the father of that 
second Assir who is named ver. 8) is a son of 
Korah, and a brother of that first Assir; and in 
fact Assir, Elkanah, and Ebiasaph appear in Ex. 
vi. 2-1 as sons of Koran. Thus these three, not- 
withstanding tie- inexact phraseology of our list, 
which seems to exhibit them as father, sun, and 
grandson, are rather to be taken for brothers. 
That Ebiasaph, the third of these Korahites, had a 
son Assir. and this a son Tahath, is recorded also 
in the genealogyof Heman, ver. 22. On the con- 
trary, the names of the three following members, 
Uriel, Uzziah, an 1 Shaul, vary from the parallel 
names Zephaniah, Azariah, and Joel, in the line 
of Heman, ver. 21 ; whence it would appear 
natural to assume a double name (favoured by 
the known identity of the king's name, Uzziah- 
Azariah) for these three members; but this is 
liable to grave doubts. — Ver. 10. And the sons 
of Elkanah: Amasai and Ahimoth. Among the 
ancestors of Heman also, ver. 20, an Amasai is 
named as son of an Elkanah. It is natural to 
identify that Elkanah with the present, to take 
him for a son of Joel, son of Azariah, and so 
supply the severed connection between Shaul, 
ver. 9, and Elkanah. The present Elkanah 
might also, indeed, be the son of Korah men- 
tioned ver. 8, and brother of Ebiasaph. It is 
impossible, however, to decide absolutely. — Ver. 
11. Elkanah his son, Elkanah ofZoph his son, or 
"Elkanah Zophai." As the text is here notori- 
ously corrupt, and an Elkanah, be it the first or 
the second, is redundant (see Crit. Note', it 
should perhaps be emended, with Bertheau, 
" Elkanah his son, Zophai his son," etc. In r 1 1 i — 
case, a desirable agreement with ver. 2" is gained, 
where Elkanah appears, not indeed as son, but as 
grandson of Amasai (through a certain Mahath 
omitted in our text', and where, further, Zuph is 
named as son of this Elkanah, a name that is 
obviously identical with Zophai (comp. Kelnbai, 
ii. 9, with Kelub, iv. 11). — Ver. 12. Eliab his son, 
Jcroham his son, Elkanah his son. As "N'ahath," 
the father of Eliab, bears a name that is closely 
allied in etymology to Toah, the son of Zuph (or 
Zophai), in the series of the ancestors of Heman, 
ver. 19, and so may pass for a by-form of this 

name, 3XvX a 'so appears to be a collateral form 

°f ?NvX- ver, 19; but Jcroham and Elkanah 

coincide exactly with the two there named pre 
decessors (or rather descendants) of Eliab. Hence 
the two parallel series actually agree out and out, 

from Zuph to the last Elkanah. So much the 
more certainly is a 133 ^SIOL" (comp. ver. 18), 

forming the transition to ver. 18, to he supposed 1 oil at the end ot our verse, or the assumption 
at least to In- made th it the author 'a. follows at 
one, • from ver, 13) meant by the last Elkanah no 
other than the father of Samuel.- Ver 1::. .he/ 
tin sons of Samuel, the first-bom Vashni, and 
Abiah. That here the name of Joel, who was 
actually the first-born ot Samuel, and i- named, 
ver. Is, as his proper scion, has fallen out, ap- 
pears indubitable from 1 Sam. viii. 2 ; comp, 
('lit. Not,-. On the whole, the present genealogy 
of Kohath coincides with that of tie- ance tors ol 
Heman in vers. 18-23, though the text of our 

list appears the nmre defective, ini urate, and 

partly corrupt. — Vers. 14, 1.".. Descendants •;/' 
Merari, of the line of Mahli, from whom six 
generations of direct descendants are given. 
Against Bertheau's attempt to identify the nami 
.Mahli, Libni, Shinii, Uzzah. Shema, Haggiab, 
Asaiah with those of the ancestors of Ethan in 
vers. 29-32 (Mushi, Mahli, Sham r, I'.ani, Amzi, 
Hilkiab, Amaziah), in order to repn sent the three 
sei is of our section as mere parallels to the three 
series of the following section, see the remarks of 
Keil (p. 89). The latter justly asserts, in refer- 
ence to ver. 4a; "The vers. 14 and 15 furnish a 
list of the family of Mahli, whereas the ancestors 
of Ethan, vers. 29-32, belong to the family of 
Mushi. Accordingly, our series cannot be d( - 
^iu'ind to introduce Ethan or Ethan's ancestors. 
This hypothesis is altogether a castle in the air." 
3. The Ancestors of the Levitical Songmasters 
Hi man. Asaph, anil Ethan: vers, lii 34.- And 
thesi iin they wltom David set over th singingin 
the house of the Lord; comp. XV. 17 tf. and 
2 Chron. xxxix. 27. — Tt:'~ , T~^l\ properly: "to 

the bands of song," that is, for the singing, for 
the purpose of leading and executing it. — After 
the resting of the ark; from the time when the 
ark (]i-iN = rm3n fiK), instead of its previous 
wandering, had a permanent abode on Mount 
Zion, 2 Sam. vi. 2, 17.— Ver. 17. And they 
ministered Injure the dwelling of th tent of meet 
ing with singing. "Before the dwelling;'' for in 
the court, before the holy tent, or before the 
temple, took place the public worship, - "insisting 
of sacrifice and singing. The genitive, "of the 
tent of meeting" (institution), is explicative of 
thi dwelling, that is. the dwelling of God among 
H 1, people. This means, in the first place, the 
tent of institution or meeting (-|jnD"6jlk)i which 

David erected on Zion, as the immediate pre- 
decessor of the stone temple (2 Sam. vi. 17 tf. ; 
1 Chron. xxi. 28 tf. ; 2 Chron. i. 3), and along 
with which the old Mosaic tent of meeting con- 
tinued a long time in Gibeon, with a separate 
service (1 Chron. i. 29: 2 Chron. 1. " , 1 Kings 
iii. 41. That this Davidic tent on Zion is in- 
tended in the first place, is shown partly by the 
following reference to the building of Solomon's 
temple, and partly by the circumstance that the 
following genealogy takes its start from the three 
songmasters of David. — Ami they attended m 
their order to their service. "In their ordei " 
(DDBC'Oa), that is, according to tin older pre- 
scribed by David, — so, namely, that (ver. IS ff.) 



Heman the Kohathite, as chief leader of the 
whole choir, should stand in the middle, Asaph 
the Gershonite, with his choir, on his right, and 
Ethan the Merarite on his left, in conducing the 
sacred singing of the temple (comp. xvi. 37 ff., 
xxiv. 1 2 Chron. xxx. 16). — Vcr. IS. And these 
(the following) are they who attended, and their 
sons, with the choirs formed of their sons and 
their families. The names of their sons, see in 
xxv. 2-4. Here it is intended to trace, not so 
much the descendants of these songmasters from 
David's time down, as rather their ancestors up 
to Levi. — Of the sons of Kohath: He/nan the 
singer. He stands before the rest, and is dis- 
tinguished from them by the mere predicate, "the 
singer" ("nic'on; Sept. i i/.«Xt«»2os), because the 

chief leading of the temple singing belonged to 
him. He appears here as the grandson of Samuel, 
which is chronologically and genealogically admis- 
sible, ami is needlessly questioned by Hitzig 
[Cfesch. d. 1st. p. 125 f.), who denies that Samuei 
belonged to the house of Levi. On the series of 
Kohathites now following to vcr. 23, consisting 
of twenty-two generations, and its relation to that 
in vers. 7-13, see above. — Vcr. 23. The son of 
Levi, the son of Israel. Only here is this ascent 
beyond Levi to the patriarch of all Israel ; comp. 
Liike iii. 38: toS A«i« rev BsoS. — Vers. 24-28. 
The ancestors of \saph the Gershonite. — And his 
brothel- Asaph. "Brother," obviously in a wider 
sense, as relative and fellow-officer in tin- sacred 
service. On the relation of his genealogy, in- 
cluding fifteen members to the earlier series of 
Gershonites, see on vers. 5, 6. — Vers. 29-32. The 
ancestors of Ethan the Merarite. — And the sons 
of Merari, their brethren on the left, forming the 
choir standing on the left. For the name Jedu- 
thun (prw"l\ "praiseman"), otherwise occurring 

for Ethan, perhaps an honorary surname, comp. 
xvi. 41, xxv. 1; 2 Chron. xxxv. 15: Neh. xi. 17. 
The series of Ethan's ancestors must be greatly 
abbreviated, as it contains only twelve names up 
to Merari. — Ver. 32. The son of Mahli, the son 
of Mushi. the sun of Merari. If Mahli and 
Mushi, ver. 4, be named together as sons of 
Merari (as also Lev. iii. 20), this does not con- 
tradict our passage, as Mahli is plainly enough 
designated, not as son, but as grandson of Merari, 
therefore as nephew or perhaps grand-nephew of 
Mushi the younger son of Merari. On the 
diversity of the whole series, vers. 29-32, from 
that in vers. 14, 15, see on these verses. — Ver. 
33 f. And their brethren the Levites, givenfor all 
service, etc. "Their brethren the Levites" are 
other Levites beside the singers already nien- 
t.jned. A general notice of the ministry of the 
Levites not belonging to the families of the 
singers thus closes our section, as the like notice 
of the liturgical functions of the singers them- 
selves (vers. 16, 17) opened it. D'JVIJ, "given 

to all service," that is, given to Aaron and his 
descendants, to the priestly family appointed for 
service in the performance of worship ; comp. 
Num. iii. '.'. viii. 16-19, xviii. 6; also Samuel's 
consecration or dedication to the temple service, 
! Sam. i. 11, 28, and the oblati of monkery in 
the middle ages, for example, Bernard, etc. — Ver. 
34. And An run and his sons offered. There are 
three functions of the priestly portion of the 
Levites: — 1. Sacrifice (on the altars of burnt- 

offering and incense), Num. xviii. 1-7 ; 2. 
Ministration in the holy of holies, 1 Chron. 
xxviii. 13; 3. Propitiation or expiation for Israel, 
Lev. xvi. 3'2. — In all that Moses, the servant of 
God, had commanded. For this honourable de- 
signation of Moses, comp. Num. xii. 7 ; Deut. 
xxxiv. 5; Josh. i. 1, 13; Heb. iii. 2 if. 

4. The Series of High Priests from Eleazar to 
Aliirnaaz: vers. 35-38. — This section is closely 
connected with the two preceding verses ; for it 
states who were "the sons of Aaron" named, 
ver. 34, as the conductors of the priestly service 
in the temple. This series (which agrees essen- 
tially with v. 30-34 ; comp. Ezra vii. 1-5) is 
brought down only to Ahimaaz, the contemporary 
of Solomon (comp. 2 Sam. xv. 27), because in the 
whole section, from ver. 16, a "source is used in 
which the prominent families of Levi in the time 
of David (and Solomon) were described, and along 
with the genealogies of Heinan, Asaph, ana 
Ethan, that of Ahimaaz also stood, which the 
author' of Chronicles w : as induced to insert for 
the sake of completeness and confirmation of the 
former series" (Bertheau). This series of high 
priests, breaking oft" with the time of Solomon, 
does not form a specially suitable transition to 
the following list of the Levitieal cities (against 
Keil), although by its introductory words (espe- 
cially by the suffix in DnUU'lD, vel - 38, that 

points to pinx <:a n^Nl, ver. 35) it appears 

closely connected with the foregoing section. 

5. Tkt Cities of the Levites : vers. 39-66. — And 
these are their dwellings, by their districts in their 
border — the border which was then assigned to 
the several Levitieal families. The superscrip- 
tion may have stood in tile document which the 
Chronist here follows; it is wanting in the list ol 
the dwellings of the Levites. Josh, xxi., which 
inns in the main parallel to this, but deviates in 
form and in many details. For riTtS (from -piu, 

drcumdare), in ea r ly times, village of nomades. 
of tents (Gen. xxv. 16 ; Num. xxi. 10), hen- dis- 
trict, circuit of dwellings, comp. Ps. lxix. 26. — 
Of tin sons of Aaron, of the family of the Ko- 
hiilhiti-s ; for to them was the lot. These words 
form the special superscription to vers. 40-45. 

Alter inian. perhaps rOB^tO h as fallen out ; 

comp. Josh. xxi. 10. At all events, the first lot 
is here in question. — Vers. 40. 41 agree almost 
literally with Josh. xxi. 11, 12, only Hebron has 
there its old name Kiriath Arba; and for "in 
the land of Judah," stands "on the mountains 
of Judah." — And its suburbs round about it. 
D'C'iJD ' s the standing phrase for the pastures 
(Kamph. ) or commons belonging to the cities, as 
distinguished from the field mL"> or arable land, 

ver. 41. For the historical contents of ver. 41, 
comp. also Josh. xiv. 14, xv. 13. — Ver. 42. And 
to the sons of Aaron they gave the free towns 
Hebron and Libnah. As Hebron only was a free 

town (nvinn D^pO Tj;, place of refuge for the 

maiislayer), the plural appears at least inexact 
The parallel, Josh. xxi. 13, has the correct form 
-pj/. The same occurs with respect to Shechem, 

ver. 52. — And Jattir, and Eshtemoa, and its 
suburbs. After "|>f|», the standing addition 

CHAP. VI. 48-66. 


rPBnjDVlNIi which is found in Josh. xxi. 13 

as always. — Ver. 43. And Hilen and Us suburbs. 

Instead of p'n. Josh. xxi. 15 has the more correct 

f?h (comp. Josh. xv. 51). — Ver. 44. And Ashan 

and its suburbs. The name jj«j) in thi^ place 

appears more correct than pjf in Josli. xxi. lti. 

Immediately after this Ashan the name of Juttah 
must have fallen out, as appears from Josli. xxi.; 
as in ver. 45 the name of Gibeon before Geba. 
This twofold omission is indirectly confirmed by 
the closing notice in ver. 45: "all their cities 
were thirteen cities in their families;" for at 
present, tile list referring to the tribes of Judah, 
Simeon, and Benjamin, vers. 42-45, contains only 
eleven cities. Besides, the third of the Levitical 
cities in Benjamin is called, Josh. xxi. 18, not 

Allemeth (HD^y), hut Almon (|ioi>jj). It is im- 
possible to decide which is the original form. — 
Vers. 46-48 give summarily only the number, 
not the names, of the cities of the remaining 
Levites of the families of Kohath, Gershom, and 
Merari (parallel to vers. 5-7 in Josh, xxi.); the 
enumeration by name follows ver. 51 If. — Of the 
family of the tribe, from the half -tribe. Between 
these words of ver. 40 (ntSHH and rpVITO!"!) there 

is an obvious gap; according to Josh. xxi. 5, the 
words " Ephraim, and of the tribe of Dan and " 
have here fallen out. — Ver. 47. And of the tribe 
of Manaeseh in Bashan. More exactly, Josh, 
xxi. 6, "and of the half-tribe of Xlanasseh in 
Bashan," though we may do without the missing 
'i'n. Vers. 49, 50 disturb the progress of the 

enumeration, which, after the summary state- 
ments of the foregoing three verses, raises the 
expectation of a specification of the cities of the 
other Kohathites in a way so surprising, that 
their original occupatiou of another place, and 
that before ver. 396 ("of the sons of Aaron," 
etc.), admits of no doubt ; comp. Josh, xxi., where 
they stand in vers. 8, 9 as superscription of the 
list of cities assigned to the priests. As they are 
there annexed to the summary statement, vers. 
5-7, which forms here vers. 46-48, a mechani- 
cally proceeding compiler takes them over with 
these at once, and the Chronist, who followed 
this compiler, neglects to repair his negligence. 
— These cities which they called by names. The 
plurals nil3C' an( i 'IXIP' are suitable explana- 
tions, instead of the corresponding singulars in 
Josh. xxi. 9, as the subject, "the sons of Israel," 
is easily supplied to the verb from ver. 48, and 
several names of cities are given. The masc. 
DnnN. instead of jnnN. njay be only an oversight 

(Berth., Keil).— Vers. 51-55. The cities of the 
remaining Kohathites; comp. Josh. xxi. 20-26. 
And of the families of the sons of Kohath. — 
Instead of ninSBTSDIi •=> perhaps to be read 
niriBe'DTl, "and with respect to the families," 

etc. — Ver. 52. For the pi. "free towns," comp. 
on ver. 42. — Ver. 53. And Johneam. Josh. 
xxi. 22 gives for this DyOp' 1 an otherwise un- 
known a'V2p ; but the Sept. confirms the former 

reading by its 'Ux/ia£: — Ver. 54. And Aijaltm 
and its suburbs, and Gath-rimmon and its suburbs. 

In Josh. xxi. 2:!. 24, these tun Levitical cities, 
with two others Inn- omitted, Eltekeh and Gib- 
bethon, belong to the tribe oi Han. According 
to this, before these words a whole rerse has 
fallen out: "and of the tribe of Dan, Kite], el. 
and its suburbs, Gibbethon and its suburbs." 
That the mention of the tribe of Dan is here for 
the second time avoided (comp. ver. 4ti), can 
scarcely he called accidental ; comp. on vii. 12. 
— Ver. SS. Aner and its suburbs, and Bilam ana 
its suburbs. Josh. xxi. 25 calls the two Levitical 
eities iii West. Manasseli rather Tanaeh and Gath- 
i- 1 m 1 1 1 1 . »i i ; but these names appear In be errors ..I 
transcription originating in the foregoing verse. 
In this ease, cur text should be the more correct, 

only that 0JP2 (Josh. xvii. 11) should perhaps 

be changed into Qjfav — To the family of the 

n maining sons of Kohath. These words, formally 
annexed to "they gave," etc., ver. 52a, fonn 
a kind of subscription, in which, perhaps, the 
singular "family" should be changed into the 

plural ; comp. niflSBwi Josh. xxi. 26. — Vers. 

56-61. Tlie cities of the Gershonites ; comp. Josh. 
xxi. 27-33. — Golan in Bashan. That Golan is 
one of the six cities of refuge, like Hebron, 
Shechem, etc., is not mentioned; this again is 
one of the omissions in which our text abounds. 
For the name Ashtaroth, Josh. xxi. 27 substitutes 
Beeshterah (rnnC'JQ). perhaps compounded of 
mncinva- This city (Deut. i. 4, Josh. xiii. 

12, once the seat of king Og> was perhaps formerly 
called Ashteroth-karnaim, Gen xiv. 5, now Tell 
Ashteroth, some hours north-west of Edrei. — 
Ver. 57. Kedesh and its suburbs. For BHp, 

Josh. xxi. 28 has more correctly [i'E'p, as in 
ver. 58 the reading niOIN Josh. xxi. 29, is per- 
haps more correct than niCS"). and Q'35 J«j) than 
□JJf. —Ver. 59. Mashal (">g>o) is contracted for 
^Xu''2, Josh. xix. 26. On the contrary, p'pin. 
ver. 60, appears to he wrongly transcribed fo' 
np?n, which Joshua has in our passage and xix. 
25 (i5pn in Najihtali, Josh, xix 24, cannot be 

here intended). — Ver. 61. Kedesh in Galilee. Of 
this city, also, it is not noted that it belonged to 
the siv free towns, Josh. xxi. 32. On its site, 
west of the lake Merom, where Kedes now lies, 
see Rob. iii. 682, Ranmer, Palcest. p. 116.— The 
following Hammon corresponds to Hainmoth-dor, 
Josh. xxi. 32, and to Hammath, Josh. xix. 35, 
which three forms appear all to point to hot 
springs in the vicinity of the place. In Joseph. 
Antiq. xviii. 2. 3, the name is 'A/i/txtvs. For 
Kiriathaim, Josh, xxi 32 has the contracted form 
Kaitan (jnTp), that stands to the present full 

form as jnil, 2 Kings vi. 13, to |"nn. Gen. xxxvii. 

17. — Vers. 62-66. The cities of the Merarites : 
comp. Josh. xxi. 34-37. — To the sons of Merari 
that remained, namely, the Levites, as the fuller 

form D'tniSH D'vH. Josh. xxi. 34, shows, which 
may mean, "those of the Levites still to be men- 



tioned." — Rimmono and its suburbs, Tabor and 
its suburbs. Here the names of two other cities 
of Zebulun have fallen out, Jokneam and Kartah. 
But even the two here named have other names 
there, where, for ijiai, the probably less correct 

HJD'n appears (comp. the repeated mention of a 
city lien in Zebulun, Josh. xix. 13), and where, 
in place of our "lian, stands the name ?^H3, which 

is certainly identical with Nahalol, Judg. i. 30, 
and is perhaps found in the present Nalul, south- 
west of Nazareth. It is hard to say how our 
"li^D came into the text instead of the un- 
doubtedly original ^>ni ; possibly the author 
meant, instead of the city, only the region where 
it lay — Mount Tabor (Movers) ; possibly the name 
of the city fell out, and of the determination of 
Its site, that was perhaps included in the words 

"ii2Fl rv">D3 ^33 bv-i only the last word remains 

(Berth.); or possibly the place bore two quite 
different names. — Vers. 63, 64 are wanting in 
some editions of the books of Joshua, where they 
are xix. 36, 37. But the most and best MSS. 
contain them, and there is no decisive reason for 
their condemnation as spurious ; see the par- 
ticulars in Fay on the passage. — And beyond 
Jordan by Jericho, east of Jordan. This deter- 
mination of place (which is often found in like 
terms, Num. xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxiv. 15 ; comp. 
on 2 Chron. viii. 3) is wanting in the book of 
Joshua, which in other respects agrees with our 
verse, only that it omits not to mark Bezer as a 
free town. — Ver. 65. And out of the tribe of Gad, 
Ramoth in Oilead. Here also is wanting the 
mention of its being a city of refuge ; comp. Josh. 

xxi. 36, where also the name is written, not as 
here, niDXIi DUt niO~l, as of the two places 

mentioned in the following verse, the latter is 
there not Jaazer but Jazer ; comp. Num. xxi. 32. 
The situation of these towns is wholly unknown. 

.Moreover, let us compare, with respect tt the 
Levitioal cities in general, the not unimpoitant 
remark of Hengstenberg, Oesch. d. Reichs Golte» 
miter dem A. B. ii. i, p. 259: " the number of the 
cities in all amounted to forty-eight. At first 
sight, for a comparatively small tribe, this appears 
to be too great. But this appearance vanishes, 
when we consider that in these cities, not the 
Levites alone, but, along with them, craftsmen and 
others from the other tribes dwelt, who made 
often the greater part of the population ; comp. 
Lev. xxv. 33 ; 1 Chron. vi. 40, 41 (Caleb as in- 
habitant of the lands of Hebron), etc." There 
is weight also in his remark, p. 260, on the many 
differences between our list and Josh. xxi. ; these 
"are most easily explained by the fact that some 
of the cities assigned to the Levites were at the 
time (when the land was divided among the twelve 
tribes) in possession of the Canaauites, and as the 
hope of their immediate conquest failed, were first 
recovered from them by others, in whose posses- 
sion they remained, on account of the inconve- 
nience of the change." In many cases this 
assumption may be correct, and serve to explain 
the double names, as Ashau and Ain, Allemeth 
and Almon, Kedesh and Kishion, Anem and Kn- 
gannim, Tabor and Nahalal, etc. (See on vers. 
44, 45, 57, 58, 62.) But that, besides numerous 
conniptions of the text, errors in transcription, 
and omissions of names, sentences, and clauses, 
took place not merely in our text, but also in that 
of Joshua, must have been abundantly evident 
from our exegetical and critical remarks. 

e. The Families of the Remaining Tribes (except Dan and Zebulun), and in particular 


1. The Families of Issachar, Btnjamiu, Napktali, West Mauasseh, Ephraim, and Asher: ch. vii. 

». The Tribe of Issachar: vers. 1-5. 

Ch. vii. 1. And the sons 1 of Issachar : Tola and Piiah, Jashutr and Shimron, four. 

2 And the sons of Tola : Uzzi, and Rephaiah, and Jeriel, and Jahmai, and 
Jibsam, and Samuel, heads of their father-houses to Tola, valiant heroes in 
their generations ; their number in the days of David was twenty and two 

3 thousand and six hundred. And the sons of Uzzi : Izrahiah ; and the sons ot 

4 Izrahiah : Michael, and Obadiah, and Joel, Ishiah, five heads in all. And with 
them, by their generations, by their father-houses, troops of the host of war, 

5 thirty and six thousand ; for they had many wives and sons. And their 
brethren of all the families of Issachar, valiant heroes, eighty and seven 
thousand was their register for all. 

/3. The 'Tribe of Benjamin : vers. 6-11. 

6, 7 Benjamin : Bela, and Becher, and Jediael, three. And the sons of Bela : 
Ezbon, and Uzzi, and Uzziel, and Jerimoth, and Iri, five, heads of father- 
houses, valiant heroes ; and their register was twenty and two thousand and 
8 thirty and four. And the sons of Becher : Zemirah, and Joash, and Eliezer, 
and Elioenai, and Omri, and Jerimoth, and Abiah, and Anathoth, and Alemetb : 
ft all these were the sons of Becher. And their register by their generations, 
heads of their father-houses, valiant heroes, twenty thousand and two hundred 

CHAP. VII. 75 

10 And the sons of Jediael: Billian ; and the sons of Bilhan : Jeush, 3 and 
Benjamin, and Ehud, and Chenaanah, and Zethan, and Tarshish, and Ahishahar. 

11 All these were sons of Jediael, by the heads of the fathers, valiant heroes, 
seventeen thousand and two hundred going out in the host for war. 

'/. Another Tribe, and the Tribe of Naphtali : vers. 12, 13. 

12, 13 And Shuppim and Huppim, sons of Ir: Hushim, sons of another. The 
sons of Naphtali : Jahziel, and Guni, and Jezer, and Shallum, sons of Bilhah. 

o. Half-Tribt of Manasseh (west of Jordan): vers. 14-19. 

14 The sons of Manasseh: Ashriel,* whom his concubine, the Aramitess, hare; 

15 she bare Maehir, the father of Gilead. And Machir took a wife for Huppim 
and Shuppim, and the name of his sister was Maachah, and the name of the 

16 second was Zelqphehad ; and Zelophehad had daughters. And Maachah, 
wife of Machir, bare a son, and she called his name Peresh ; and the name of 

17 his brother was Sheresh ; and his sons were Ulam and Kekem. And the sons 
of Ulam : Bedan : these are the sons of Gilead, the son of Machir, the son of 

18 Manasseh. And his sister Hammolecheth bare Ishod, and Abiezer, and 

19 Mahlah. And the sons of Shemidah : Ahian, and Shechem, and Likhi, and 

i. The Tribe of Ephraim : rers. 20-29. 

20 And the sons of Ephraim : Shuthelah, and Bered his son, and Tahath his 

21 son, and Eladah his son and Tahath his son. And Zabad his son, and 
Shuthelah his son ; and Ezer and Elad ; and the men of Gath that were born 
in the land slew them, because they came down to take away their cattle. 

22 And Ephraim their father mourned many days, and his brethren came to 

23 comfort him. And he went in to his wife, and she conceived and bare a son, 

24 and he called his name Beriah, because it went evil with his house. And his 
daughter was Sherah, and she built Beth-horon, the nether and the upper, and 

25 Uzzen-sherah. And Rephah his son, and Resheph and Telah his son, and 
2G, 27 Tahan his son. Ladan his son, Ammihud his son, Elishama his son. Non 

28 his son, Joshua his son. And their possession and their habitations were 
Bethel and her daughters, and eastward Naaran, and westward Gezer and 
her daughters, and Shechem and her daughters unto Ajjah 5 and her daughters. 

29 And on the side of the sons of Manasseh, Bethshean and her daughters, 
Taanach and her daughters, Megiddo and her daughters, Dor and her 
daughters ; in these dwelt the sons of Joseph the son of Israel. 

£. The Tribe of Asher: vers. 30-40. 

30 The sons of Asher : Imnah, and Ishuah, and Ishui, and Beriah, and Serah 

31 their sister. And the sons of Beriah : Heber and Malchiel ; he is the father 

32 of Birzavith. 6 And Heber begat Japhlet, and Shomer, and Hotham, and 

33 Shua their sister. And the sons of Japhlet Pasach, and Bimhal, and 

34 Ashvath : these are the sons of Japhlet. And the sons or Shemer : Ahi, and 

35 Rohgah, and Hubbah, 7 and Aram. And the son of Helem his brother : 

36 Zophah, and Imna, and Shelesh, and Ainal. The sons of Zophah : Suah, and 

37 Harnepher, and Shual. and Beri, and Imrah, Bezer, and Hod, and Shamma, 

38 and Shilshah, and Ithran, and Beera. And the sons of Jether : Jephunneh, 

39 and Pispah, and Ara. And the sons of Ulla : Arah, and Hanniel, and Riziah. 

40 All these were the sons of Asher, heads of father-houses, choice, valiant heroes, 
heads of the princes : and their register for the service in war was twenty and 
six thousand. 

1 For l, J27l read '231- as ( ^ e Sept. cod. Alex. r:ads xxi etrci 1*1) luri-xa-P {cod Vat. has xxi re7i titiTt Irr.). 
! So the A'crt: tile Kelhib hca TC^- 
* {JT^ in the Kethib. 



• fcOIC'N appears to be a gloss introduced into the text by the double wilting of the following consonants, 

So (H s V) all the bes' mss and prints. The tl^J/ of some other mss. and editions is an error of the pen or the press 
introduced into the texr by the influence of the Sept , Vultr., and Tarp. ; comp. de Mossi, Var. lect. ad h. I. 

• So the Keri: it is doubtful how the Kethib mi~0 is to be pronounced (j"lil"13 ? with Gesen., who supposes it to bp 
a woman's name). 

' For rnlT Is to be read, with the Keri, ri3nV 

1. The Tribe of Issachar: vers. 1-5. — And the 
sons of Issachar. That 13371 is an error of the 

pen for ijq^ (comp. ver. 20, v. 11, etc.), occa- 
sioned by the many >}y? m the previous section 

(vi. 42, 46, 47, etc.), is probable in itself, and is 
confirmed by the Sept. cod. AUx. (see Crit. Note). 
To regard the ■> as introductory, "as for the sons 

of Issachar," is impossible, because the names of 
the four sons immediately follow. On the con- 
stant Keri ("13$', "obtained by hire") referring 

to the name ~OOT>\ and on its probable pronun- 
ciation, comp. the expositors on Gen. xxx. 16, 
and Dietrich's Gesenius. — Tola and Pnah, Jushub 
and Shimron. So run the names also in Num. 
xxvi. 23 ff., while in Gen. xlvi. 15 the second 
and third vary (niQ for nj<1S, al "l 2V '°r 31t;"). 

— Ver. 2. Uzzi and Rephaiah, etc. These sons 
of Tola occur nowhere else They are here de- 
signated " heads of their father-houses to Tola" 
their parent ; this addition j;~>iri7 serves to define 
Dni3X JY^? more exactly ; but it is somewhat 

strange, which raises the suspicion of corruption. 
— Valiant heroes in their generations, after their 
births, that is, as they are registered. Before 

Drri"l7r6 a DL'TTTin appears to have fallen out ; 
comp. ver. 9. Less probable is the connection 
°' DnilPh? w ith the following D1SDD. against 

the accentuation, which Keil proposes, " after 
their births their number was," etc Moreover, 
the number 22,600 for the men of Issachar fit for 
service in David's time should rest on the known 
census made by Joab under this king (ch. xxi. ; 
2 Sam. xxiv. ), and therefore, like the following 
numbers, vers. 4, 5, 7, 11, etc., should be cre- 
dible and accurate. — Ver. 3. Five heads in all, 
namely, Izrahiah the father with his four sons. — 
Ver. 4. And with them, namely, the five heads of 

families mentioned ver. 3 (^>r/ in Qn'7ltl, "with, 

along with "). The number 36,000 for this 
family alone is at first sight surprising ; but the 
following remark: "for they (those five heads) 
had many wives and sons," is sufficient to explain 
and justify it, pointing to an unwonted fruit- 
fulness of this family, and making it conceivable 
that the grandson of Izrahiah should have nearly 
twice as many descendants (36,000) as the patri- 
arch Tola (22,600).— Ver. 5. And their brethren 
. . . eighty and seven thousand teas their register, 

literally, their register with respect to all (^rfc>). 

In this sum total of all the tribes of Issachar in 
the time of David are included — 1. The 22,600 
descendants of Tola ; 2. The 36,000 of Izrahiah ; 

and 3. "Their brethren," 28,400 of the other 
families of the tribe not mentioned by name. 
The credibility of these numbers is shown by the 
circumstance that in the two enumerations under 
Moses the men of Issachar fit for service were 
respectively 54,400 (Num. i. 29) and 64,300 
(Num. xxvi. 25). The comparatively slow in- 
crease (about 23,000) during the centuries from 
Moses to David is due to the desolating troubles 
in the time of the judges. 

2. The Tribe of Benjamin : vers. 6-11. — Benja- 
min: Bela, and Becher, and Jediael, three. A '33 

or ijyn appears to have fallen out before >'0'33. 

If only three sons of Benjamin are here enume- 
rated, this seems to contradict Gen. xlvi. 21, where 
ten sons of Benjamin are named ; also Num. xxvi. 
38. where at least five are named ; and 1 Chron. 
viii. 1 f. , where at all events five are enumerated, 
though some of them are different from those in 
Numbers. The relation of these four different 
registers may be thus exhibited : — 

Gen. xlvi. Num. xxvi. 1 Chr. viii. 1 Chr. vii. 

Bela. Bela. Bela. Bela. 

Becher. Becher. 

Ashbel. Ashbel. Ashhel. 



Ehi. Ahiraui. Ahrah (mnx). 


Muppim. Shephuphan. 

Huppim. Hupham. 


Nochah (nnij). 

Kaphah (Nfi"l). 


From this comparison, it appears that — 1. 
Jediael occurs only here, and may be corrupted 
from the Ashbel of the other three lists, or a 
synonymous by-form of it. If this conjecture of 
most old expositors (with whi:h the derivation of 

73CX from 7j?3t: f N [Wellhausen, Text d. B. 

Sam. p. 31] would not agree) 'verewell grounded, 
our text would give three sons of Benjamin 
agreeing with Genesis, and pass over in silence 
the remaining seven. 2. Becher the secend son 
of Benjamin, is, to our surprise, wanting in 
Num. and 1 Chron. viii., although a family of 
nine sons, growing into 20,200 men, are given 
underneath (vers. 8, 9). His omission in those 
lists in Num. xxvi. may arise from this, that he 
did not attain to great numbers in the time of 
Moses, but only in the days of David and 
Solomon, whose enumerations lie at the basis of 
the data here. 3. Some of the differences in 
the other names prove to be mere variations of 
pronunciation or structure ; thus Ehi, Ahiram, 
and Ahrah are one and the same ; also Mup- 

CHAR VII. 7-13. 


pim (Q'BJj, probably written by mistake for 

D'SC'; sue on ver. 12) and Shephuphani, lluppim 

and Hupham. 4. Two of the ten names in Gen. 
xlvi., as the partly more correct genealogy in Num. 
xxvi. 3S-40 shows, are not sons, but grandsons of 
Bi iij iinin, Naaman and Aid, who were sons of 
Bela. 5. The two names in Gen xlvi. that have 
no parallel, Gera and Rosh, appear to have died 
childless, or to have not. been blessed with a 
numerous offspring, to wl ose existence the later 
genealogists were not 1-d to make any farther 
reference. — Ver. 7. And the sons of B'la . , . 
five, etc. Their names do not agree with the 
names of the sons of Bela given in vih. 3 and in 
Num. xxvi. tu ; the difference will rest on this, 
that a part of these heads of father-houses of the 
family of Bela, or perhaps all of them, were later 
descendants of their ancestors, and therefore sons 

in a wider sense. — Valiant heroes. Q^n '"113; 

here and in ver. 10 for the otherwise usual and 

more concrete ~><n ,_ li33 (vers. 2, 9, etc.). — Ver. 8. 

And the sons of Becher, etc. Of the names of 
these nine sons of Becher, the last two, Anathoth 
and Alemeth, occur otherwise as cities of Benja- 
min ; Alemeth (in the varied form nO?l'), vi. 45, 

and Anathoth there and Isa. x. 30, Jer. i. 1, both 
as Levitical cities. — Ver. 9. Heails of their 
father-houses, valiant heroes. DDi3X IT3 'B'KI 

is in explanatory apposition with cniiph/- ; <»'l 
'JTI ,— 1133 with the former. The heads of houses 

are, at the same time, designated as heroes of 
war. See a similar construction in Ezra iii. 12. 
— Ver. 10. And the sons of Bilhan : Jeush, and 
Benjamin, and Ehud, etc. Of these grandsons 
of Jediael, the first is called in the Kethib 
"Jeish" (see Crit. Note) ; the second bears the 
name of the patriarch, his ancestor ; the third is 
a namesake of Ehud the judge (Judg. iii. IS), 
who was of the family of Gera, and scarcely 
identical with the present one (Gen. xlvi. 21 ). 
Chenaanah, i"l3>33, may incline us to think (with 

Berth.) of a Canaanitish family incorporated with 
the Benjamites. The names Tarshish, otherwise 
denoting a precious stone, and Ahishahar, brother 
of the morning blush, point to the glory and 
fame of their bearers, and may be surnames, 
which afterward became personal names. — Ver. 
1 1. All these were sons, descendants, qfJt diael, by 
the heads of the fathers registered, nnxn V C'S"I 

stands briefly fi r ni3X JV3 'E'tfl- The ■> be- 
fore >t'}<"1 seems to In' redundant ; it is also want- 
ing in thi Sept., and is perhaps to be erased, 
though it may be dependent on a oL'TlVin (ver. 

9) to be supplied in thought, and in this ease 
to be retained. The 17,200 men of Jediael's 
family fit for war, with the 20,200 men of 
Becher's and 22,034 of Bela's, make up 59,434 
warriors or heads of houses in Benjamin when 
David made his census, about 14,000 more than 
in the days of Moses, when all the families of 
Benjamin presented in the field 45,600 men 
(Num. xxvi. 41). In weighing the grounds for 
this not very rapid increase during a period of 

three or four centuries, it is proper to take intc 
account the catastrophe of tin' first period of the 

judges, whereby the whole tribe of Benjamin 
was reduced to 600 men (Judg. xx. 47). The 
number of 2S0.000 Benjamite warriors given, 2 
Ohron. xiv. 7, for the time of Asa is explained 
in this way, that there, not heads of houses, 
but individuals fit for military service, are in- 

3. Another (unnamed) Tribe, and the Tribe of 
Naphtali: vers. 12, 13. — And Shuppim and 
lluppim. sons of I r. This first half of the verse 
contains pretty Certainly a supplement to the 
genealogy of Benjamin ; for the names Shuppim 
and Huppim coincide with those of two by the 
sons of Benjamin, as they are called Gen. xlvi. 
J] (the word u'BO there appears, as has been 

said, corrupted from D'Eti') '< ana that these two 
Benjamites, whose more correct forms are pre- 
served in Num. xxvi. 39, appear here as "Vj; <J3, 

is easily reconciled with other statements, for -py 
is most probably identical with *~\*y the son of 

Bela, ver. 7 ; hence those who are caUed, Gen. 
xlvi. and Num. xxvi., sons of Bela, appear here 
more correctly as his grandsons. Thus our verse 
contains so far nothing difficult or enigmatical. 
— Ihmhim, sons of another, or "sons of Aher " 
(inx). It is possible that these words also re- 
fer to a Benjamite family, for the name Qgjrj, 
in the varying form D'C'in or Ct*TI, is found, 

viii. 8, 11, among the Benjamites as the son of a 
Shaharaim, who might lie hid under the -ins 

of our passage (so thinks Davidson, Introd. ii. 
51, who proposes the middle form ~int> as com- 
mon ground for "inx an <l D^nt')- But it i* 
more probable that D^n denotes the only son of 

Dan mentioned Gen. xlvi. 23, who is himself in- 
dicated by the mysterious inS- For — 1. Both 
in Gen. xlvi. and Num. xxvi. Dan immediately 
follows Benjamin, and he stands in the first 
passage, as here, between Benjamin and Naphtali. 
2. The name QniCS which Num. xxvi. 42 gives 

for the only son of Dan, is different only in form 
from the CC'H °f our passage and the E'l-'TI 

of Genesis ; we may suppose a Jxhr\ or Brant' 
(comp. DEirjC', Num. xxvi. 39)as common ground- 
form for both. 3. Decisive for the reference ol 
ver. 126 to the tribe of Dan is the i"in?3 'j3 at 

the close of ver. 13, a note referring obviously, 
Gen. xlvi. 25, to Dan and Naphtali, the two sons 
of Bilhah. The avoiding to name Dan, and con- 
cealing him under the indefinite "inX (comp. 

Ezraii. 3D, recall the former surprising omissions 
of this tribe in vi. 46-54, and appear to rest like 
these on a peculiar dislike of our author to 
record particulars concerning a tribe that had 
early separated itself from the theocratic com- 
munity by the establishment of a foreign wor- 
ship; comp. Judg. xvii. xviii. That the name 
Dan occurs three times in our book iii. 2, xii. 35, 
xxvii. 22) certainly appears to stand against this 



hypothesis proposed by Bertlieau, and approved 
by other moderns, as Kamph., BShmer {Zur 
Lehre vom Antichrist, Jahrb. f. deutsche Thiol. 
1859, p. 449), and to favour cither the view of 
Ewald, who supposes an accidental omission of 
the name of Dan and of some other words by a 
corruption of the text, or that of Keil, who, 
with the ancients, finds in the words " Hushim, 
sons of Alier," only a Benjamite family (named 
viii. 8, 11). But that here again a corruption of 
the text accidentally art'ects the name of Dan, 
whom we expect to meet between Benjamin and 
Naphtali, is scarcely credible ; and against the 
addition of the words in question to the fore- 
going series of Benjamites is the absence of the 
copula 1 before D^'TI- There is therefore con- 
siderable probability in the assumption of Berth., 
that the omission of Dan is as little accidental 
here as in the list of the twelve tribes in liev. vii. 
5-8, and that it has a theocratic, judicial import, 
as it points to the fall of Dan into idolatry. 
From the Rabbinical tradition concerning Judg. 
xviii. 30, where the name of Moses is supposed 
to be intentionally changed into Manasseh, that 
it might not occur in the history of the Danite 
sanctuary, nothing can be drawn in support of 
this assumption, as this is only an insipid conceit 
in explanation of the Keri n" ; JD (against 
Berth. ). It is also to be borne in mind that 
another tribe, that of Zebulun, is wholly passed 
over in our series, the omission of which may 
well be called accidental (as, for example, that oi 
the tribes Asher and Gail in the list of tribe- 
princes, xxvii. 16-24). Comp. the evangelical- 
ethical principles, No. 2. — The sons of Naphtali: 
Jahziel, and Guni, and Jazer, and Shallum. The 
parallel lists, Gen. xlvi. 24, Num. xxvi. 48 f, 
give these names, only the first is there Jahzeel 
(taxrp) an( l th e l as t Shillem (Dj>B>). For the 

addition, " sons of Bilhah," see on ver. 12. 

4. The half-Tribe of Manasseh (west of Jor- 
dan) : vers. 14-19. — The sons of Manasseh: 
Ashriel, whom his concubine the Aramitess bare. 
That here it is treated of the western half of 
Manasseh is understood of itself after the former 
communications concerning East Manasseh, v. 23 f. 
Of the six families of AVest Manasseh named in 
Num. xxvi. 30, 34, and Josh. xvii. 2, only two 
are mentioned here, Ashriel and Shemida (ver. 
19). But Ashriel, from the more exact accounts 
in Num. xxvi. 31, is not a son, but a grandson, of 
Manasseh, by his father Gilead. Now, as the fol- 
lowing sentence referring to the Aranuean con- 
cubine of Manasseh, " she bare Machir the father 
of Gilead," seems designed to explain how Ashriel 
could be called a son of Manasseh and his concu- 
bine, it seems necessary to assume that he sprang 
from her in the fourth degree as the sun of Gilead 
and grandson of Machir. But this assumption is 
as doubtful as the Masoretic expedient, which 
separates the words m? ~IL"N by an Athnach 
under the latter from the following \y\ VJ'37'3. 

and requires the supplement of some unmentioned 
wife to the "whom she bare." The sagacious 
hypothesis of Movers (assented to by Berth, and 
Kamph.) here commends itself, that the name 
Ashriel, as a gloss arising from writing twice the 
consonants immediately following y< ~\'£'&. is to be 
erased, and so the sense is to be gained: "the 

sons of Manasseh, whom his Aramaean concubine 
bare : she bare Machir," etc. Comp. the Sept. 

OU Gen. xlvi. 26 : iy'ivovro Se Utoi Mtt»Ufftrr,, oZs 
etekev auTta tt iretWaxr} v ^.vptt. Vei*. 15. And 

Machir took a wife for Huppim and Shuppbn, 
etc. The whole verse is so obscure, that the 
assumption either of interpolation or of the omis- 
sion of some words seems unavoidable. Bertlieau 
proceeds in the former way, rejects the w< rds 

D'SK'TI D"3r6 as a gloss from ver. 12, and by 

means of some other changes, especially the in- 
sertion of ver. 18a, arrives at the sense : "and 
Machir took a wife, whose name was Maachah, 
and the name of his sister was Hammolechcth ; 
and the name of his brother (the second) was 
Zelophehad." Somewhat less violent is the 
emendation attempted by Movers (p. 89), which 
limits itself to the change of inhN before rQJID 

into nriNH, and yields the sense : "and Machii 

took a wife from Huppim and from Shuppim (p 

standing for [£, and pointing to a marriage of 

Machir with two wives out of the families of 
Huppim and Shuppim, ver. 12); the name of 
the first was Maachah, and the name of the 
second Zelophehad." Keil conjectures an omis- 
sion of some words, among these the name of 
Ashriel, the first son of Gilead, but at the same 
time the intrusion of senseless interpolations in 
ver. 15a; while, on the contrary, he regards as 
critically impregnable the words of the second 
half verse : " and the name of the second is 
Zelophehad ; and Zelophehad had daughters 
(only)." Several gaps are also supposed in the 
emendations of older writers, as in that of J. H. 
Michaelis, who endeavours to squeeze out the 
sense : "and Machir took to wife (the sister of) 
Huppim and Shuppim, and the name of his sister 
i namely of Huppim) was Maachah, and the name 
of the second (here named son of Manasseh) was 
Zelophehad." From the unsatisfactory character 
of all these attempts, it is plain that a correct 
interpretation of the verse must be given up. So 
much only is clear from the second gloss, whether 
it be preserved intact or in some way corrupted, 
that therein Zelophehad was called the brother 
or near relative of Machir, and was the same who, 
Num. xxvii. 1, xxxvi. Iff., Josh. xvii. 3, was called 
the father of a great number of daughters. — Ver. 
17. The sons of Maachah here mentioned, Peresh 
and Sheresh, as also the sons c." the latter, Ulam 
and Rekem, occur only here. — Ver. 17. And thf 
sons of Ulam: Bedan. The Masoretic text names 
a judge Bedan, 1 Sam. xii. 11, where, however, 
perhaps p-12 is to be read. — These are the sons of 

Gilrml, the son of Machir. Bertlieau, perhaps 
rightly, proposes here the change (favoured by 
ver. 41 and by ii. 21 ): " These are the sons of the 
father of Gilead, of Machir the son of Manasseh." 
— Ver. IS. And his sister Hammolecheth bare 
[shod. The Vulg. explains this not elsewhere, 
occurring name appellative ly: Regma (as Eimchi, 
queen of a part of Gilead). Rightly? — The first 
of her sons, Ishod, "man of fame, of glory," i-s 
otherwise unknown ; on the contrary, the second 
appears to be identical with the Abiezer named 
Josh. xvii. -2, the chief of one of the families of 
Manasseh. If this were so, he would have to pass 
for the ancestor of Gideon, Judg. vi. 11, 15. But 

CHAP. VII. 19-27. 

Abiezer in Joshua, or .liver (ifjjs) as '* > s hi 

Num. xxvi. SO, appears as first s if Manasseh 

after Machir, not as the mere sister's son of this 
Machir, as here ; for which reason the identity is 

douhtful. Whether the following name npriD 

denotes a brother of these two, or a sister (comp. 
Mahlah, the daughter of Zelophehad, Num. xxvi. 
38, xxvii. l». is doubtful. — Ver. 19. And the sons 
of Sh< midah. A son of Manass. h, Josh. wi. 2, or, 
ii ore exactly, of Gilead, Num. xxvi. ".'J. Tlie 
names of his four sons, except Shechem, cyf'- 

who appears, Josh. xvii. 2, as an immediate son 
of Manasseh, but, Num. xxvi. 32, as a son of 
Gilead, occur nowhere else ; for Bertheau's at- 
tempts to connect Liklii with Helek, Num. xxvi. 
SO, and Aniam (nyjx) with nyj, one of the 

daughters of Zelophehad, Num. xxvi. 33, Josh. 
v\ ii. Ii, are arbitrary. 

5. The Tribe of Ephraim: vers. 20-29.— Shu- 
thelah, and /Semi his son, etc. Shuthelah ap- 
pears also, Num. xxvi. 25, as founder of a chief 
family of Ephraim. This family is here traced 
through six generations to a second Shuthelah, 
ver. 21, to whom are then added Ezer and Elad, 
two brothers of the older Shuthelah, and therefore 
sons or near descendants of Ephraim. — And the 
nu a of Oath, that loen born in the land, sit w tin m, 
namely. Ezer and Elad. The. Avim (Avites), 
driven by the Philistines from their seats between 
Hazerim and Gaza, Deut. ii. 23, are said to be 
born in the land, in contrast with the intruders. 
Hence E\v., Berth., Kamph. will have these Avim 
to be here meant, whereas Keil thinks rather of 
the Philistines, whose settlement in south-west 
Palestine, in the district of Gath, was attested 
even in the time of Abraham, or even of the 
Canaanites, but not the Avites, of whom there is 
no tradition that they had spread to Gath. At 
any rate, reference is here made to a very old 
event, as Ephraim, the son of Jacob, still lived 
and begat other children. This can scarely have 
taken place before the descent into Egypt, as 
Ephraim was horn in Egypt, Gen. xlvi. 20 
(against Ewald). We must suppose it to have 
occurred during the sojourn in Egypt, and to 
have been a warlike expedition from the land of 
Goshen, that may have fallen in the interval from 
Gen. 1. 13-23. The verb tv is not absolutely 

against this assumption, which was advocai id bj 
elder expositors (Rossi, Kimchi, L. Lavater, Grot., 
Caloy., etc.), and accepted by more recent ones, 
as Furst (Gesch. d. bihl. Lit. i. 318). When the 
Ephraimite host marched from the wilderness of 
Shur or Paran, we may very well regard this as a 
descent upon the district of Gath (without directly 
identifying Ephraim with Paran, as Hitzig does, 
Gesch. Isr. p. 48). — Ver. 2-2. And Ephraim, their 
father, mourned many days. Bertheau will, 
without ground, take these words figuratively, 
and apply them to the whole tribe pf Ephraim ; 
the going in of'Ephraim to his wife, mentioned 
ver. 23, can only be taken literally ; and as t lien- 
is no indication that a younger Ephraim is meant 
(as Keil), it is plainly recorded of the eld patriarch 
Ephraim that he begat a son, Beriah, alter those 
two sons were slain by the Gathites. Ewald per- 
laps goes too far, when he makes the sens Rephah 
and Resbeph, ver. 25, he born to Ephraim in this 
latter period. Rather is the interwoven historical 

notice of the raid of Ezer and Elad against Gath 
and its results to be regarded as closed with ver. 
28, and the loll iwing passage from ver. 2-1 to be 
taken as the continuation of the geneali 
Ephraim. — And he called his name Beriah, 
because it went i oil with his house, " because there 
had been calamity (njT13) in his house-." This 

etymology of the name njI'lU. reminding us oi 

the well-known derivations of Genesis (especially 
Gen. v. n, 29, 80), speaks for the undoubted 
antiquity of the present account. For the rela 
tion of this Ephraimite to Ins namesake ,,i Benjn 
inin, see on viii. 13 f. — Ver. 21. And his daughter 
was Shi rah, namely, Ephraim's daughter I \ er. 20), 
not Beriah 's, who is only mentioned by the way. 
The places Nether and Upper Beth-horon built, 
that is, fortified, by this Sherah, probably a 
powerful heiress, correspond I Rohinson, iii. 27Sff. I 

to the present Beit Ur et-Taehta 1 Beit Ui 

el-Foka, on the road from Jerusalem to Joppa. 
They lay at the south border of the tribe of 
Ephraim, on a strip of land stretching oat between 
tie- tribes of Benjamin and Dan. Uzzen-Sherah 
must be sought in their immediate neighbourhood. 
Tie- name (»K = |fN> eaT ) points to a like projec- 
tion or skirt as its site. — A r ers. 25-27. Joshua's 
forefathers. — And Rephah his son, and Resheph. 
These two can scarcely pass for actual sons of 
Ephraim ; comp. Num. xxvi. 35 f. It is uncer- 
tain to which of the families of Ephraim there 
mentioned they belonged. — And Telah his son, 
that is, Rephah's sort, who is the chief person, 
while Resheph is only mentioned by the way. 
The Tahan named as the son of this Telah 
appears different from the Tahan named Num 
xxvi. 25 as son of Ephraim, but might belong to 
his posterity. — Ver. 26. Ladan his sou, etc. The 
name Hjf? occurs, xxiii. 7 f., xxvi. 21, also as the 
name of a Levitical family, but only here as an 
Ephraimite. Elishama, the son of Aumihud, 
meets us, Num. vii. 48, x. 22, as prince of the 
tribe of Ephraim in the time of ibises. His 
grandson was Joshua the son of Non, or Nun, as 
it is constantly spelled in the Pentateuch and 
Joshua. [This episode corresponds in antiquarian 
interest with the notices concerning Caleb ;u eh. 
ii. The simplest exposition of the pass%i is 
obtained by making a pause after "Shuthelah 
his son," and another after "Rephah his son." 
Ezer and Elad are then the second and third sons 
of Ephraim. This younger but greater son of 
Joseph became heir to the portion of ground 
which Jacob had taken from the Amurile in the 
region of Shechem, Gen. xlviii. 22. llenc- ii: 
the early period of Israel's sojourn in Egypt, n« 
find Ephraim in this quarter asserting his claim 
and taking possession of this domain. The pre- 
sence, or perhaps the aggression, of his family 
provoked the Philistines, and in a warlike en- 
counter these two sons of Ephraim were slain by 
the men of Gath. After this another son was 
born to Ephraim, of whom Sherah, the build, r 
or fortifier of towns, and Rephah were most 
I robably the daughter and son, though they are 
generally regarded -s the immediate children of 
Ephraim. Then we have a fifth son of Ephraim, 
Resheph, through whom Jcshua is the eighth in 
descent from Ephraim. After the exploits of 
Sherah, it is probable that the tribe lost its hold 
on this region, and the ndage in Egypt enr- 



rnenced. We learn from this curious passage that 
there were nine generations in the line of Joshua 
during the sojourn in Egypt. — J. G. M. ] — Vers. 28, 
29 attach as a geographical notice of the dwelling- 
places of the Ephraimites, ver. 28, and West 
Manassites, ver. 29, to their genealogies, as the 
account of the Levitical cities, vi. 39 ft'., to the 
preceding genealogy of Levi, or as the like geo- 
graphical notice of the dwelling-places of the 
Simeonites, iv. 28 ft'., to the preceding genealogy. 
— Bethel and her daughters, that is, the surround- 
ing hamlets belonging to Bethel. Bethel, now 
Beitin, on the borders of Benjamin and Ephraim 
(Josh. xvi. 2, xviii. 15), was originally assigned 
to the former tribe (Josh, xviii. 22\ but after- 
wards belonged to the kingdom of the ten tribes, 
and therefore to Ephraim. Our genealogist regards 
only this later relation. — Xaaran bears in Josh. 
xvi. 7 the name nrni'3. lengthened by n local, 

and seems to be identical with Neara, north of 
Jericho (comp. Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 13. 1). — Oezer 
(Josh. xvi. 3) lay between Bethhoron and the sea, 
in the south-west corner of Ephraim, while the 
next named, Shechem and Ajjah, lay on the north- 
west. For the uncertainty of the reading n^y 

see Crit. Note. The only here occurring n>J) 

lay not far from Shechem (Neapolis, Nablous), 
perhaps in the region of Michmethah (Josh. xvi. 
6, xvii. 7). — Ver. 29. And on the side <;/' the sons 
of Manasseh, on their border, and in their posses- 
sion. i*p pjj, as in vi. 16. The four cities now 

named, Betlisbean, Taanach, Megiddo, and Dor, 
lie properly (like lbleam joined with them, Josh, 
xvii. 11) outside the territory of Manasseh, in that 
of the tribes of Issachar and Asher bordering it on 
the north. They were, however, to be assigned 
to Manasseh as remote dwelling-places towards 
the north, and serve here to mark the north 
border of the whole territory of "the sons of 
Joseph," as the Ephraimite cities named, ver. 28, 
determined their south border. 

6. The Tribe of Asher: vers. 30-40. — The sons 
of Asher : Imnah, and Ishitah, and Ishui, and 
Beriah. So Gen. xlvi. 17, whereas, Num xxvi. 

44 ft'., Ishui is omitted. Beriah 's sons Heber 
and Malchiel occur also in Gen. xlvi. and Num. 
xxvi., but the last, Birzajith, only here (perhaps 
a woman's name, see Crit. Note ; but perhaps 
also = TVf 1X3, "well of the olive," and so a 

local name). — Vers. 32-34. Heber's descendants 
for three generations. The name Shomer ("IJJIB'), 

ver. 32, recurs, ver. 34, in the form -rojy (in pausa 

"ID"'), without warranting a difference between 

the two. For the name Ahi (^ns) in ver. 34 

i which is not to be taken appellatively, "brother,' 
as the following l shows), comp. v. 15, where a 
Gadite is so called. — Vers. 35-38. Descendants 
of Helem, as it appears, the son of Heber, and 
brother of Shemer, who was called Hotliam in 
the third place after Japhlet and Shomer, ver. 32. 

One of the two names, either Qnin or rj^rj, seems 

to have arisen from a slip of the pen, but which 
is uncertain. So it is with Ithran, the last but 
one of the eleven sons of Zophah, ver. 37, who 
reappears in the following verse under the name 
of JetheV, and perhaps also with Ulla, ver. 39, 
which may be = Beera, the last son of Zophah, 
on the supposition of a very gross error of the 
pen. — Ver. 40. All these were, the sons of Asher, 
etc. This collective notice is like that in ver. 

11 ; the plur. C^n. as i n ver - 5- — Heads of the 

princes (Vulg. duces ductim), that is, captains ot 
the greater divisions of the army, at the head of 
which stood the Q'tob'}, elati, magnates, ojiti- 

mates. — Ami their register for the service in war, 
that is, not that of the whole tribe of Asher, but 
only that of the family of Heber, as the most 
powerful and flourishing. The limitation to this 
one family explains how the present list of 
warriors (it is expressly designated as such, in 
contrast with registers including the whole in- 
habitants of the country: comp. ix. 22) yields 
only 26,0C0 men of war, whereas for the whole 
tribe of Asher, the numbers 41,500 and 53,400 
are given in Num. i. 41, xxvi. 47. 

2. Again the Families of Benjamin, especially the House of Saul: cli. viii. 
1. The Families of Benjamin : vers. 1—28. 
Ch. viii. 1. And Benjamin begat Bela his first-born, Ashbel the second, and Ahrah 
2, 3 the third. Nohah the fourth, and Kapha the fifth. And the sons of Bela 

4 were Addar, and Gera, and Abihad. And Abishua, and Naaman, and Ahoah. 

5 And Gera, and Shephuphan, and Huram. 

6 And these are the sons of Ehud (these are the heads of the fathers to the 
'i inhabitants of Geba, and they removed them to Manahath. Even Naaman, 

and Ahiah, and Gera, he removed them): and he begat Uzza and Ahihud. 

8 And Shaharaim begat, in the field of Moab, after he had sent them away, 

9 Hushim and Baarah, his wives. And he begat of Hodesh his wife: Jobab, and 

10 Zibiah, and Mesha, and Maleam. And Jeuz, and Shobiah, and Mirma: these 

11 were his sons, heads of fathers. And of Hushim he begat Ahitub and 

12 Elpaal. And the sons of Elpaal : Eber, and Misham, and Shemer ; he built 
Ono and Lod, and her daughters. 

13 And Beriah and Shema (these were the heads of fathers for the inhabi- 

14 tants of Aijalon ; these put to flight the inhabitants of Gatli). And Ahio, 1 
16, 16 Shashak, and Jeremoth. And Zebadiah, and Arad, and Eder. And Michael, 

and Ishpah, and Joha, sons of Beriah. 

CHAP. VIII. 1-7. 


17, 18 And Zebadiah, and Meshullam, and Hizki, and Heber. And Ishmerai, 

and Izliah, and Jobab, sons of Elpaal. 
19, 20 Ami Jakim, and Zichri, and Zabdi. And Elienai, and Zillethai, and ElieL 

21 And Adaiah, and Beraiah, and Shimrath, sons of Shimi. 
22, 23 And Ishpan, and Eber, and Eliel. And Abdon, and Ziehri, and Hanan. 
24, 25 And Hananiah, and Elam, and Antothijah. And Iphdeiah, and Penuel, sons 

of Shashak. 
2G, 27 And Shamsherai, and Skehariah, and Athaliah. And Jaareshiah, and 

28 Elijah, and Zichri, sons of Jeroham. These were heads of fathers in their 

generations, chiefs ; these dwelt in Jerusalem. 

2. The House of Saul: vers. 29-40. 

29 And at Gibeon dwelt Abi-gibeon ; and his wife's name was Maachah. 

30 And his first-born son was Abdon, and Zur, and Kish, and Baal, and Nadab. 
31, 32 And Gedor. and Ahio, and Zecher. And Mikloth begat Shimah : and these 

also, beside, their brethren, dwelt in Jerusalem with their brethren. 

33 And Ner begat Kish, and Kish begat Saul, and Saul begat Jonathan, and 

34 Malchi-shua, and Abinadab, and Esh-baal. And the son of Jonathan was 

35 Merib-baal ; and Merib-baal begat Micah. And the sons of Micah : Pithon, 

36 and Melech, and Tarea, and Ahaz. And Ahaz begat Jehoaddah; and Jehoad- 

37 dab. begat Alemeth, and Azmaveth, and Zimri; and Zimri begat Moza. And 

38 Moza begat Binah : Rapha his son. Elasah his son, Azel his son. And Azel 
had six sons; and these are their names : Azrikam, Bocheru, 2 and Ishmael, and 

39 Shehariah, and Obadiah, and Hanan : all these were the sons of Azel. And 
the sons of Eshek his brother : Ulam his firstborn, Jeush the second, and 

40 Eliphelet the third. And the sons of Ulam were valiant heroes, archers, and 
had many sons and sons' sons, a hundred and fifty ; all these were of the sons 
of Benjamin. 

1 Instead of a proper nitric VHX, the Sept. read VI1S, aa they render o iS(>.i?oj clZtoZ. The conjecture of Ber- 
theau, 1 1 . a t the appellative is the original sense, and that the name Elpnal. which from ver. 18 we expect here, ha* 
fallen out before this VrlX, so that the text was originally pU'"'l VI1S ?y3/NV is ve T plausible. See Exposition 

3 For V133 (with the closing u of proper names, conip. iDC!!, Veh. vi. 6) the Sept. (*[>vtotoxo; xvto'C) and soma 
Hebrew wss rend 1")13H, incorrectly however, as six sons of Azel are annonnctd. 


Preliminary Remark. — This full supple- 
ment to the shorter genealogy of Benjamin in 
vii. 6-11 appears in its whole plan and form to 
have been taken from another document, when 
we regard the frequent occurrence of TPiii, the 

collection of many families in vers. 6-28, without 
expressing their relation with the nearest im- 
mediate descendants of Benjamin; and lastly, 
tin' termination of the whole genealogy, in a 
register of the house of Saul, reaching down 
nearly to the exile (or perhaps quite beyond it, 
as Bertheau will have it). The latter phenomena 
remind us of ch. iii. and iv. in relation to eh. ii. , 
and show that the Chronist had before him genea- 
logical accounts of the tribe of Benjamin, ami the 
royal house descending from it, of the same ex- 
tent and exactness as of Judah and the royal 
house of David. 

1. Families of Benjamin : vers. 1-28. — a. Sons 
of Benjamin and Beta : vers. 1-5. — For the rela- 
tion of the five sons of Benjamin here mentioned 
to those of the parallel list, see on vii. 6. Keil is 
perhaps right in supposing that only those sons 
tie mentioned here who founded families of 
benjamin. That Ahrah = Ahiratn, Num. xxvi. 

38, and also = Ehi, Gen. xlvi. 21, appears certain. 
It is possible that the not otherwise occurring 
names Nohah and Rapha correspond to the Slie- 
phupham and Hupham of the parallel li-t, Num. 
xxvi., or at least denote descendants of these two 
sons of Benjamin. — Ver. 3 If. And the tons of 
Beta were Addar, and Gera, etc. The suspicion 
that the list of the sons of Bela contains several 
errors of transcription, is raised by the recurrence 
of the name Gera. -|^{< also appears to be a tran- 

scriptive error for T1X, Gen. xlvi. 21, JEiSt;' for 
D2',St: ; , and Q"nn possibly for D2"n, Num. xxvi. 

39. At any rate, several are found among these 
six sons of Bela, that appear in Gen. xli. 21 and 
Num. xxvi. 38 f. among the sons of Benjamin , 
in particular, the first of the two Geras is like the 
Gera there; and Naaman there appears again 
here. Only Abihud, Abishua, ami Ahrah occui 
exclusively here as sons of Benjamin. 

b. .Sons of Ehud: vers. 6, 7.— And these nrr 
the sons of Ehud. As Ehud (-nnx, union, from 

inx) is radically different from Ehud (IVlKi 

mild, from inx, to be mild), the well-known 

judge Ehud, the sou of Gera, Judg. iii. 15, has 



aothing to do with the person here named. — These 
arc the heads of the fathers to the 'nhabitants oj 
Oeba. These words, with the following notice of 
the removal to Manahath, area parenthesis; the 
names of the sons of Ehud, Uzzah and Ahihud, 
follow at the close of ver. 7. For Geba, that is, 
"Geba of Benjamin," now Jeba, a Levitical city, 
comp. vi. 45; 1 Sam. xiii. 3, 16. The place is 
the same as " Oibeah of Benjamin," 1 Sain. xii. 
2, 15, sir. 2, 16 (comp. Knobcl on Isa. x. 29). 
For Manahath, a place of uncertain situation, of 
which the inhabitants were partly from Judah, 
see on ch. ii. 52 (Hazi-hammenuhoth). The sub- 
ject to Dl/J'l ' s the three men named in ver 7, 

of whom, as the sing, {^n shows, the last must 
have been the proper originator of the removal. 
Whether this Gera was the first or the second of 
the sons of Bela so named, is as uncertain as the 
other details of this old historical event. 

c. Descendants of Shaharaim: vers. 8-12. — 
Ami Shaharaiin hrgat in tin: tit hi m Moab, etc. 
This Shaharaim, and his connect ion with the genea- 
logy of Benjamin, are quite unknown. That he 
was the same as Ahishahar, vii. 10, or Sheohariah, 
ver. 26, or that he lies hid under "ins (= in"')- 

— all these are uncertain conjectures. Neither do 
we know the ground of his coming to the field of 
Moab, or of his tarrying there. — After he had 
sent them away, (namely) Hushim and Baarah, 
'lis wives. \Tw& \0- literally, "from his send- 
ing;" \~h'S'- '"/■ P'^' retaining the i and re- 
jecting the Dag. f. (Ew. § 23S, d). The stiff, 
in DJT1X ma y> though masc, refer only to the 

two wives whose names are appended (comp. Ew. 
g 309, c). The construction is thus more loose 
and negligent than in vers. 6, 7, since to the 
prefixing of the verb is added an enattagt generis. 
Moreover, the first of the two names has not a 
feminine form (D^n), and is only known us 

such by the following v'J'J- — Ver. P. And In 

begat of ffodesh his wife, namely, his third, after 
the dismissal of the two above named; perhaps a 
Moabitess, as the names of some of her sons have 
,i Moabitish sound, particularly K^"'^ (comp. the 

king of Moab, yj'^,2 Kings iii.), qJ?0 (name of 
the idol of Amnion and Moab, Jer. xlix. 1, 3), 
etc. For p T^in, comp. on ii. IS.— Vers. 11, 

12. Here follow the descendants of Shaharaim 
by Hushim, and these are certainly, in contrast 
with those Moabites, genuine Israelitish and cis- 
jordanic, as the reference of the places "no and 
I ,od, west of the tribe of Benjamin, to one of them 
(probably to Elpaal, to whom the xff appears 
io apply, shows. Ono, without doubt adjacent 
to Lod, recurs also in Ezra ii. 33, Neb. vii. 37, 
xi 35, as a place in AVest Benjamin (properly by 
situation in Dan), and Lod is certainly Lydda, 
ifterwartU Diospolis, now Ludd or Lidd, north of 
Ramleh, near the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem. 
In vers. 17, 18 follows a further series of sons of 
an Elpaal, whose identity with the present one is 

,/. Benj i n ■■'■ Heads of Families of Aijalon,ver. 

13, and vf Jerusalem (see ver. 28) : vers. 13-2S. — 
An I />'. ■•; ah and Shema, etc. Then- is no visible 

genealogical connection of these and the next 
following with the foregoing names. On the 
contrary, a partly genealogical connection seems 
to exist between the five heads of families in 
vers. 13 and 14 and the following names in vers. 
15-27. For in vers. 15,. 16 are " sons ol Berian " 
enumerated, in vers. 32 25 "sons of Shasnak' 
(see ver. 14) ; and if we may .onne.i " the s_>ns 
of Shimi " in vers. 19-21 with Shema, ver. 13 
(because y&& and 1JR3J"; look like two forms of 

the same name), and discover in "the sons 6 
Jeroham," vers. 26, 27 (by assuming an error of 
the pen), descendants of Jeremoth, ver. 14, it 
will be Still more natural to combine " the sous 
of Elpaal," vers. 17, 18, with the fifth of the 
heads of families in ver. >3 f., and sup£>ose 
"Ahio," ver. 14 = Elpaal, real , nt?, with the 

Sept.. instead of vnx, and supply ^"27X before 

it i tccording to Bertlieau's proposed emendations : 

see Crit. Note). Many doubts, however, remain 
in force againsl this hypothesis, especially the 
circumstance that both ver. 13 and ver. 15 
(where the descendants of Beriab, the first of 
the five heads of families, are enumerated) begin 
with a mere I instead of a more distinct formuh 
of introduction (such as in ver. 6, '\y\ r£)Nl) 

— Tliesi were the heads of fathers for the in- 
habitants of Aijalon . . . Oath. A histori a. 
notice in parenthesi, like that in vers. (J, 7. 
Aijalon, now Jalo, lay west of Gibeon, in the 
earlier district of Dan, where also Ono and Lod as 
Benjamite colonies were situated (comp. on ver. 
12) : see Josh. x. 12, xix. 42. Because Beriab 
and Shema are here named as conquerors of tin 
inhabitants of Gatb, Bertheau thinks we may 
inter an identity of the present fact with that 
mentioned vii. 21 ft'., that the Benjamite family 
Beriah, after tlie defeat there recorded (in which 
Ezer and Elad fell), came to the help of Ephraim 
against the Gathites, overcame and chastised 
them, in gratitude for which they were admitted 
by the Ephraimites into their community, whence 
Beriah is there represented as a late-born son ol 
Ephraim. That this is a mere fancy is manifest 
from the impossibility of understanding the 
account of Ephraim and his sons in vii. 21 if. 
otherwise than literally (see on the passage). 

. the name Beriah is by no means so rare 
thai th ■ identity of these persons and events can 
be inferred from it alone (comp. for example, 
Asher's son Beriah, vii. 30). And »''-y might 
not Gath, in the long period of cn.:iict betwei n 
Israel ami the Philistines, have been the object of 
repeated attacks by Israel? — Vers. 15, lfi. Ami 

/■I liah, and Arail, and Eder, etc. Of these 

six sons of Beriah nothing further is known, 
though their names almost all occur elsewhere : 

h, ver. 17, among Elpaal's sons, and also 
xii. 7, Ezra viii. 8, x. 20 ; Michael still oftener, 
etc. — Vers. 17, IS. And Zebadiah, and Meshul- 
lam, and Hizki, etc. Of these seven sons of 
Elpaal, Bertheau will identify three, Meslmllam, 
Heber, and Ishmerai, with the three sons of 
Elpaal in ver. 12, Misham, Eber, and Shemer, to 
make the identity of the Elpaal in both places 
probable. But this assumption is the more un- 
certain, the more doubtful it is whether that 
earlier Elpaal family that dwelt in Ono and 
Lydd can, by a supposed migration, be con- 

CHAP. VIII. l'J-tii. 


nected with the present family in Jerusalem (see 
ver. 28). — Ver. 19 11'. On Shimi, Shashak, and 
Jeroham, and their probable identity with Shonia, 
Shashak, and Jeremoth, vers. 18, it, see above. 
(It' the sens of these three heads of families 
given as far as ver. 27. nothing is known else- 
where, although their names mostly recur. — Ver. 
28. Thest were beads of fathers m t/ieir genera 
tions, chiefs. The repetition of d v J'N"i serves 

scarcely (as the Vulg., principes hiquam, ami some 
older expositors will have it) to lay stress on the 
idea of heads, which would be here quite unmean- 
ing. The sense rather appears to be, "that the 
persons named in the genealogical lists are cited as 
heads (of housest ; and this appears to be noted, 
that those cited as suns of such and such persons 
may not be taken for individual members of 
houses " (Keil). -These dwelt in Jerusalem, not 
merely the leads, but their families, who cannot 
be supposed to be separate from them. 

2. The House of Saul : vers. 29-40 (corap. ch. 
is. 35 — 14, where this section, with the exception 
of vers. 39, 40, recurs). — a. Saul's Ancestors: 
vets. 29 32. And at Oibeon dwelt Abi-gibeon . 
and his wife's name was Maaehah. The plur. 
tQt; ; < refers also to the sons of Abi-gibeon, to be 

named in the following verse. Gibeon is now 
el Jib, two and a hall nours north-west of Jeru- 
salem; comp Rob. ii. 351. The here appellatdvely- 
named Abi-gibeon, that is fathei (founder) ol 
Gibeon (comp. the like remarks in ii. 42 if.), 
bears in ix. 35 the name Jeiel or Jeuel (p^{lV , ; 
KetMb ?X^y). His descent from Benjamin is 

not given, and he occurs only here ; and so it is 
with Maachah his wife, whose name, however, is 

of frequent anrence (comp. on ii. 48).— Ver. 

30. And his first-born son was Abdon, etc. In- 
stead of the eight sons of Abi-gibeon here named, 
eh. ix. 36 f. enumerates ten ; and, !n fact, the 
names of two seem to have fallen out ol oui 
passage, namely Ner (between Baal and Nadab) 
and Mikloth (at the end of the series, vet 
their descendants are given in the following 

versus. It is doubtful whether the names pya 
and 213 at the close of our verse are to be com- 
bined into one, 3"ljpj)3 (as Wellh., Text d. B. 

Sam. p. 31, will have it). In chap. ix. 37 we 
find Zechariah in place of the present -Qf. — Ver. 

32. And Mikloth begat Shimah. In ix. 38 he is 
called Shimam. — And these also, namely Shimah 
and his family, besidt their brethren, dwelt iit 
Jerusalem with their brethren. "These also" 
perhaps points only to Mikloth's family as like- 
wise dwelling in Jerusalem. The "brethren " 
!i| these descendants of Shimah arc the remaining 
Benjamites, in the first phrase ("beside their 
brethren") perhaps those dwelling outside of 
Jerusalem to the west and north, and in the 
second ("with their brethren") those settled in 
Jerusalem itself. 

h. The Family of Ner, and the House of Saul : 
vers. 33-45. — And S< rbegat Kish, and Kish begat 
Haul. As in 1 Sam. ix. i, xiv. 51, the father of 
Kish is called Abie], Ner is an earlier ancestor, 
perhaps the lather or grandfather of the Uriel. 
Pi ssibly, indeed, there was originally in the 
text, "And Ner Abcer (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 

51), and Kish begat Saul ;" for it is scarcely con- 
ceivable that the celebrated general Abner, the 
uncle of Saul, should be originally wanting in 
this genealogy (comp. Berth, and Karnph.). — And 
Saul begat Jonathan . . . and Embaal In- 
stead of these four sons of Saul, 1 Sam. xiv. 4'.' 
names only three — fonathan, Ishui, and Malchi- 
shua. liut. Ishui is, as appears from 1 Sam. 
xxxi. 2 and 1 Chron. x. 1, only another name for 

Urinadab ; and thus the three, wl <• the 

three that fell with Saul, quite agree with the 
first three of those here named. But Eshhnal 
is no other than Ishbosheth, the well-known 
rival of David 2 Sam. ii. 8 If. The 1 I, 

the second, element of this name (pyjj) into 

ni"3, "shame, idol," expressing abhorrence and 

contempt, may be compared with Jerubbaal, 
Judg. vi. 32, changed into Jerubbesheth 

ir,'.""'). 2 Sam. xi. 21, or with the name ••;' 

the sen of Ishbosheth, who is here called Merib- 
baal (so, with a slight difference in orthography, 

Pl'IT'-lD, ix - 40), but in 2 Sam - iv. 4, xxi. 7, 

Mephibosheth (or perhaps nE'h'IDi as at least 

Berth, thinks; but comp. Wellh., Der Text <I. 

/:. Sam. p. 311 — Ver. :;;.. The sons of Micah, 
the sen of the lame Meribbaal, are four in num- 
ber, the same as in ix. 41, 42, only that the last 
but one is called Tahrea (jnriFl) instead of 

Tares (jflNPl). — Ver. 36. And Ahaz leyat 

Jehoaddah. The descendants of this Ahaz are 
traced through ten generations. For nil'lP' 
(rnyv) stands in ix. 42 nil'*, by a mistake 01' 

1 for 7. Of the two following names, Alemeth 
occurs (with a slight variation) in ix. 45 as a 
Benjamite place, and Azmaveth twice, xi. 3S 
and xii. 3, as a Benjamite person. — Ver. 37. 
1 1 i of Kapha (NS1), the parallel ix 43 has 

the longer and more original form Rephaiah 
(rPS"))- — Ver. 3S. For the name Bocheru, the 

nd of the sons of Azel, comp. < 1 it. Note. — 

Ver. 40. And the sons of Ulam wen valiant 
heroes, archers. For the expression, comp. v. 18. 
For the thing, namely, the warlike prowi ss <.l the 
tribe of Benjamin, comp. Judg, xx. HI, Gen. 
xlix. 27. — And had many sons and sons' sons, a 
hundred and fifty. For D*anD, properly "mul- 
tiplying" sons, comp. vii. 4, Lev. xi. -12. As 

g Isons of Ulam and grand-nephews ol Azi \ 

(who was the thirteenth in descent from Said', 
the hundred and fifty here mentioned were 
fifteenth generation from Saul. If we ri 1 ki n 01 
every generation a maximum average "I thirty 

years, the resulting sum of 4."jO years Ii the 

time of Saul (1095-1055) would terminate in 
middle or second half of the 7th century B.C., 
and therefore in the time before the exile. 
Against Bertheau's attempt to assign tin sons 
grandsons of Ulam to the time after the exile, 
Kcil justly remarks en tin- whole : " This reckon- 
ing is too high. Sixty years cannol be allowed 
liir Saul and Jonathan, as Jonathan fell in the 
year 1055, and his son Meribbaal was then only 
five years old, and therefore born in 1060. iii 
the following generations also not more than 


twenty-five years on an average (?) can be allowed. 
Accordingly, the grandsons of Ulani's sons, who 
were the twelfth generation from Micah (son of 
Meribbaal), may have come into the world about 
760 B.C., have grown into the host of 150 grand- 
sons of Ulam about 760-700. But even if thirty 
years be reckoned for each generation, the last- ber 150 with the numbers of some families in 

tioned vers. 8-10 with th» "princes in Moab " 
(3X10 fins) named in Ezri ii. 6, viii. 4, x. 30, 

Neh. iii. 11, vii. 11, the form vo'3 correspond- 
ing with lO"'3. t' ie near agreement of the num. 

named generation of 150 grandsons and great 
grandsons of Ulam would have lived in the 
period from 660-600, and therefore before the 
exi".3, at least before the first great deportation of 
the people under Jehoiachin, 599 B.C." More- 
over, the traces of a representation of the relations 
of the tribe of Benjamin after the exile which he 
has endeavoured to show in our chapter, — for 
example, the occurrence of several names of 
places and persons of our section in the history 
of the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, the connec- 
tion of the Beujamites in the land of Moab men- 

Ezra and Nehemiah (comp. Ezra ii. 1S-30, viii. 
3 ft'.), etc., — would only render it probable that 
the present genealogical account extends beyond 
the exile, if we were entitled to suppose that a 
number of links had fallen out in the S'-ries of 
generations from Saul to Ulam and his grandsons. 
The possibility of such assumption is as un- 
deniable as it is precarious to take it for granted 
without any sufficient ground. — All these were of 
the sons of Benjamin. " All these " goes oack to 
ver. 1, and includes the whole of the names in 
our section. 

/. The Inhabitants of Jerusalem till the Times of the Kings, with a Repetition 
of the Genealogy of Saul. — Ch. ix. 

1. The Inhabitants of Jerusalem: vers. 1-34. 

Ch. IX. 1. And all Israel was registered; and, behold, they are written in the book 
of the kings of Israel ; and Judah' was carried away to Babel for his trans- 

2 gression. And the former inhabitants, that were in their possession in 

3 their cities, were Israel, the priests, the Levites, and the Nethinim. And in 
Jerusalem dwelt, of the sons of Judah, and of the sons of Benjamin, and of 
the sons of Ephraim and Manasseh. 

4 Uthai the son of Ammihud, the son of Omri, the son of Imri, the son of 

5 Bani,* of the sons of Perez the son of Judah. And of the Shilonites : 3 Asaiah 

6 the first-born, and his sons. And of the sons of Zerah : Jeuel and their 
brethren, six hundred and ninety. 

7 And of the sons of Benjamin : Sallu the son of Meshullam, the son of 

8 Hodaviah, the son of Hassenuah. And Ibneiah the son of Jeroham, and 
Elah the son of Uzzi, the son of Michri, and Meshullam the son of Shephatiah, 

9 the son of Reuel, the son of Ibnijah. And their brethren in their generations, 
nine hundred and fifty and six ; all these men were chiefs of their father- 

1 0, 1 1 And of the priests : Jedaiah, and Jehoiarib, and Jachiu. And Azariah 
the son of Hilkiah, the son of Meshullam, the son of Zadok, the son of 

12 Meraioth, the son of Ahitub, a prince of the house of God. And Adaiah the 
son of Jeroham, the son of Pashhur, the son of Malchijah, the son of Maasai, 
the son of Adiel, the son of Jahzerah, the son of Meshullam, the son of 

13 Meshillemith, the son of Immer. And their brethren, heads of the father- 
houses, a thousand and seven hundred and sixty, able men for the work 4 of 
the service in the house of God. 

14 And of the Levites: Shemaiah the son of Hashub, the son of Azrikam, 

15 the son of Hashabiah, of the sons of Merari. And Bakbakkar, Heresh, and 
Galal. and Mattaniah the son of Micah, the son of Zicri, the son of Asaph. 

16 And Obadiah the son of Shemaiah, the son of Galal, the son of Jeduthun, 
and Berechiah the son of Asa, the son of Elkanah, who dwelt in the villages 

17 of the Netophathites. — And the porters : Shallum, and Akkub, and Talmon, 

18 and Ahiman. and their brethren ; Shallum the head. And hitherto he was in 
the king's gate eastward ; these are the porters for the camps of the sons of 

19 Levi. — And Shallum the son of Kore, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Korah, 
and his brethren, for the house of his father, the Korhites, were over the work 
of the service of the keepers of the thresholds of the tents ; and their fathers 

20 in the camp of the Lord were keepers of the entry. And Phinehas the son 

21 of Eleazar was formerly prince over them; the Lord with him. Zchariah 5 

rllAI'. IX. H:> 

22 the son of Meshelemiah was porter at the door of the tent ol meeting. All 
these that were chosen to be porters at the thresholds were two hundred 

and twelve; they were registered in their villages: David and Samuel the 

23 seer had ordained them in their trust. And they and their sons were over 

24 the gates ot the house of the Loud, at the house of the tent, by wards. To 

25 the four winds were the porters, to the east, west, north, and south. And 
their brethren in their villages were to come in seven days from time to time 

26 with them. For they were in trust, the four head keepers of the gates, these 
Levites, and were" over the chambers and treasuries of the house of God. 

27 And they Lodged around the house <>t' God ; for on them was the charge, and 

28 they had to open every morning. And some of them were over the vessels 
T.) of service, for they brought them in and out by tale. And some of them 

were appointed over the vessels, even over all the holy vessels, and over the 

30 flour, and the wine, and the oil, and the frankincense, and the spices. And 
of the sons of the priests some were compounders of the ointment of the spices. 

31 And Mattithiah of the Levites, who was the first-born of Shallum the Korhite, 

32 was in trust over the baking in pans. And of the Kohathites their brethren, 

33 some were over the shew-bread, to prepare it every Sabbath. And these the 
singers, heads of the fathers for the Levites, were free 7 in the chambers; for 
they were over them in the service day and night. 

34 These are the heads of the fathers for the Levites, heads in their genera- 
tions ; these dwelt in Jerusalem. 

2. Register ofSavTs Family repeated: vers. 35—44. 

35 And in Gibeon dwelt the father of Gibeon, Jeiel; 8 and his wife's name was 

36 Maachah. And his first-born son Abdon, and Zur, and Kish, and Baal, and 
87, 38 Ner, and Xadab. And Gedor, and Ahio, and Zechariah, and Mikloth. And 

Mikloth begat Shimam ; and they also, beside their brethren, dwelt in Jeru- 
salem with their brethren. 

39 And Ner begat Kish, and Kish begat Saul, and Saul begat Jonathan, and 

40 Malchi-shua, and Abinadab, and Eshbaal. And the son of Jonathan was 

41 Merib-baal: and Merib-baal begat Micah. And the sons of Micah: Pithon, 

42 and Melech, and Tahrea. And" Ahaz begat Jarah; and Jarah begat Alemeth, 

43 and Azmaveth, and Zimri ; and Zimri begat Moza. And Moza begat Bina, 

44 and Rephaiah his son, Elasah his son, Azel his son. And Azel had six sons; 
and these are their names: Azrikam. Bocheru, and Ishmael, and Sheariah, and 
Obadiah, and Hauan ; these were the sons of Azel. 

1 The Sept , the Vulg.. and Luther attach miiTI to the foregoing words (tmv $turi\ion 'lrtfav.X xeci 'UZZot), with an 
arbitrary Interpretation of the following 'ljl ^3H (/uric tJ. i-ruxicBimn A &x£v/.S>x,—iranslati</ue swit in Ikibyl.). 

2 For the Kethib y j^T\0'^'2.'\2. is doubtless to bo read the Km '_33")P 'JS'P (cornp. the name '33 in vi. 
SI. among the Merarites). 

3 For ^j^u'it- since n"/*C (JVC) is a city of Ephraim, must apparently have been read, according to Gen. 

xxvi, 20, *j^L;'i"I (the Shelanites, descendants of Shelah third son of Judah). The incorrect pointing *3/*E'n 
appears to have arisen from the Kriptio plena: ^T^UTl. Comp. Neh. xi. 5, where, instead of ^!Vtpn. we should 
also perhaps point *3^t;'n. 

* Before J"DX7D a ' (in consequence of the P at the end nf 7*T\) seems to have fallen out. Comp. tit tpymwtmt 
tf the Sep*., and ch. vii. 2, xii. 11 'also F. Boucher, Xeue ejreg krtt. Aehrtnlese, ili. 223). 

* Before IT"1D? a ^ seems to have fallen out. 

* For Vm C r i?H rjrr. the original text seems to have been V«T D S 1?H jO^; comp. ver. 14. 
' Ktthib: D'I'CS- Ken: D^IBS- 

' So the Kin. Tlie A'.Crt is ?WJp. 




PicELiiiiNAi:v Remark. — Of the two unequal 
sections into which our chapter tails, the second, 
vers. 35-44, coincides almost literally with viii. 
29-38, and so presents only a repetition of the 
register of Saul and his house there given, pre- 
liminary to the narrative of the fall of his dynasty 
following in ch. x. The first section, vers. 1-34, 
presents in its first half, containing a list of the 
heads of families dwelling in Jerusalem, vers. 
4-17, several points of contrast with a similar 
list in Neh. xi. 3-19. The plan of both lists is 
at all events the same ; and if, with Bertheau, of 
the three chiefs of Judah, vers. 4-6, we put Uthai 
beside Athaiah (Neh. xi. 4), and Asaiah beside 
Maaseiah (ver. 5) (so that only the third name, 
Jeuel, has nothing corresponding to it in Nehe- 
miah); if we consider the recurrence of the Benja- 
niite chiefs Sallu and Hodaviah in Neh. xi. 7-9 
(where, certainly, the remaining names are want- 
ing); if we compare the six chiefs of the priestly 
divisions with those corresponding in number and 
mostly in name in the list of Nehemiah, ami find 
here (vers. 10-13) the series: Jedaiah, Jehoiarib, 
Jachin, Azariah, Adaiah, Masai, there the series : 
Jedaiah, Joiarib, Jachin, Seraiah, Adaiah, Ama- 
sliai; if we observe among the chief of the Levites 
two, Shemaiah and Mattaniah, verbally identical, 
and a third, Obadiah (=Abda in Nehemiah). 
approximately so; if, lastly, we perceive at least 
two of the four chiefs of the porters, Shallum and 
Akkub, common to both lists, — a pretty general 
agreement even in names appears to prevail be- 
tween the two registers. It seems natural, also, 
either with Zunz (Gottesdienstl. Vortrage der 
Juden, p. 31 ; also Herzfeld, Gesch. p. 298) to 
conceive our list modelled after that of Nehemiah, 
or both drawn from one source, and in like manner 
referring to the inhabitants of Jerusalem after the 
exile, as Movers (p. 2341, berth., Kampli., etc., 
do. But if both lists are based upon one common 
document, relating to the times of Ezra and Nehe- 
miah, and arising from them, we should expect a 
more complete agreement with regard to all tie- 
names. The accordance of the names in only half 
of the whole number given, and the resemblance 
in place (giving first the sons of Judah, then the 
sons of Benjamin, then the priests, and then the 
levites and porters), are sufficiently explained by 
supposing a general continuity of the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem before and alter the exile, and laying 
the diversities of the two lists to the account of 
the altering, disturbing, ami partly destroying 
effects of the exile, and the similarities to that of 
the endeavour of those returning with Zerubbabel 
and Ezra to restore as far as possible the former 
state of things. The following exegetical treat- 
ment of the passage will prov? that, with this 
picsupposition, the assumptioi of the origin of 
cur present list before the exile, in contrast with 
the obvious reference of Nehemiah's list to the 
times after the exile, has nothing of m< ment 
against it, and is even demanded by ver. 2 and 
other indications. 

1. Vers. 1-3. Transition, from the Genealogical 
Registers of the Twelve Tribes to the Enumeration 
of the Inhabitants of Jerusalem. — And all Israel 
was registered; nvd, behold, they are written in 
the book a/ ih,' kings of Israel; and Judah was 
carried away. By the Masoretie accentuation, 
which plainly separates nUil'l from the fore- 

going words, and makes it the subject of a ncv 
sentence (eouip. Crit. Note), the first sentence 
appears to treat of Israel in the narrow sense, 
that is, of the northern kingdom, and its kings 
in particular (so Berth., Kamph., etc.). But the 
phrase "all Israel " makes it mole natural here 
to think of the people of the south as wed as of 
the north ; and it is also in favour of this, that 
the expression : " the book of the kings of Israel, '' 
is in 2 Chron. xx. 34 manifestly of like import 
with "the book of the kings of Judah and 
Israel," or "Israel and Judah," as well as that 
the universal sense of the term " Israel " is found 
at the beginning of the second verse. Keil 
therefore justly remarks: "The antithesis of 
Israel and Judah is analogous to that of Judah 
and Jerusalem ;" that is, Israel denotes the wdiole 
covenant people, Judah a part. To understand 
the name Israel of the whole people is also 
demanded by the position of our verse at the 
end of the genealogies of all the tribes of Israel, 
and not merely of the ten northern tribes. That 
ver. 1 effects the transition from the genealogies 
to the following enumeration of the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem, and so forms properly the close of 
the genealogies in ch. ii-— viii., is so obvious, that 
Bertheau has not been able to bring forward a 
single tenable ground for his counter assertion, 
that "the verse forms obviously a new begin- 
ning." For the affirmation, that " w. perceive in 
it a brief introduction to the historical accounts 
of the tribe of Judah, or of the Israelites after 
the exile, " can furnish no ground lor this, be- 
cause it not only contradicts the assertion that 
Israel is to be understood of the northern king- 
dom, but cannot be reconciled with the letter of 
the verse (that begins with the connective i). 
The same exegete justly declares against the 
further assertion of Berth., that ver. 1 cannot be 
written by our historian himself, but must have 
been taken literally from his source,— an assertion 
which is ilcvoid of all solid ground. — For their 
transgression: so ch. v. 25 f. , 41. — Ver 2. And 
th> former inhabitants, that were in tlieir posses- 
Hon in their cities. Movers, Berth., and Kamph., 
who find in the following list the inhabitants ol 
Jerusalem after the exile, in the time of Nehe- 
miah, will understand by these "former inhabi- 
tants " those citizens of Jerusalem who dwelt 
there in the time of Zerubbabel and his imme- 
diate successors, before Jerusalem was newly 
[copied from the surrounding districts. It is 
much more natural, with almost all old exposi- 
tors, and with Keil, to refer C'jiU'Nin here to 

the inhabitants of Jerusalem before the exile , 
for, in that ease, "the inhabitants in their pos- 
session in their cities" are in no way opposed 
as former inhabitants of Jerusalem to the later, 
but both appear so placed side by side that this 
opposition is excluded. The parallel Neh. v. 15, 
quoted by Bertheau, where the governors from 
Zerubbabel to Ezra are opposed as ninsn 

CJi'J'Nin to Nehemiah as the later nri2, proves 

indeed the possibility of understanding the pre- 
dicate CSlt^JOn in the sense of "before the 
exile," but not the necessity. And from the 
dwelling "in their cities" (comp. Ezra ii. 70, 
Neh. vii. 23, xi. 1 f. ) nothing can be concluded 
in favour of this interpretation. — Wen Israt I. the 
priests, tin Levitts, and tin Nethinim. "Israel" 

CHAP. IX. 3-18. 


denotes here obviously the lay element of the 
citizens, that which is otherwise designated by 
ay beside ;nb (Isa. xxiv. 2; Hos. iv. 9). For 

the notion and name of the Nethiniui, properly 
the "bestowed," that is, the temple ministers, 
comp. Num. viii. 19; Josh. ix. 27; 1 Sum. i. 11; 
Ezra ii. 43, viii. 17, 20, and elsewhere — Ver. 3. 
And in Jerusalem dwelt of the sons of Judah, ete. 
These winds are not a superscription of the lisi 
of those dwelling ii Jerusalem : u contrast with 
those living in other cities (ad Berth., etc.). 
The list rather begins with these words, so that 
thus the verse i n es to introduce the coni 
of the greater pari of our chapter (to ver. 34), 
and corresponds to ver. 35. Tins close connec- 
tion of our verse with the following special enu- 
meration of the families of Jerusalem o'er, 4 11.), 
and the mention of "the sons of Epnraim and 
Manasseh" as fellow-citizens with them in Jeru- 
salem (comp. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 9), are against 
referring the present list, to the time after the 
exile. The hook of Nehemiah (xi. 3) announces 
its list corresponding to ours in quite another 
way, so that th ir no doubt at all remains of its 
exclusive reference to conditions and relations 
after the exile. Moreover, the circumstance that 
the following list contains no names of Ephraim- 
ites and Mauassites in Jerusalem, is simply ex- 
plained by this, that of the former only a very 
few families dwelt in Jerusalem, while the Jews 
and Benjamites formed the bulk of its popula- 
tion. On t e evangelical and theocratic import 
of the association of Ephraim and Manasseh with 
Judah, Benjamin, and Levi in the citizenship of 
Jerusalem, comp. below, evangelical and ethical 
principles, No. 1. 

2. Vers. 4-17. Special Enumeration of tlte In- 
habitants of Jerusalem, and first, of tlte Heads of 
Families of Judah and Benjamin, of the Priests 
and Levites: vers. 4-6. — Three heads of families 
out of the three chief branches of Judah, those of 
Perez, Shelah, and Zerali (comp. ii. 3, 4). — 
('thai, the son of Ammihud . . . of the sons of 
Perez. The name Uthai might be etymologically 
equivalent to that of the Athaiah dTJfi') men- 
tioned Neh. xi. 4 as a heal of a family of the 
sons of Perez ; for yflP=iVJT|Vi " wnom Jehovah 

helps," might, if we n-gard the somewhat obscure 
root nnj) as a by-form of J-nj?> nave ^ K wMn '- 
meaning as rpny. But to the still diverse form 

is to be added the quite different series of ances- 
tors that, connect Athaiah with Perez (Ozziah, 
Eechariah, Amariah, Shephatiah, Mahalalel, in- 
stead of the present Ammihud, Omri, lmri, 
Bani). It seems therefore very doubtful whethel 
Uthai he the same with Athaiah. For the defec- 
tive reading concealing the name Bani, see the 
L'rit. Note.— Ver. o Andofthe Shilonites, Asaiah 
Ike first-born, etc. It seems pretty certain that 

»35tT'"l should be read here instead of ^'{-'n. :ls 

in Neh. xi. ".. We expect to find the descend- 
ants of Shelah (Num. xxvi. 20; comp. 1 Chron. 
ii. 3, iv. 21) mentioned between the sons of Perez 
and those of Zerah. Moreover, it is doubtful 
whether the Shelanite Asaiah (,TL"i'. "whom 

Jehovah has made") is to be at once taken as 
identical with the Maaseiah (n'CTD. "Jehovah's 

work"), as both names aic of frequent o cum nc« 
(comp. for Asaiah, iv. 36, vi. 15, xv. 6, 11, 2 
Kings xxii. 12, 14, and for Mas ei 18, 20, 

2 Chron. xxiii. 1, Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 21). The 
existence of an Asaiah as lead ol a house in the 
family of Shelah before the exile does not preclude 
the appearance of a Maaseiah, son of Baruch, sou 
of Col liozi o, son of Hasaiah, etc., as head of this 
family alter the exile.— Ver. 6. And of the tons 
of Zerah: Jeuel and their brethren, sixhundred 
and ninety. This number refers, as the plur. 
sun, in anTIX shows, not to Jeuel alone, but to 

the three chiefs named in vers. I 6, and to their 
brethren, the remaining heads of houses of sub- 
ordinate import. So it is also with the number 
956 in ver. 9. Moreover, the name, .(curl (7Siy). 
or its variant (?K'Jp), occurs elsewhere; for ex- 
ample, v. 7, 2 Chron. xxvi. 11. In Neh. xi. no 
descendants of Zerah are given. — Vers. 7-9. Four 
Benjamite chiefs: Sallu, Ibneiah, Elah, Meshul- 
lam, of whom the first (and, as here, the son ,,t 
Meshullam) occurs also Neh. xi., but the other 
three not ; see the Preliminary Remark. — Ver. 9. 
A ad their brethren, etc.; comp. on ver. 6 — All 
these men were chief s of their father-houses. This 
remark, which naturally refers, not. to tin brethren 
numbered, but to the chiefs named, applies to all 
that are named from ver. 4, both Jews and 
Benjamites. It serves thus to close the list of 
family chiefs, and lead to the following one of the 
priests and Levites. —Vers. 10-13. The priests of 
Jerusalem. — Jedaiah, and Jehoiarib, and Jachin, 
The names of these three priestly classes dwelling 
in Jerusalem (comp. xxiv. 7, 17) arc found also 
in the parallel list in Neh. xi. 10 If. (supposing 
that there, by a change of "pT'V'p into a'TirP, 

the true reading is restored). — Ver. 11. And 
Azariah the son of Hilkiah . . . a prince of the 
house of God. Instead of this prince or president 
of the temple, Azariah ben Hilkiah, certainly the 
same who, v. 40, was named as grandfather of the 
Jehozadak who was carried to Babel (comp. also 
2 Chron. xxxi. 13), Neh. xi. 11 names rathera 
Seraiah son of Hilkiah. Yet the identity of this 
Seraiah with the Azariah of our passage is pro- 
bable, as the other ancestors of both up to Ahitub 
(Meshullam, Zadok, Mcraioth, Ahitub) are quite 
the same. Seraiah might indeed be a descendant 
of Azariah ben Hilkiah alter tin- exile. —Ver. 12. 
And Adaiah the .son of Jeroham, etc. This 
priestly chief Adaiah (belonging to the class of 
Malchijah; comp. 1 Chron. xxiv. 9) is given in 
Neh. xi. 12 in the same form and with the same 
in e. up to Malchijah, as here. The following 
Maasai cL"i"^). belonging to the class of Immer 

(1 Chron. xxiv. 14). is called in Nehemiah 
Amashai (^DE'DJ?). an 'l appears there connected 

b another line with Immer. Another priestlj 
chief given by Nehemiah, Zabdiel, son ol Hagge- 

dolim, who is designated the president vei 

si er of the last-named priestly family (that of 
Amashai), is wanting here. — Ver. IS. And their 
brethren, loads of the father-houses, 1760. This 
number cannot possibly refer to the heads; it 
rather denoti s dike the number! 192 in Nehemiah) 
that of the brethren or the heads of houses st aid- 
ing under the heads of the great complex of 
families. The phrase appears thus inexact; per- 



liaps, <»ith Keil, a transposition of the words is to 
be ajs&raed, in such a way that " heads of lather- 
houoes" is placed before and drawn to ver. 12 
as closing formula, while "and their brethren " 
(DnTIS'i) ' s immediately connected with the 

number 1760. Moreover, that all the priests 
dwelling in Jerusalem, or the priestly families of 
the six classes named, amount in our passage to 
1760, and in Nchein;ah only to 1192, tends to 
confirm our view of the present list as belonging 
to the period before the exile ; we expert for the 
priesthood of Jerusalem after the exile, about 150 
years after the restoration of the city and temple, 
not so great a number as here. — Able men/or the 
work of the service in the house of God. Before 
J"DX^D, which may not be a mere accusative of 

reference ("able meu with respect to the work "), 
the word I'tj'j) (comp. xxiii. 24; Neh. xi. 12), or per- 
haps a mere •> (which might easily be overlooked 
after ~>T[), appears to have fallen out ; see Ciit. 

Note. — Vers. 14-16. The Levites of Jerusalem. — 
Shema'wli the son of Hashuh, etc. This Merarite 
Shemaiah, as the descendant of Asaph (therefore 
Gershouite) Mattaniah named in ver. 15, recurs 
in Neh. xi. 15, and with substantially the same 
line of ancestors. Bakbakkar, Heresh, and Galal 
(ver. 15a) are wanting there ; for the first name 
would have to be identified with Bakbukiah, Neb. 
xi. 17, of which there are grave doubts, as "ipspa 

( = -;nn p3p3) seems to mean "destruction "I 
the hill ;" but rpp3p2, "desolation from Jeho- 
vah." Ami of the names of Levites in ver. 16, 
only Obadiah can be identified with Abda, Neh. 
xi. 17 (as Jeduthun appears as the ancestor of 
both). Berechiah is wanting in Nehemiah : and 
the latter has two names, Shabbethai and Jozabad, 
which are foreign to our text. — And Berechiah, 
the son of Asa, the son of Elkanah, and so a 
Kohathite, as the name Elkanah is native in this 
family; comp. vi. 1S-23. — Who dwelt in tin 
milages of the Netophathites, thus near Beth- 
lehem ; comp. Neh. vii. 26. This clause refers, 
not to Berechiah, whose dwelling is in Jerusalem, 
but to his ancestor Elkanah. It is impossible to 
determine what the Kohathite so called in vi. 
18 If. was to this Elkanah. — Ver. 17. And thi 
porter*: Shallum, and Akkub, end Talmon, ami 
Ahiman, mid their brethren; Shallvm tin head. 
The four here named (of whom, in Neh. xi. 19, 
only two, Akkub and Talmon, recur) are to be 
regarded, as appears from the particulars follow- 
ing (vers. 24, 26), not as common porters, but as 
captains of the four companies of porters, who 
were to keep guard on the four sides and gates of 
the temple : they are designated, ver. 26, as 
" head keepers of the gates," a phrase reminding 
us ol the ffrpaTnyoi rou U.iov in Luke xxii. 52. 
The number of all the doorkeepers, which is 
stated to be 172 in Neh. xi. 19, is wanting here, 
where it would, like that of the priests, have been 
considerably higher, because Jerusalem before tin- 
exile must have had a much more numerous staff 
of officers in every respect than that after the 
exile, to which the catalogue of Nehemiah refers. 
From all this, the correspondence of the two 
similar lists in the personal matters is only 
partial, and by no means such as to be inconsis- 
tent with the origin of the one before the exile 

and of the other aftei it. The resemblance and 
even sameness of the names in two or three 
generations do"S not of itself prove the identity 
of the persons, because we learn from the genea- 
logy of Aaron (v. 29 ff. ) that tin- series Amariah, 
Ahitub, Zadok repeats itself at different times 
(comp. vers. 33 f. and 37 f. ). In general, the same 
names recur very often in genealogies, because it 
was the custom to give the children the names of 
their ancestors ; comp. Luke i. 59 ; Winer, Healw. 
ii. 133; Havernick, AW. ii. 1, 179 If But if the 
likeness of names in the two lists furnishes no 
necessary ground for the identity of the lists, 
and in no way warrants us to identify the like 
sounding names by the assumption of errors of 
the pen, we must, on account of the great 
diversity in all points, understand our list of the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem before the exile, espe- 
cially as the following remarks on the functions 
of the Levites demand this, because they relate 
throughout to the time before the exile. 

3. Vers. 18-34. The Ministerial Functions of 
the Levites, and first (vers. 18-26a), of the 
Levitical porters. — And hitherto (he was, namely 
Shallum, who is called in ver. 17 the head of the 
porters) in tin- king's gate eastward : that is, till 
the present time the family of Shallum had to 
keep the guard at the east gate of the temple, 
that chief entrance to the inner court, by which 
the king alone entered (comp. 2 Kings xvi. 18; 
Ezek. xlvi. 1, 2). The "hitherto" scarcely gives a 
hint of the time when the present list was com- 
posed. It may point as well to a time before the 
exile as after it, as Shallum is here obviously 
named as a hereditary name of a house or col- 
lective personality, which Keil contravenes un- 
necessarily. For the circumstance that a pedigri e 
of Shallum is given, not yet in ver. 18, but at 
length in ver. 19, shows that in this latter pas- 
sage the person of the patriarch of the leading 
house of doorkeepers is first distinguished from 
his descendants ; see also after. — 'These are the 
porters for the camps of ihe sons of Levi. This 
expression, having an antique ring, and remind- 
ing us of the wanderings of the people under 
Moses iNum. iii. 21 ff.), proves no more than the 
many other designations of this kind ("tent," 
ver. 20; "tent of meeting," ver. 21 : "house ot 
the tent, " ver. 23a) that our list was composed be- 
fore Solomon or near the time of Moses ; comp. 
"camp of Jehov#h" of Solomon's temple, 2 
C'hron. xxxi. 2. — Ver. 19. And .shall inn the son 
of Ko'-e, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Kordh. 
This reference of Shallum to Korah, the grandson 
of Kohath (v. 7), comes so close upon the an- 
cestry of Shelemiah or Meshelemiah, the Korhite 
appointed by David over the east gate, 1 Chron. 
xxvi. 1, 14, that the Shallum ot our passage .an 
scarcely be different from him. It is also highly 
probable that the name of ep'3N. the father or 

ancestor of Korah, should be restored there (seeCrit. 
Note), so that the identity of the two persons and 
the merely formal diversity of their names (D1?t.". 
requital ; MiTOPt'D. whom Jehovah requites) is 

almost certain ; and the Meshelemiah, ver. 21, 
must be held to be identical with the Shallum 
belonging to the time of David : for there, as in 
xxvi. 2, a son Zeehariah is ascribed to him. Thus 
the record goes back, as in ver. 20 to Phineha* 
the contemporary of Joshua, so in ver. 21 at 

CHAP. IX. 18-26. 


least to a contemporary of David ; and the guard 
at the east gate (the king's gate), as it was 

hereditary in the family, is referred to a i ii- 

nation liy King David. The then mentioned 
brethren of Shallum, of the house of his father, 
the Korhites, are the heads of the other three 
families of porters, Akkub, Talinon, and Ahiman, 
living in the time of David, ver. 18. — II '< n o» i 
the work of the si rvice of the keepers of the 
thresholds of the tent. This specifies the service 
performed by these Levites at the temple ; they 
were threshold or gate keepers ; comp. 2 Kings 
xii. 10; 2 Chron. xxiii. 4. The genit. "of the 

tent " (here expressed l>y ^ before pnN* hecause 

the pree. ding word having the article cannot be 
in the construct state) applies to the tent in 
Jerusalem erected by David, without, however, 
expressing any contrast to the temple of Solomon 
(which, in ver. 23, seems clearly to be included 
ill the term "tent ") ; comp. on ver. 18. — And 
their fathers in tin- camp <ff lie Lord were h epers 
of the entry, namely, in the time of Moses, to 
which there is reference here as in the following 
verse. "In the Pentateuch there is no mention 
of the Korhites keeping guard in the time of 
Moses ; but as the Kohathites to whom they be- 
longed were the first servants of the sanctuary, 
Num. iv. 4 ff., and especially had the charge of 
the tabernacle, it is in itself probable that they 
had to keep the entrance to the sanctuary (comp. 
Num. iv. 17-'J(H; and therefore we cannot doubt 
that our statement follows an old tradition" 
(Berth. ). — Ver. 20. And Phinehas the son of 
ISleazar was formerly prina over them, over the 
porters of the Korhite family. Phinehas cannot 
have been invested witli this oversight of the 
Korhite porters when lie was high priest, but only 
under the high-priesthood of his father Eleazar ; 
as also Eleazar, as child' over the chiefs of Levi, 
N um. iii. 32, under the presidency of Aaron, had 
the oversight of the keepers of the sanctuary. — 
The Lord with him. This clause might be meant 
as a historical remark, and so completed by a 
iTTI, "was," in which case the copula i was to 

be expected before niiT, as in xi. 9. It is more 

natural to see in the two words a blessing, " * ; ■ > . 1 
I- with him," and to compare the German 
phrases, "God blesshim," "Of blessed memory." 
We may remember also God's'covenant of peace 
with Phinehas ami his posterity, Num. xxv 11 ff. 
[This goes to prove that the historical is the 
correct meaning, and not one that is nearly 
akin to an error of doctrine. — J. G. M.J— Ver. 
21. Zechariah tin son if Meshelemiah, that is, 
Shallum: st e oil ver. 19. The designation of 
this Shallum (hefore whose name we miss the 
copula i ; sec (rit. Note) as porter at the door of 
the tent of meeting has something indefinite 
needing explanation. But we can find nothing 
either from the present passage or from ch. xxvi. 
2 to clear up this difficulty, or account lor the 
prominence given to this Zechariah. — Ver. 22 n - 
turns to the description of the service of the 
porters, which was interrupted by the historic. d 
digression, vers. 19-21. What is now stated be- 
longs to the time of the author of the list, with 
the exception of the remark applying to the 
time of David, ver. 226. — All these, thai inn 
chosen to be porters at the thresholds. On D^"iii2. 

"chosen," comp. vii. In, xvi. 41 ; for construe' 

tion with ^ xxv. 1. The Dumber 212 as the 

total of the porters agrees neither with the time 
of David, in which (xxvi. 8-11) 93 porters in 
all officiated at the tabernacle; nor with that of 
Zerubbabel, for which Ezra ii. 42 gives the num- 
ber 139; nor, lastly, with that of Nehemiah, for 
which, Neh. xi. 19, the number 172 is set down. 
But it suits the time - before the exile, to which 
also the numbers of the families and priests in 
vers. 6, 9, 13 most probably point. — They were 
registered in their villages. They dwelt, there- 
fore, in villages (C^IVn, as vi. 41 11.) around 

Jerusalem, and came to it on the days of their 
service, as the singers in the time alter the exile, 
Neh. xii. 29 f. — David ami Samuel ihe seer 
(ancient designation for prophet, S'23 ; comp. 1 

Sam. ix. 9) had ordained them in their trust. 
Cn^DX3. " in their trust," official trust or duty ; 

comp. the same term without suffix, vers. 26, 31; 
2 Kings xii. 16, xxii. 7; 2 Chron. xxxi. 12. The 
naming of Samuel with David (and after him, 
against the order of time ; comp. Hcb. xi. 321 the 
Chron ist no doubt found in his source, and it is 
explained by the fact that the agency of Samuel 
in the religious institutions of Israel prepared 
the way lor the reforms of David, and were 
therefore usually mentioned along with them. 
And perhaps some arrangement regarding the 
Levitical porters was made by Samuel which laid 
the foundation for that of David, though we 
have no information concerning this beyond the 
present passage. — Ver. 23. And they and their 
suns, the porters of the tine- of David ami after 
it. The following phrase also, "at the house of 
the tent" (comp. on vers. 18, 19), is chosen, be- 
cause the present statement applies to both — 
the tent-sanctuary before Solomon, and the stone 
temple built by him. — Ver. 24. To the four 
winds (quarters of the heaven ; comp. Job i. 19; 
Matt. xxiv. 31) were the porters, "pry, that is, 

according to the arrangement of David (xxvi. 
14 If.). — By wards, rynO'J'D of persons, as Neh. 

xii. 9, iv. 3, 16. — Ver. 25. Were to come in serin 
days, the seventh day from time to time, that is, 
on the Sabbath of the week, on which every 
family was in their rank to perform the service 

(b '" Ni2^. to denote obligation, as v. 1). — 

With them (n?N DJj), along with the heads or 

chiefs of the divisions, ver. 17, who dwelt in 
Jerusalem itself, and to whom the notice in ver. 
26a refers. — For they v:ere in trust, the four /mi,/ 
keepers of the gates; comp. on ver. 17. -Vers. 
266-32 report on the duties of the other Levites 
besides the porters. — Tin si Levites, and were, 
etc. It has been remarked in tin- (lit. Note 
that for this we are most probably to read 
(according to ver. 14), " And of the Levites were." 
At all events, the duties enumerated in the fol- 
lowing passage (exclusive of ver. 27) belong to 
the Levites in common, and not to the porters. 

Accordingly, the words Qsfjn CHI .must be re- 
garded either as a su v scription to the whole pre- 
ceding paragraph from ver. 14 (so Berth.), or 
amended (with Keil) in the way indicated. — 



Over the chambers and treasuries of the house of 

God. These chambers (ni3'Cv) au( l treasuries 

(DilVX) were ln the side buildings of the 

temple, over which the Levites presided ; eomp. 
Ezek. xl. 17, xlii. 1 ff.; Neb. x. 38 ; and Keil, 
Iliht. Arch. i. pp. 121, 124.— Ver. 27. Ami then 
lodged around the house of God. This notice, 
referring again to the porters, with the sub- 
joined statement, that they had to open every 
morning (lit. "were set over the keys ; " eomp. 
riFIBD, Judg. iii. 25; Isa. xxii. 22), is strange in 

the present place : it had its place perhaps 
originally after ver. 26a. — Ver. 28. And some 
of them were over the vessels of service, the more 
valuable vessels of gold and silver, with the 
sacrificial bowls (xxviii. 13 f. ; Dan. i. 2, v. 2 ff. ), 
which required careful keeping, and as they were 
to be taken out of the treasuries for the public 
worship an exact "tale." — Ver. 29. Over the 
vessels, even over all the holy vessels, and over 

the flour, and the wine, etc. As the term Q»^3 

is used here as in ver. 2S, the difference between 
the vessels here and there mentioned seems to 
depend on the articles which are here named in 
connection with the latter, namely, flour (rbo, 

Lev. ii. 1 ff.), wine, oil, frankincense, and spices 
(□ , DE'a, as Ex. xxx. 23). They may be, there- 
fore, the more ordinary, less costly vessels used 
in the daily incense, meat and drink offering 
(eomp. on Ex xxv. 6). For njD, "order, 
appoint," in the Piel, eomp. Dan. i. 5, 10, 11; 
the partie. Pi. only here. — Ver. 30. And of the 
sons of tin- priests, etc. To them belonged, Ex. 
xxx. 23 ff., the preparation of the holy anointing 
oil, by the compounding of several spices. This 
notice referring to the priests does not, strictly 
taken, belong to the functions of the Levites. 
The division of things has here for the-moment 
overruled the division of persons. [The priests, 
however, were Levites.] — Ver. 31. And Matti- 
thiah of the Levites, who was the first-born of 
Shallum the Korhite : thus an elder brother of 
that porter Zechariah, ver. 21, if this is actually 
to pass for the son of the Shallum here. But 
certainly, in ch. xxvi. 2, Zechariah is directly 
called first-born ("1133) of Meshelemiah ; and 

hence, to maintain the identity of this Meshele- 
miah with Shallum, we must assume "that in 
our passage Mattithiah bears the honourable 
title of first-born only in an improper sense, 
because he ranks high among the descendants 
of Shallum on account of his office" (Berth.). 
S sitting further is known to us concerning the 
oerson or time of Mattithiah. — Was in trust ,,r, >■ 
tht baking in pans. The term DTUnn, a baking 

.'. pans (eomp. rQTO, an iron pan, Lev. ii. 5, 

ri. 14 : 1 C'hron. xxiii. 29; Ezek. iv. 3), is used 
>nly here.— Ver. 32. And of the Kohathites their 
brethren, the brethren of the last-mentioned 
Levites, at whose head was the Korhite Matti- 
thiah. For the way of laying on the shew-bread, 
see Lev. xxiv. ff. — Every Sabbath. For the 
phrase ri3E' ~3*J' (the first with Pattach in the 

ast syllable, tor euphony), eomp. Bertheau. — Ver 

33. And these the singers, loads of the fatheri 
for the Levites, ivene free in the chambers. This 
is usually regarded as a first subscription to the 
foregoing, from ver. 14, to which a second still 
more general subscription is added in ver. 34. 
Yet in the mention of the singers (the familiea 
of which had been reported in vers. 14-16), the 
enumeration of the ministerial functions of the 
several classes of the Levites, which had begun 
ver. 266, is rather continued ; and therefore, 
instead of "these are the singers," the rendering 
is rather " these singers, etc.," and thus a fore, 
extending to a rather remote point (ver. 141, is 
to be assigned to the demonstrative (Kamph 
justly). The "being free" in their chambers is 
set forth very naturally, because their exclusive 
occupation with their art was to be indicated. 
C'omp. Kashi's and Kirnchi's interpretation ol 
Cj^tOSi innnunes ab oinni alio ofiicio. — For they 

were over them in the service day and night. 
This literal rendering of the Masoretic text 

(raxfea nrp?y) seems to express the sense . 

"they were placed over them, the subordinate 
singers, had to superintend them" (Berth.). 
But the comparison of the somewhat different 
passage, 2 Cliron. xxxiv. 12, is insufficient tc 
justify this view. It is more natural to take 

DDvJJ to mean : "it lay upon them;" but ther. 

H3xi>S3 would have to be changed into ri3}OEr" 

(ver. 27), and so the suitable sense restored : "for 
by day and night their service, their singing 
function, was incumbent on them." — Ver. 34. 
These are the heads of the fathers for the Levites, 
etc. Comp. the similar subscription, viii. 28. 
Since this precedes the first genealogy of Saul, 
as here the repetition of this genealogy imme- 
diately follows, Movers (p. S2 f . I conjectured 
that it had its place here originally, but was 
taken by an old transcriber erroneously for the 
beginning of the following genealogy of Saul, 
and therefore transposed with this (as he en 
deavoured to point out a more suitable place, 
as he thought, for it at the close of the genealogj 
of Benjamin, viii. 1-27) to that previous place, 
and thereby somewhat altered. This assumption 
would only be plausible if the double position of 
the genealogy of Saul must be regarded as resting 
on a mistake, and contrary to the plan of the 
writer, for which there is uo manner of ground. 
He rather repeated this genealogy intentionally 
here to form a proper transition from his genea- 
logical section to his following (introducing the 
historical section) account of the fall of Saul's 
house. This simple consideration removes all 
that was formerly adduce! in the way of doubts, 
conjectures, ami highly absurd and superfluous 
reflections on the supposed ground of this repe- 
tition, as. according to Mar Sutra in Tr. Pesa- 
ehim 62'-, 400 (or in another report, 1300) 
camel-loads of explanations are forthcoming on 
this repetition and on the present section; comp. 
Herzfeld, Gesch. p. 299. 

4. Repeated Genealogy of Saul: vers. 34-44. — 
On the deviations of this list from viii. 29-3S, 
see on that passage, where it has been already 
stated that onr present passage seems to present 
the older ami more correct text with respect to 
the forms of the names, 

CHAl'. I.-IX. 


OH. I.-IX. 

There is in many respects the impression "l 
wandering in a wilderness, of walking among 
the stones in a graveyard, ranged in long rows, 
and more or less weathered, remaining on the 
mind after the exegetical examination of the 
genealogical contents of these chapters. But as 
in the of Ilauran, [dumsea, and Arabia 
Petrtea, bristling with innumerable hare rocks, 
there is, notwithstanding all the drought and 
»aste, a mysterious charm that acts with irre- 
sistible attraction nn all Christian travellers 
animated by the spirit of biblical research; or 
ts, to use another but kindred figure, the laby- 
rinthine windings of the old Christian catacombs 
of Rome, with their thousands of sarcophagi, 
and the ever-varying inscriptions and manifold 
symbolic figures on them, prepare for the Chris- 
tian antiquarian walking through them, not 
weariness, but an inexhaustible charm and ever 
new satisfaction : even so do the seemingly so 
dry and unrefreshiiig names of these nine chapters 
act upon the searchers of Scripture, not only the 
Jewish, but also the Christian. For it is from 
beginning to end holy ground through which we 
here pass. They are the grave-stones of the 
people of God, the monuments of a thousand 
years of the old covenant people, between the 
rows of which the Chronist leads us. They are 
the cities and places of the holy land, the origins 
of which are here presented to us in greatei 01 
briefer extent. And the same mysterious attrac- 
tion that yearly impels thousands of Christian 
pilgrims, of all countries and confessions, to that 
land, in which not merely Israel after the fli sh, 
but also the confessors of Christ, have to seek a 
right of home, insensibly influences every reader 
of this section who is led by a Christian and 
scientific interest. The same home-longing thai 
comes upon us on beholding every chart of the 
country of the twelve tribes, on examining every 
plan and picture of Jerusalem, e en on reading 
the plainest and simplest of the innumerable 
books of travels with which the present luxuriant 
literature of Palestine constantly floods us, seizes 
with irresistible power the biblical inquire] who 
turns his attention to these opening chapters of 
our work; it sweetens in many ways the hard 
labours that are occasioned by the deciphering 
of the often illegible text, the pondering on the 
import of so many isolati d names, the reconciling 
of so many contradictory statements concerning 
places, persons, and genealogical lists. Considered 
in detail, there are four chief aspects in winch the 
deeper significance of the history of salvation in 
our chapters is presented, and on which the 
attention of the historical inquirer, moved by 
higher motives than mere profane history and 
criticism can yield, will be concentrated. 

1. The grouping and arrangement ol the genea- 
logical material, with all tin- complication, seem- 
ing inconnectior. and a bitrariness i f the con- 
siderations involved, is highly attractive, as it 
affords a deep insight into the organic arrange- 
ment of the tribes of God's people, and the parts 
they are destined to perform in the history of the 
theocracy. The fundamental principle of division 
is neither purely genealogical nor politico-theo- 
cratic but has reference to all these relations. 
The enumeration of the tribes is not arranged 

genealogically, according to the ages of the twelve 
sons of Jacob: otherwise it would have begun 
with Reuben and ended with Benjamin, It 
proceeds not according to the political relatione 
of the time of the divided kingdom ; otherwise 
.ludah and Benjamin would have stood first, and 
Ephraim would have followed a1 the lead of the 
northern kingdom. It follows not exclusively 
the geographical principle : for if it starts with 
Judah. the chief tribe of the south, and passing 
over the seats of the Simeonites, extending far 
to tic- south, bends round to the three eastern 
tribes, and enumerates them from south to north, 
in order to pass on to the remaining tribes of 
middle and northern Canaan, in the enumeration 
of the latter it abandons all geographical order, 
as the southern Benjamin and probably Dan are 
annexed to the northern Issachar, and then 
follows, not Ephraim, the more southern of the 
tribes of Joseph, but the more northern Manasseh, 
next to Naphtali ; and lastly, after Ephraim and 
Asher, Benjamin reappears. In the midst of 
this not very geographical enumeration falls the 
copious genealogical details of Levi, to whom a 
definite territory was wanting, on account of its 
distribution over all the tribes. And yet in this 
apparently ungeographical and unhistorical order 
there lies a deeper sense. The author, as a strict 
theocratic legitimist, subordinates all the others 
to the two chief tribes, Judah and Benjamin, 
forming the kingdom of Judah, and adhering to 
the legitimate national sanctuary, as well as the 
tub of Levi remaining in natural mutual con- 
uection with them. As he otherwise ignores, as 
far as possible, the northern kingdom, that bad 
revolted from the legitimate worship, and sub- 
ordinates the tribes belonging to it, on every 
occasion, to the orthodox tribes of the south, 
and regards them as mere dependencies of tin-, 
latter (comp. ix. 3, where, along with Jewa, 
IVnjaniites, and Levites, those belonging to the 
tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh are named as 
belonging to the inhabitants of Jerusalem; also 
the quite similar passage, 2 Chron. xxxtv. 9, and 
our remarks on it), here also is all that do s not 
belong to the kingdom ol Judah treated as acci s- 
sory, and not only more briefly despatched (none 
of the tribes belonging to the north is given as 
fully as the tribe of Simeon belonging to Judah ; 
some, as I 'an and Naphtali, are almost wholly, 
and one, Zebulun, wholly omitted), but pushed in 
as subordinate, rilling up between the tribes of 
Judah, Levi, and Benjamin, forming the beginning, 
the middle, and the end. What is especially 
conspicuous anil beautiful is the central, all-pel - 
vading, embracing, and connecting position of 
the priestly tribe of Levi. "Over the whobi 
distribution of the tribes is spread out as a con- 
necting network the uniformly- distributed tribe 
of Levi, as the priestly mediator between God 
and His people, in its forty-eight cities, that 
belonged to all the tribes, but are not to be re- 
garded as exclusively inhabited by Levites (comp. 
our remarks on vi. 65); whereby, according lo 
Josh. xxi. land our eh. vi.), a peculiar crossing 
of the families of Levi took place, partly in the 
cast and partly in the north of Palestine, so that 
those akin in family appear removed as far asunder 
as possible (Kohathites in Judah and Simeon, but 
also in Ephraim and West Manasseh ; Meraritea 
in Hi liken and Gad, but also in Zebulun, etc.). 
It is as if this tribe, provided it remained at the 



height of its destiny, and the consciousness of 
God's people clung to it, should represent the 
strong sinews and muscles running through the 
body of the people, which bind the members into 
a living and moving whole" (Hoffmann, Blicke in 
die friiheste Geschichte des yelobteu La/ides, p. 
99 f.). 

2. Prominent in this arrangement, with regard 
to the history of grace, is the passing over of two 
tribes in silence. That Dan is only indicated, 
not named, in vii. 12. can only be conceived as a 
critical judgment on this tribe, that early and 
almost wholly fell into idolatry (see on the pas- 
sage, and comp. xxvii. IS If., where there is not 
so much an overpassing of the name as a trans- 
position of it to the end of the twelve tribes, by 
which the same theocratico-critical judgment is 
passed upon it). On the contrary, it may be 
accidental that no mention is made of the tribe 
of Zebulun in giving the genealogy of the twelve 
tribes, though it occurs in the enumeration of the 
Levitical cities (vi. 48, 62). Yet a certain signi- 
ficance for tlie history of salvation cannot be 
denied to this accidental omission, as it was 
certainly tht relative smallness of the tribe, the 
low number of famous and populous families, that 
occasioned its disappearance from the genealogical 
traditions of the later time. Yet this so small 
and obscure tribe 1 it was that included Nazareth, 
the dwelling - place of the earthly parents of 
Jesus. Zebulun, with its neighbour Naphtali, 
was, according to prophetic announcement (Isa. 
ix. 1; Ps. lxviii. 28), to prove to be "the people 
walking in darkness," the land overshadowed 
with heathen gloom, that was to see the great 
light of salvation go forth from its midst. In 
this contemporaneous omission, then, of Dan, the 
tribe typically pointing to the Antichrist, and of 
Zebulun, the tribe serving as the earliest scene of 
tlie earthly living and working of the Saviour, 
there is in our registers a certain significance for 
the history of salvation, that even if it rests upon 
accident, points to a higher guidance and a provi- 
dential arrangement. 

3. The investigator of all that is significant for 
the history of salvation and the defence of the 
truth, will take no less interest in the many 
historical and archaeological notices that are inter- 
woven in the genealogical text. With their now- 
scanty, now copious, contributions to the special 
history of the tribe, their details, often truly sur- 
prising by the epic grandeur and dramatic life of 
the narrative (to which belong, in particular, the 
records of the conquests of the Simeonites, the 
successful raids of the. three trans-jordanic tribes 
against the north Arabian Beduin, and the slay- 
ing of the two sons of Epliraim, Ezer and Elud, 
by the primeval inhabitants of Gath), their highly 
ancient colouring both in style and deed, which 
prompts us almost to generalize the remark once 
added by the author: "these are ancient things," 
and apply it to the whole of these accounts, 2 these 
notices delight us as petrifactions from the grey 

1 That Zebulun, in the limes of Moses, and even David. 
Bent into the field an army of 50.000 men (see xii. 33). is not 
in contradiction with its insignificance ill the later times be- 
fore and after the exile, and is historically quite conceivable. 

2 Thus J. Kiiist (flwcA der tilil. Lit. i p. 3181 conjec- 
tures that the raid of E'ad arid Ezer, the sons of Ephraim, 
against (i:ith, narrated vii. 21. is probably taken fro n ''the 
old accounts (Q'pTIJ? D'IST) mentioned, iv. 22, which 
Hie Chionist had before him," but without adducing any 
lii«ct proof for it. 

foretime imbedded in the strata of genealogical 
series ; they resemble scattered gems or medals of 
antique stamp shining through the rubbish of 
ages, that give us accounts of otherwise unknown 
events of theocratic history, and open to us per- 
spective views into remote epochs of the develop- 
ment of God's people, on which the dtrkness of 
absolute oblivion would otherwise have rested. 
From each of these, now shorter, now longer, 
documents concerning the older and oldest his- 
tory of the tribe, goes forth the testimony of an 
unusually rich and many-sided individual impress 
of tlie Israelitish spirit, reminding us almost of 
the German nation in the multiplicity of its tribes, 
of a fresh but rude native power as a heritage 
more or less proper to each of the twelve tribes, 
and to each in peculiar modification, and thereby 
of a divine providence guiding and governing the 
life of the several tribes and of the whole nation 
with uninterrupted fatherly love as well as judi- 
cial integrity. 

4. Of pre-eminent importance is finally the 
appearance, more or less (dear in every tribe, of 
a preponderating repute and influence of one 
family over the rest. In the tribe of Judah, it 
is the family of Hezron the son of Perez, and 
grandson of Judah, that by its growth and 
power casts all the rest into the shade. In the 
tribe of Levi, the Kohathites predominate; in 
that of Benjamin, it is the house of Jeuel, or 
Abi-gibeon, the ancestor of Saul (viii. 29, ix. 
35 11'.), that, obscuring all the rest, rises to 
kingly worth and power, and even in its late] 
offshoots, especially the sons of Azel and the 
bold archers of Ulam (viii. 38-40), remains great 
and renowned. Among the Simeonites, Shimei, 
the descendant of Shan], the last of the five sons 
of Simeon, becomes the ancestor of the most 
flourishing family (iv. 26 f.). Among the Reu- 
benites, the family of Joel is conspicuous (v. 4 f., 
8 f . ); among the Gadites, that of Buz (v. 14); 
among the Manassites, that of Machir the father 
of Gilead (vii. 14 ff. ); among the Ephraimites, 
that of Resheph the ancestor of Joshua (vii. 25) ; 
among the sons of Issaehar, that of Izrahiah the 
son of Uzzi, the son of Tolah (vii. 3) ; among the 
sons of Asher, that of Heber the son of Beriah 
(vii. 32 ff. ). It 13 obvious enough to explain this 
remarkable phenomenon naturally, and regard it 
as preservation and completion of the strong 
families in "the struggle for existence," or, if 
you will, as natural training. The statement of 
Palgrave, the English traveller, regarding the 
division of all the Arab tribes into two kinds of 
families, the townsmen or peasants, and the 
nomads or beduin, of which the former are the 
stronger and more developed, the latter the 
weaker, though patriarchally the more simply 
constituted, and therefore better fitted for hand- 
ing down faithfully their genealogical recollec- 
tions, should perhaps be regarded as pointing to 
a partial explanation of the present interesting 
phenomenon.' Neither of these two purely 

] Palgrave, Central Arabia, 1. p. 35: ''Ara't nationality 
is and always has heen based on the divisions of families 
aid clans These clans were soon by the nature of the l*nd 
itself divided each and every one into two branches, corre- 
lative indeed, but of unequal size and importance. The 
greater section remained as townsmen or peasants in the 
districts best susceptible of culture and permanent occupa- 
tion, where they still kept up much of their original clannish 
denominations and forms, though often blended, and oven 
at times obliterated, by tlie fusion inseparable from civil 
and social organization. The ether and lesser portion 



natural attempts at explanation can he called 
satisfactory. The last and deepest ground of 
the rise of one family or tribe to a physically, 
ethically, or intellectually distinguished pre- 
eminence, and to :ni illustrious name, obscuring 
kindred tribes or families, is the secret of the 
divine election, that, without respect to character 
or conduct, raises and glorifies the one people or 
family, and leaves the other to lowness and obli- 
vion, according to the words, "JaeoD have I 
loved, but Esau have I hated;" and, "1 will 
have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I 
will have compassion on whom I will have com- 
passion" (Rom. ix. 13, 15; Mai. i. 2 f . ; Ex. 
xxxiii. 19). As in the life of nations, so is this 
elective grace visible in the development of single 
tribes, clans, and families, and often in a way 
that directly contradicts the normal mode of 
growth and self-development, especially the law 

devoted themselves to a pastoral life. They, too, retained 
their origini*] clannish ami family demai cations, bu' un- 
softened by civilization, and unblended by the links ol close- 
drawn society; so that in this point they have continued to 
be the faithful depositaries of primeval .Ar.ib tradition, and 
ennsritute a sort of standard rule for th»* whole nation 
Hence, when genealogical doubts and" questions ot descent 
arise, as they often do anion u the rixe-i inhabitants, recourse 
is ofren had to the neighbouring beduins for a decision 
unattainable in the complicated records of the town liic." 
Wellhaus-en (De gentibus etfamiliis Jud., etc.. p. 24 f.), setting 
out from the mainly correct presupposition, that these obser- 
vations of Palgrave on the Arabs apply mutatis mutandis to 
the tribes of ancient Israel, has desciibed the family of 
Caleb (ii. 18 ff.. 4_' ff.) as an example of a Jewish family 
dwelling in towns and tilling the ground, and therefore 

6f the prevalence of the strong over the weak in 
"the struggle for existence," and lather proceeds 
according to the Pauline saying : "God hath chosen 
the weak things of the world to confound the 
things which are mighty; and base things of the 
world, and things which ar«- despised, h th God 
chosen, and things which are not, to bring to 
nought things that are, that no flesh should glory 
in His presence" (1 Cor. i. 27-29). Above all, 
in the development of the forefathers of * hiist, 
before David as well as after, in the times of the 
rise as in those of the decline, this election by 
grace has repeatedly asserted itself, and operated 
as the pre per principle and inmost motive of that 
blessed historical process, embracing many thou- 
sands of years, which, as the divine education of 
the human race, is the counterpart of all natural 
training, and the ideal archetype of all human 

widely spread, but certainly difficult to reduce to a genea- 
logy: and, on the contrary, that of his brother Jerahmeei, 
ii. 25-41, a.s an example of a n-mart family, remaining cer- 
tainly smaller and less renowned- but also provided with far 
more precise and correct genealogical recollections Etenim 
cam "•■!) factum est, he thinks, with reference to ii. 'J5-41, 
quod nusquam txcultior invenitur artievtatio corporis ethno- 
' ■-/'■ i quatn >ii i/'l Jet achmee em fmnw ut mo* itie tChematt 
genealogico deptngtndi res genWicias Jluxtt prirnarie e tali 
sod t'ate ova magnse famUix erat simtJior quam artifieiota 
at contorts structut x civi>atis gme recti did potest ita postea 
etiam ibi sine dubio tnaxime tigvit. ubi antiqua pab iarcharum 
fidehus urvabatur vitse consuetudo, sic quidem <-t sanguinis 
vis jungens et dii nm ru eetet it omnibus catuCi, quibus homines 
solent conciliari et nbalienari. aut revtra prsBvetferet out cert* 
secundum comdentiam popuiarem prmvaiere Judical etur, etc 

EXILE. — 1 Chron. x.-2 Chron. xxxvi. 

1. DAVID.— 1 Chron. x.-xxix. 

a. Intkodoction : Fall of the House of Saul. — Ch. x. 

Ch. X. 1. And the Philistines fought against Israel; and the men of Israel fled 

2 before the Philistines, and fell down slain in Mount Gilboa. And the Philis- 
tines pursued Saul and his sons ; and the Philistines smote Jonathan and 

3 Abinadab and Malchi-shua, sons of Saul. And the battle went sore against 

4 Saul, and the archers found him, and he trembled for the archers. And Saul 
said to his armour-bearer, Draw thy sword and thrust me through therewith, 
lest these un circumcised come 1 and insult me; but his armour-bearer would 
not ; for he was sore afraid : and Saul took the sword and fell upon it. And 
his armour-bearer saw that Saul was dead, and he also fell on the sword and 
died. And Saul died, and his three sons, and all Ids house died together. 
And all the men of Israel that were in the valley saw that they fled, and 
that Saul and his sons were dead ; and they forsook their cities and fled, and 
the Philistines came and dwelt in them. 

8 And it came to pass on the morrow that the Philistines came to strip the slain, 

9 and they found Saul and his sons fallen in Mount Gilboa. And they stripped 
him, and took his head and his armour, and sent into the land of the Philistines 

10 around, to bear tidings to their idols and to the people. And they put his 

armour in the house of their god, and fastened his skull in the house of Dagon. 

11, 12 And all Jabesh-gilead heard all that the Philistines had done to Saul. And 

all the valiant men arose, and took the body of Saul and the bodies of his 



sons, and bnmght them to Jabesh, and buried their bones under the oak in 
Jabesh, and fasted seven days. 

13 And Saul died for his transgression which he committed against the Lord. 
for the word of the Lord which he kept not, and also for asking a necromancer 

14 to inquire. 2 And inquired not of the Lord ; and He slew him, and turned the 
kingdom to David the son of Jesse. 

i Keihib: my- Keri: Wny- 

2 After C1"H7 the Sept. gives the superfluous addition: xct) kttxpivct™ ctiiTu Soiu 

■>,\ o Tp6?v,-m. Comp. Sir. xlvi. 20 


Preliminary Remark. — This account of the 
downfall of Saul anrl his house agrees, except in 
subordinate details, literally with 1 Sara. xxxi. 
1-13 ; only the vers. 13, 14 are an addition of 
the Chronist, designed to mark the history of the 
fall of Saul's family as the transition to the fol- 
lowing history of David, that forms the proper 
centre of the whole work of our historian. For 
to this history of David points all that precedes, 
the whole of the genealogies in the first nine 
chapters, with their emphatic elevation of the 
tribe of Jndah. And if these genealogies are so 
disposed that they close with the register of the 
Benjamite house of Saul, this serves to prepare 
for the contents of our chapter, which on it,^ put is 
preparatory to the following special history of the 
reign of David, the ancestor and founder of the 
legitimate line of kings. 

1. Saul's Defeat and Death in the Battle with 
the Philistines on Mount Gilhoa : vers. 1-12 
(comp. 1 Sam. xxxi. 1-12). — Ami t/ie men of 
Israel fled before the Philistines. The fuller 
statement of the books of Samuel (1 Sam. xxix, 
1 ; com]), xxviii. 4) shows that this flight of the 
defeated Israelites was directed from tit- plain of 
Jezreel, as the proper field of battle, to Mount 
Grilboa, their former post. — Ver. 2. And the 
Philistines pursuer! Saul and his sons; properly. 
"clung to Saul," a fit expression for the incessant 
and vehement pursuit (Sept. : rovi-rrouri r« 1'a^X: 
Luth. : "hingen sich an Saul"). The abridged 
form *p3"V|, for Ip'ai'V as in 1 Sam. xiv. '22, 

xxxi. 2. On Jonathan. Abinadab, and Malehi- 
shua, see ch. viii. 33. — Ver. 3. And the arelurs 
found him, overtook him (as ver. S ; comp. 1 Sam. 

xxx. 11). — And he trembled for the arelurs. Spl'l. 

fut. apoc. Kal of p^n, torqueri, tremere ; so 

1 Sam. xxxi. 3 ; comp. jsnni. Ps. xcvii. 4. The 

present terror of Saul corresponds with that in 
1 Sam. xxviii. 5. It is unnecessary here to 
prefer the reading of the Sept. : *ai Wiivtvi* ccra tuv 

t«£<kv (iT«vs<r£v, perhaps resting on a 7f"l'l. from 
r6n, "»»!"»), and so render (with Kamph.), "and 

he was pressed by the archers." For the irpxu- 
ft&rlirt*!, " he was wounded," of the Sept. in the 
parallel 1 Sam. xxxi. 3, comp. Berth, and 
Willli. , Text der Biicher Sam. p. 147, who 
perhaps unnecessarily assumes that the Chronist 

may have read ">rn. "and he was wounded" 

\\iph. of jprj)i an( I therefore omitted "1NO. which 

did not suit this verb. The omission of this 
adverb is sufficiently acce inted for by the abbre- 

viating habit of the author, on which also the 
omission of the pleonastic D^'JX after Q'nian 

(1 Sam. xxxi. 3) rests, as also that of iqj; at the 

close of ver. 5, etc. — Ver. 4. Lest these uncircum- 

need come and insult me. Before '^"^CHJjnm 

(comp. Jer. xxxviii. 19; 1 Sam. vi. 6) the parallel 
text in Samuel exhibits a <j-ip-pi, which perhaps 

■lid not originally stand in the text, but seems to 
be repeated by mistake from the foregoing imper. 
'"HpTl. so that the word is rightly omitted by 

1 1 1 •- < hronist : comp. Berth, and Weill]. — Ver. 6 
.1 ad all his house died together. Again an abbre- 
viation for. "and his armour-bearer, and all his 
men on that day together," in Sam. xxxi. The 
design of this abbreviation was scar-ely to remove 
the strong " exaggeration " (YVellh ) contained in 

VSMtOa D3. on account of which the Sept. 

perhaps left these words untranslated ; for the 

ilV3"731 "f our author contains a like exaggera 

tion, ns Saul's whole house did not fall in this 
battle, as the author (ix. 35 ft'. ) knew very well. 
The expression is general and excessive, as the 
longer one in 1 Sam. xxxi. also. — Ver. 7. And all 
the nan of Israel that were in the eulleu, or on 
the plain. More exactly, 1 Sam. xxxi., "the 
men of Israel that were beyond the valley and 
beyond the Jordan," tint is, that dwelt west and 
east of Mount Oilboa. That our writer had a 
defective text (Thenius) is not to be assumed : 
rather the same process of abbreviation is f/und 
here, as immediately after, where the req dred 

subject ^Xlb"' 'l'jX is omitted after icj *3- — 

Ver. 9. Anrl they stripped him. and took his head 
and Ids armour. Instead of this, 1 Sam. xxxi. 9 
has, " and they cut off his head and stripped ofl 
his armour." The beheading, understood of itself 
(comp. Goliath, 1 Sam. xvii. 54), our author leaves 
unmentioned. — And sent into the land of the 
Philistines around, namely, these trophies, Saul's 
head and armour (comp. Judg. xix. 29 1'.). Ac- 
cordingly, the Sept. in 1 Samuel has translated r.a.1 
uToeri\\ovi;iv olItci, where perhaps "messengers* 1 
(D'l'V- D'-iCOD) is to be supplied ; see Then. 

and Vellh. — To their idols and to the people. 
For D,T2VimX (where J-|JC= w ith, before), the 

text in Samuel has 'vy JV3, " in the house of 

their idols, "a reading not confirmed by the Sept., 
which seems to owe its origin to the following 

verse {rjn , n t ?N"n , 3)' — Ver. 10. And then put his 

armour in tin house of their god : according to 

CHAP. XI. 1-9. 


1 Saiii. xxxi. 10, in tlie temple of Astute. Foi 
the Ashtaroth, the same deity as the "queen of 
heaven" of the Canaanites, .ler. vii. 18 ff., or the 
Alilat of the Aral's, Herod, iii. 8 (perhaps also 
-_ilie Phenician mother of gods, Astronoe ol 
Damascius [rit. Isid. 302; comp. Dollingcr, 
Judenth. p. 143], and the Spartan Venus hastata 
nictrix of Cythera), was the chief deity of the 
Philistines, that 'a^bSith oJ;«v.« whose ancient 
ami wealthy sanctuary at Askelon is mentioned 
by Herodotus i. 108. We are perhaps, therefore, 
to understand this Astarte temple at Askelon, as 
the next named temple of Dagon, the second chief 
divinity of the Philistines, will be that mentioned, 
1 Sam. v. 3rt'., at Ashdod, which was especially 
frequented in the times of Saul (comp. Vaihinger, 
Art. " Philisti r " in Herzog's Encycl. xi. 576 f.). 
That "their god" and "Dagon" could not be 
opposed, as Wellh. thinks, is "too much to assert. 
Rather was the Astarte of the Philistines a kind 
of androgynous being, that formed with Baal a 
syzygy or a supreme divine principle, and cer- 
tainly one fundamentally different from the fish 
god Dagon (because the latter was both younger 
and less esteemed). Comp. Bollinger, p. 397 ff. ; 
Mttller, Astarte, a contribution to the mythology 
of oriental antiquity, Wien 18H1 (in which also 
the Cretan Europa [=n3"l, the strong] is iden- 
tified with Astarte), Vaihinger, as above. — And 
fastened his skull in the house of Dagon. These 
words are wanting in 1 Sam. xxxi., where, on the 
contrary (ver. 10), is found the following notice: 
•' and they fastened his body to the wall of Bi tli 
shean. " Here we must choose between the as- 
sumption, that our text arose from a corruption 
of this reading of Samuel (Weill).), and such 
harmonizing attempts as that of Ewald and 
Thenius, who assume that originally after the 
words, " his skull in the house of Dagon," stood 
the following, " and they fastened his body to the 
wall of Bethshean," but they fell out on account 

of the similarity of tffo&j J-|X1 and irVU HN1 ; 
Hi- that of Bertheau, who explains the omission of 
the notice of the fastening of the body to the 
wall of Bethshean as an intentional one, thai 
to be judged in the same way as the other abbre 
viations of our writer. The latter assumption is 
the most probable, because in ver. 12 there is no 
mention of fetching the body from Bethshean. — 
Ver. 11. And all Jabesh-gilead: 1 Sam. xxxi.: 
"and the inhabitants of Jalri sh-gilead. ' Accord- 
ing to Berth., the *2"~" before 'j'2' i amc into the 

text on account of the plur. !U»'VJ"1 : bu' lier< 
again the easier supposition is that the Clironist 
has abbreviated the tex <<i Samui I Besides, it 

« as gratitude for the deliverance wrought lot them 

by Saul (1 Sam. xi. > that moved ih. i ' 

Jabesh to this pious care for his burial. — Ver. 12. 
Ami tool tin' linilii of Soul. nguj i. a later 

phrase, usual in Aramaic, occurring only here in 
the 0. T. for the rMJ of Samuel. Wiener tl,, 

body was fetched, and what was done with it (for 
example, its incremation, 1 Sam. xnxL 12), oil! 
author, true to his abbreviating habit, omits. 

2. Closing Reflection on the Fall of the Kingdom 
of Saul: vers. 13, 14. — And Soul died for hi* 

transgression. Wherein this transgression i s j,"; 
unfaithfulness, apostasy; comp. v. 25, ix. 1 : L v 
v. 5) consisted, is added — 1. In not following the 
word of the Lord, that is, His command to destroy 
Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 11; comp. xxviii. 1- ; 2. In 
inquiring of the necromancer. — For the nurd of 
'In Lord which he kept not. Besides 1 Sam. xv., 
we are to understand here, also, that earlii r case 
of disobedience in 1 Sam. x. 8, x ii. 13, mil also 
1 Sam. xxii. 18 f. — And also for asking thi m cm- 
mancer to inquire, to seek an oracle, a revelation ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 7, where "J""n is used in the 
same pregnant sense. On the quite superfluous 
gloss of the Sept., comp. Crit. Note. — Ver. 14. 
A ml inquired not of the Lord, sought not informa- 
tion. This is not inconsistent with the fact that, 
1 Sam. xiv. 37, xxvi. 6, Saul had inquired of the 
Lord, but without effect (because the Lord had 
departed from him, xxviii. 15). It rests rathe] 
on the certainly correct and historical presupposi- 
tion, that Saul had neglected to seek the favour ol 
Jehovah with the proper zeal, and then inquire 
of Him. Comp. Starke : " he sought Jehovah not 
uprightly and in due order, and put not his trust 
in the Lord, in the order of true repentance ; — 
he did not continue his inquiry of the Lord, 
when God refused him an answer on account of 
his sins, to the confession and entreaty for pardon 
of which he had not brought himself, but betook 
himself forthwith to the soothsayer." — Ami He 
si w him (in the battle, after Samuel's spirit had 
announced to him his doom, 1 Sain, xxviii. 19), 
and turned the kingdom to David. On 3D'V 
comp. xii. 23; 2 Sam. xiii. 12. On the signifi- 
cance of tire present small section for the history 
of salvation, comp. the evangelical and ethical 
reflections on eh. x.-xxxix., No. 1. 

h. David's Elevation' to the Kingdom; Fixing of his Residence at Jerusalem; Wars 
am) Numbering of the 1 'i < n.i.-i'n. xi.-xxi. 

a. Tin Anointing of David in Hebron, and his Itemoval thence to Jerusalem: eh. xi. 1-9. 

VlT. XI. 1. And all Israel gathered to David unto Hebron, saying. Behold, we are fnv 

2 hone and thy flesh. Also heretofore, even when Saul was king, thou wast he 
that led Israel out and in : and the LORD thy God said unto thee. Thou shall 

3 feed my people Israel, and thou shalt be prince over my people Israel. And 
all the elders of Israel came to the king to Hebron : and David made a i o\ e 
nant with them in Hebron before the LORD, and they anointed David over 
Israel, according to the word of the Lord by Samuel. 

* And David went and all Israel to Jerusalem, that is, Jehus ; and there 


5 the Jebusites were the inhabitants of the land. And the inhabitants of Jebus 
said to David, Thou shalt not come hither ; and David took the castle of 

G Zion : this is the city of David. And David said, Whosoever smiteth the 
Jebusites first shall be chief and captain ; and Joab the son of Zeruiah went 

7 up first, and became chief. And David dwelt in the castle ; therefore they 

8 called it the city of David. And he built the city around, from Millo to the 

6 circuit ; and Joab repaired the rest of the city. And David became greater 
and greater ; and Jehovah Zebaoth was with him. 

/3. List i if David's Hemes: ch. xi. 10-47. 

10 And these are the chiefs of the heroes of David, who held fast to him in 
his kingdom, with all Israel, to make him king, by the word of the Lord con- 

1 1 cerning Israel. And this is the number of the heroes of David : Jashobam 
son of Hachmoni, the chief of the thirty; 1 he lifted his spear against three 

12 hundred slain at one time. And after him Eleazar son of Dodo 2 the 

13 Ahohite ; he was among the three heroes. He was with David at Pas-dam- 
mim, and the Philistines were gathered there for battle, 5 and there was a 
plot of ground full of barley ; and the people fled before the Philistines. 

14 And they stood in the midst of the plot, and defended it, and smote the 
Philistines ; and the Lord granted them a great salvation. 

15 And three of the thirty chiefs went down the rock to David, to the cave 
of Adullam ; and the camp of the Philistines was in the valley of Rephaim. 

16 And David was then in the hold, and a po?t of the Philistines was then at 

17 Bethlehem. And David longed, and said, Who will give me drink of the 

18 water of the well of Bethlehem, that is at the gate! And the three brake 
through th u camp of the Philistines, and drew water out of the well of Beth- 
lehem, at the gate, and took and brought it to David ; but David would not 

19 drink it, but poured it out to the Lord. And said, My God, forbid it me 
that I should do this thing ; shall I drink the blood of these men at the risk 
of their lives? for at the risk of their lives they brought it: and he would not 
drink it ; these things did the three heroes. 

20 And Abshai, Joab's brother, he was chief of the three; and he lifted up 
his spear against three hundred slain, and had 4 a name among the three. 

21 Above the three he was honoured among the two, and was their captain ; but 

22 he attained not to the three. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, son of Ish-hail, 
great in deeds, from Kabzeel ; he smote two [sons] of Ariel of Moab, and he 

23 went down and smote a lion in a pit in a snowy day. And he smote the 
Egyptian, a man of stature, 5 of five cubits; and in the hand of the Egyptian 
was a spear like a weaver's beam, ami he went down to him with a staff, and 
plucked the spear from the Egyptian's hand, and slew him with his own 

24 spear. These things did Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and had a name among 

25 the three heroes. Before the thirty, behold, he was honoured; but he attained 
not to the three ; and David set him over his guard. 

26 And the heroes of war were Asahel the brother of Joab, Elhanan the son 
27, 28 of Dodo of Bethlehem. Shammoth the Harorite," Helez the Pelonite. Ira 

29 the son of Ikkesh the Tekoite, Abiezer the Antothite. Sibbechai the Husha- 

30 thite, Ilai the Ahohite. Maharai the Netophathite, Heled the son of Baanah 

31 the Netophathite. Ithai the son of Ribai of Gibeah, of the sous of Benjamin, 

32 Benaiah the Pirathonite. Hurai of Nahale-gaash, Abiel the Arbathite. 
3 3 34 Aztnaveth the Baharumite, Eliahba the Shaalbonite. The sons of Hashem 

35 the Gizonite, Jonathan the son of Shageh the Hararite. Ahiam the son of 

36 Sacar the Hararite, Eliphal the son of Ur. Hepher the Mecherathite, Ahijah 
37, 38 the Pelonite. Hezro the Carmelite, Naarai the son of Ezbai. Joel the 

39 brother of Nathan, Mibhar the son of Hagri. Zelek the Ammonite, Naharai 

40 the Berothite, the armour-bearer of Joab the son of Zeruiah. Ira the Ithrite, 
41, 42 Gareb the Ithrite. Uriah the Hittite, Zabad the son of Ahlai. Adina the 

son of Shiza the Reubenite, a chief of the Reubenites, and thirty with him.' 

CHAP. XI. 1-1. 

tu, 44 Hanan the son of Maachah, and Joshaphat the ivlithnite. Uzziah the 

45 Ashterathite, Sharaa and Jeiel the sons of Hothan the Aroerite. Jediaci 

46 the son of Shiinri, and Joha his brother, the Tizite. Eliel the Mahavim, 8 and 

47 Jeribai and Joshaviah the sons of Elnaam, and Ithmah the Moabite. Eliel, 
and Obed. and Jasiel of Hammezobaiah. 9 

: For the Keri D , C";>ti>n, the KeMb DVPtS'n is to be retained ; comp. vera. 15, 25, xii. 4, 18, xxvii. 6. 
» For ilil~|3 the Sept. seems to have read 'IITJS ; comp. xxvii. 4. 

* For the not unimportant eap here, see Exeg. Expl. 

« For N?1 Is to be read PI, one of the fifteen cases in which this form occurs in the Masoretic text, as Ex. xxl. 10 
Isa. lxiit. 9. etc. 

8 For rnD must apparently be read, with the Sept. (.a.vo'pa.*), H!OD- 

6 Instead of •"rili'lil read, 2 Sam. xxiii. 25, 'linn, and, as there, supply '"I'lnn Np vS- For the furthei 
conjectural corruption of the text till ver. 41, comp. Exetr. Expl 

' The Sept. and VuIr appear to have read D^tlPCTI lPl'V like the Masoretic text, but the Syr. D'UvBVl 7J? ; 
for it renders thus: " and even he (Adina) was a prince over thirty heroes." 

• For Dnn?3n the Sept. gives o M«W, the Vulg. Mahumittt. The corruption of the name, under which, perhaps, 

'^injSn is concealed, seen s indubitable. 

9 n»3VSn is at all events corrupt. Sept. i Mrw.,3.'*, Vulg. dt Uasobia; comp. Exeg. Expl. 


Preliminary Remark. — In the history of 
Da%-id, the author dwells chiefly on the bright 
and prosperous side of the Davidie kingdom ; the 
troubles and disorders of his glorious career, 
occasioned by misfortune and his own guilt, lie 
passes over as much as possible (comp. Introd. 
S 4, p. 11). Hence the mention of his anointing at 
Hebron, vers. 1-3, and yet the entire omission of 
the rival kingdom of Ishbosheth at Mahanaim, 
to which there is not even an indirect all.ision in 
stating the seven years' duration of David's resi- 
dence at Hebron. An account of the taking of 
Jerusalem, and the valour of Joab therein dis- 
played, vers. 4-9, is then followed by a list of 
the other famous warriors of David, vers. 10-47, 
wherein again a shadow in the bright picture, 
the unprincipled and barbarous conduct of Joab 
(the murderer of Aimer, Uriah, Absalom, etc.), 
is passed over in silence. And after this list, the 
appendix in eh. xii. , containing the heroes de- 
voted to David during the reign of Saul, and the 
proceedings in his elevation to the throne at 
Hebron, makes no reference to the rival kingdom 
of Ishbosheth, though many occasions of doing so 
were presented : so that it appears almost as if the 
statement in x. 6, that Saul and all his house 
together had fallen in the battle of Gilboa, were 
meant by the author to be literally true. But 
besides the conscious tendency to glorify as much 
as possible the kingdom of David, as the proto- 
type of all theocratic excellence, his propensity 
to communicate long lists and mere enumerations, 
his statistical rather than historical mode of re- 
presentation, also contributes more or less to the 
one-sidedness of his narrative. This method leads 
him to place the list of heroes, which in the books 
of Samuel (at least in its greater part ; see 2 Sam. 
xxiii. S-39) stands at the end of David's history, 
at the very head of it. Besides, not only this 
list, of which the closing verses only (41-47) 
are peculiar to Chronicles, but also the account of 
the anointing at Hebron, has its parallel in the 
books of Samuel. 2 Sam. v. 1-10. The agree- 
ment between the two is tolerably exact ; comp. 

vers. 1-3 with 2 Sam. v. 1-3, and vers. 4-9 with 
2 Sam. v. 6-10. Yet the note of the length of 
David's reign, 2 Sam. v. 4, 5, is wanting in our 
I text, not from an oversight of the Chronist 
(Then. I, but because he preferred to introduce it 
at the end of his report, xxix. 27. 

1. The Anointing of David at Hebron: ver6. 
1-3. — And all Israel gathered to David vnto 
Hebron. The phrase "all Israel" (comp. Ezra 
ii. 70) includes the northern and trans-jordanic 

; tribes ; it is therefore not the earlier anointing 
', of David in Hehron by the tribes of Judah only, 
j 2 Sam. ii. 4, which is here reported, but that 
| which was performed after the deaths of Abner 
I and Ishbosheth by all the tribes together, 2 Sam. 
i v. 1 ft"., to which there is a still fuller reference 
in xii. 23 ff. — Behold, we are thy bone and thy 
\ flesh, thy relatives by tribe and blood ; comp. 
Gen. xxix. 14. — Ver. 2. Aim heretofore, literally, 
"yesterday and ere yesterday," that is, a long 
time since ; comp., besides 2 Sam. v. 2, also Gen. 
xxxi. 2 ; 2 Kings xiii. 5. — That led Israel out and 
in, out to the battle, and home after the victory ; 
com]). 1 Sam. xviii. 13, 16. — And the Lord thy 
God said unto thee, by the mouth of Samuel the 
prophet ; comp. 1 Sam. xvi. 1-3 ; 2 Sam. iii. 9, 18, 
etc. — Ver. 3. And all the elders of Israel came, as 
the representatives of the people, to establish the 
rights of the kingdom (1 Sam. viii. 11, x. 25) by 
contract (by making a covenant or elective 
treaty). — According to the word of the Lord by 
Samuel. These words, wanting in the corre- 
sponding place in 2 Sam. v. 3, appear to be an 
explanatory addition of our author ; for it is not 
probable that they originally stood in the text of 

Samuel, and fell out by i^onrU. (^S"lC" — 7WDB0; 
comp. ver. 10 with 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 (against 
Then.). On the absence of the date here ap- 
pended in the parallel text 2 Sam, v. 4 f. as in- 
tentional on the part of the writer, who reserves 
it for xxix. 27, comp. Preliminary Remark. 

2. The Taking of Zion, and the Change of Re- 
\sidence to Jerusalem : vers. 4-9. — To Jerusalem, 

! that is, Jebus ; and there the ,h busttes irere the 
| inhabitants of the land. For this circumlocution 




2 Sara. v. 6 gives more briefly : " to Jerusalem, to 
the Jebusites, the inha* .utnis of the land." 
That the latter reading has been obtained by cor- 
ruption of the text from the former (Berth., 
Then.) it is by no means needful to assume ; the 

D'D' NTI after QX'lT seems rather to be an 

addition of the Chronist, serving a-> a transition 
from "Jerusalem" to the Jebusites, which then 
furtber necessitates the insertion of the notice: 
"and there the Jebusites were" (properly, the 
Jebusite was); comp. Wellh. p. 162 f. — Ver. 5. 
And the inhabitants of Jehus said to David, Thou 
fhaU not comt hither. Only the close of this 
threat, given in full in 2 Samuel, is here recorded, 
after the abbreviating manner of the author. — 
Ver. 6. ]Vhosoever smitetk the Jebusites first. 
Only these first words of David's speech occur 
in 2 Sam. v. S, where something quite different 
is given as spoken by him. "The highly peculiar 
iceount in 2 Sam. v. 8, clearly resting on strictly 
historical recollection, is obviously the more 
original and exact. It may well be conceived 
that in other accounts of the conquest of Jehus, 
the great captain of David, Joab (in like manner 
js Othniel, Judg. i. 12 ft'., in the conquest of 
Kiriath-sepher), was mentioned; and a celebrated 
saying of David in the siege was referred to Joab, 
not from clear recollection, but from a conjecture 
which might rest on the account of Joab in ver. 
8. Thus two different accounts of this saving 
might arise ; the simpler, presenting apparently 
no difficulties, found its way into Chronicles." 
Such is Bertheau's view, at all events more 
probable than that of Then, on 2 Samuel, who 
makes the Chronist complete a critically corrupt 
text on the ground of tradition by conjecture. — 
And Joab the son of Zeruiah (comp. ii. 16) went 
up first and becarm chief. That this "becoming 
chief" is only a confirmation of Joab in his pre- 
vious office is shown by 2 Sam. ii. 3. — Ver. 7. 
And David dwelt in the castle. "TSD, the same as 

miSD in ver. 5 ; comp. xii. 8, 16. — Therefore they 

called it the city of David. According to 2 Sam. 
v. 9, David himself gave it this name ; but the 
one does not exclude the other. — Ver. 8. And he 
built the city around, from Millo to the circuit, be- 
ginning from Millo, and return ing to it in a cir- 
cuit. Somewhat different is 2 Sam. v. 9 : 
" around from Millo and inward : " that is, from 
the circumference to the centre. For the fortress 
Millo, situated probably on the north-west corner 
of Zion, comp. Thenius and on 1 Kings 

ix. 11. The name }{i;>D signifies filling ; that is, 

probably not wall or sconce, but a strong tower 

bastion, castle) ; comp. frti^s JY3. - Kings, xii. 

21 and 2 C'hron. xxxii. 5. — And Joab repaired 
the rest of the city, properly, "quickened, made 
alive ; " comp. n\"l in the same sense, Neh. iii. 
11, as the similar expression "heal," 1 Kings 
i.iii. 30. On account of the supposed trace of 
ancient style contained in the use of n'n for 
nj3, " rebuild, Wellhausen, p. 164, declares 
this addition peculiar to the Chronist regarding 
Joab's co-operation in the building of Jerusalem, 
■ specially its fortification, to be not even histori- 
cally credible. Cut that rrn in this sense 
occurs only here and in Nehemiah docs not prove 

the lateness of this usage ; and the circumstatio 
that David's field-marshal took part in the forti- 
fication of the capital is so far from being im- 
probable, that the statement seems a genuine 
trace of ancient history. Wherefore Kennicott's 
emendation, accepted by Thenius, is unnecessary 

TJjn Itlv iViT 3XVV "and Joab became governor 
of the city." — Ver. 9. And David became greater 
and greater. The constructic^ "v : *"h n^>n is like 
that in Gen. -iii. 3, 5, xii. 9, xxvi. 13, Judg. iv. 
24 ; comp. Ew. § 280, 6. On /;, comp. ix. 20. 
The general remat.ks of the verse prepare very 
suitably for the tol'owing list of the numerous 
heroes of David. 

3. List of David's Heroes : vers. 10-47 ; and 
first of Jashobam, Eleazar (and Shammah) : vers. 
10-14. — And these are the chiefs of the heroes oj 
David. By these words, peculiar to the Chronist 
(the parallel text 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 opens the list 
merely with the clause; "and these are the names 
of the heroes of David "), the communication ot 
the following list is justified, as standing in rela- 
tion with David's elevation to the kingdom and 
confirmation in it. Hence the designate n : 
"chiefs of the heroes," chief heroes, heroes of 
the first rank. — Who held fist t.;, him in his 
kingdom, who stood bravely by him (in common 
with him) during his reign, qj; p?nnn. as in 

Dan. x. 21. — To mah him king. Rightly Keil- 
"lSvDni' is not to be limited to the appoint- 
ment to the kingdon, but includes also confirma- 
tion in it ; for of the men named, heroic deeds 
are mentioned, which they performed in the 
wars which David as king waged with his foes, 
to maintain and extend his sway." — By the word 
of the Lord concerning Israel. Comp. on vers. 2 
and 3 ; for the same word of God in and by 
Samuel is meant here also, as there. — Ver. 11. 
And this is the number of the heroes of David. 
In 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 : " and these are the names of 
the heroes of David." The term "I2DO instead 

of niOU' i s n °t surprising, especially after the 

plur. n^X- H ISDO be the original, the ex- 
pression must mean: "that these heroes at first 
formed a corps definite in number (the thirty) " 
(Keil). Moreover, Bertheau's conjecture, -irOC 

for "I2DO ("and this is the choice, the ilite, of 
the heroes "), deserves all attention. — Jashobam 
son of Backroom, the chief of the thirty. After the 
perhaps right reading here is to be cccrected the 
corrupt ^conn rQC'3 3B", 2 Sam xxiii. S. It 
remains doubtful, however, in this respect, '.hat 
Jashobam in rxvii. 2 is called son of Zabdiel, not 
of Hachmoni, and that the mss. of the Sept. 
differ surprisingly in the vriting of the name, 
inasmuch as cod. Alex, presents 'ItfiaAu (or 
'U&nifj., xxvii. 2), but Vatic, the fterf .ime, xi. 11. 
'l£,r«/3aSa, the second time, xxvii. 2, 'IirfinaJ. 
Hence 'Wellhausen (p. 212) might possibly be 
right in his conjecture, that the true name 
may have been " Ishbosheth the Hachmonite " 

OMounn rvj'au'''). ancl tliat tlie DV2V ° f ouI 

verse is corrupted from 7l?2"'\ * ne well-known 

by-form or rather primitive form of the name 
Ishbosheth. The "head of the thirty" (serf 

CHAP. XI. 12-20. 


Crit. Note) is given as an epithet to .Tashobam as 
leader of the thirty heroes of second rank who 
are set down by name in ver. 26 ti'. — He lifted his 
spear against three hundred slain at one lime. 
The same heroic deed is recorded, ver. 20, of 
Ahshai ; whence Thenius, Keil, and Wellh., 
starting from the supposition that Jashobam was 
i greater hero than Ahshai, wish to correct our 
passage after 2 Sara, xxiii. 8, where the number 
of those slain at once by Jashobam is set down 
as 800 (otherwise Ew. Gesch. ii. p. 603, who 
defends the number 300 for both places ; while 
Bertheau gives no decision). — Ver. 12. And after 
him Eleazar son of Dodo the Ahohite. Tlinsn 

is the correct reading, as appears from xxvii. 4, 
not Tins |2. ^ Sam. xxiii. 9. Whether the 

name inn is to be changed, with the Sept. (as in 
eh. xxvii. 4), into i"lH appears less certain. — He 

was among the three heroes, among the three 
warriors of the first rank, Jashobam, Eleazar, and 
Shamma, of whom the name of the third has 
fallen out of the middle of ver. 13, as the 
parallel 2 Sara, xxiii. 11 shows. On the sur- 
prising but still grammatically admissible com- 
bination C133" nB'iPB'3 instead of n.^'J" 
'jn (comp. v. 19), see Berth., who justly re- 
jects as unnecessary the emendation of Thenius: 
m'Bjn v J"b"'3. " among the knights (Shali- 

shim) of the heroes." — Ver. 13. He was with 
David at Pas-dammim, and the Philistines. 
These words refer still to Eleazar ; see 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 9. Pas-dammim, or Ephes-dammim, 1 
Sam. xvii. 1, is a place between Socho and 
Azekah, not otherwise known ; in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
the name is wanting, from the great corruption of 
the text, which is otherwise fuller than our text 
here, as it describes more exactly the heroic deed 
of Eleazar. It is there said, vers. 9, 10, at the 
close of the sentence : " and the Philistines were 
gathered there for battle:" "and the men of 
Israel were gone away (to the mountain, fleeing 
before the Philistines); and he stood and smote 
the Philistines, until his hand was weary and 
clave unto the sword ; and the Lord wrought a 
great victory that day ; and the people returned 
after him only to spoil. And after him wis 
Shammah the son of Age the Hararite ; and the 
Philistines were gathered for battle," etc. This 
not inconsiderable gap in our text, by which that 
which follows in ver. 136 and ver. 14 seems to be 
a description of a heroic deed, not of Shammah, 
hut of Eleazar, appears to have been occasioned 
by the eye of the transcriber wandering from 

El" 1SDS3 D'DC^Sn, 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, to 12DN'1 
D'n'J'^S- ver - U- — ^"^ there teas a plot of 
ground full of barley. For barley (anUT')- ' n 
2 Sam. xxiii. 11, the plot is said to be full of 
lentiles (D^'ty) ; which is the original reading 

';t is hard to decide, but it may be a mere slip of 
the pen (Movers, Wellh.). — And they stood in the 
midst of the plot. More correctly 2 Sam. xxiii. : 
"and he stood," namely, Shammah. The two 
following verbs also, "defended" and "smote," 
ire to be changed into the sing., as, according to 

2 Samuel, the one Shammah clearly achieved the 

su ssful defence of the plot. The three plurals 

have come into our text after the lines referring 
to Shammah had fallen >ut. 

4. Continuation. Thu Three Ilc-oes who fetched 
Water to David from Bethlehem : vers. 15-19 
(comp. 2 Sam xxiii. 13-17). — And three of the 
thirty chiefs went down: three otlter than those 
already named. The thirty chiefs or captains are 
those mentioned ver. 11 and given by name in 
ver. 26 ff. — The rock to Dav'ui, to the rave of 
Adullam. This cave must have been either in 
the rock itself or in its immediate neighbour- 
hood. On the rock itself, however, stood the 
hold (miVO) mentioned ver. 16. The valley 

of Rephaim (valley of giants. *»i?.i; ruv Tiytiv 
tuw ; Joseph. Antiq. vii. 4. 1), mentioned as the 
camping ground of the Philistines, lie*, according 
to Robinson, "between the present convent Mar- 
Elias and Jerusalem : is wide, hounded on the 
north by a small ridge of rock, that forms thi 
margin of the valley of Hinnom. and sinks 
gradually to the south-west" (Winer, fl< alw&rtt eh. 
ii. 322); "comp. Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16; 2 Sam. v. 
18, 22. — Ver. 16. And a post of the Philistines 
was then at Bethlehem, which is therefore to !»• 
conceived as not far from Adullam and the valley 
of Rephaim. — Ver. 17. Of the well of Bethlehem, at 
the gate. On the dried-up cistern situated one- 
quarter hour north-east of Bethlehem, whirl: 
tradition gives as the well of our passage, s.> 
Robinson, ii. 378, and Berth.— Ver. 18. And th 
three brake through the camp of the Philistines, 
namely, not through the main camp, but thai i 
the post before Bethlehem. — But pound it out to 
the Lord, made a libation to God by pouring it on 
the ground; comp. 1 Sam. vii. 6. — Ver. 19. My 
God forbid it -me. The same construction as in 
1 Sam. xxiv. 7, xxvi. 11, 1 Kings xxi. 3, etc.— 
Shall I drink the blood of these men at the risk of 
their lires, literally, "in their souls;" comp. Gen. 
ix. 4; Lev. iii. 17, vii. 26, xvii. lu ti'., xix. 26 ff., 
especially xvii. 14. " As blood and soul are here 
made equal, the blood as the seat and bearer of 
the soul, the soul as moving in the blood, so 
David, according to our report of his words, 
makes the water which those heroes had brought 
at the price (or risk) of their souls equal to their 
souls, and the drinking of the water brought by 
tiiriii equal to the drinking of their souls, and the 
souls equal to the blood, in order to express his 
abhorrence of such drinking. So that we may 
express the meaning thus : Should I drink in the 
water the souls, that is, the blood, of these men ■ 
ior they have fetched the water at the I 
their souls?" (Keil). Moreover, DDlC'SUa ap- 
pears to be put down twice only by an oversight ; 
in the parallel 2 Sam. xxiii. 17 it stands only 
once, which is perhaps the original form of the 
text. That David pours the water out instead 
of drinking has its ground in this, that it was 
become blood in his eyes ; for blood, if it cannot 
be put on the altar, must be "poured on the 
earth as water," Dent. xii. 16 (Berth.). With 
the Levitical prohibition of the use of blood, the 
saving of David has evidently nothing to do. 

5. Abshai and Benaiah : vers. 20-25 (comp. 2 
Sam. xxiii. 18-23). — And Abshai, Joah's la-other, 
he »-os chief of the three. Abshai or Abishai 
(2 Samuel), one of the three sons of Zeruiah 
(ii. 16), is here designated .as chief, and in the 



following verse as captain, of the three, while it 
is said of him: "but he attained not to the three." 
This enigmatical saying has been explained in 
various ways : 1. So that two groups or classes 
of three are distinguished : those mentioned vers. 
15-19, whose head or ruler Abshai may have 
been and the three heroes, Jashobani, etc., men- 
ti-.ied before in vers. 11-14, to whom he was not 
so related (so in particular the ancients, and 
Starke). 2. So that it is sought to unite both, the 
being chief of the three and standing after them 
(in bravery), as possibly co-existent, though the 
same three, Jashobajn, Eleazar, and Shammah, 
are still referred to; that is, Abshai has taken, 
along with Joab the field-marshal, the first place 
among Davids captains ; is therefore, as having 
a higher command, the chief and leader of the 
three heroes, while they excel him in personal 
bravery and famous deeds (Keil). 3. So that 

HK'i^ti'n in vers. 20 and 21 is taken in two diffe- 
rent senses, in that of the number three (so ver. 
21), and in this of the abstract substantive, "body 
of thirty, Sheloshah-company" (so the three first 
times), — a sense that necessarily results from the 
comparison of ver. 21 with ver. 25, and of 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 19 with 2 Sam. xxiii. 23 (Berth. ). We shall 
have the choice between these three modes, unless 
we prefer the three first times (ver. 20 and ver. 21 a) 
to read the pi. D'C'ii'C'n for nt'6t?n, as Well- 

hausen (supported by the numerous cases in which 
these like numbers are exchanged; see pp. 20, 81, 
214 ff. of his work) declares to be necessary in the 
parallel 2 Sam. xxiii. — And he lifted up his spear 
against three hundred slain ; comp. on ver. 11. — 
Ver. 21. Above the three, he was honoured among 
the two. These enigmatical words in the present 
form can neither be explained, with the Vulg. : 
"Of the three of the second class" (inter tres 
se.cundos), nor, with the Sept. : " Of the three, 
above the two was he honoured " (i-ro r*» rptui vvip 
TDVi Siio itSilfs). If the D'JU'a is to be retained 

as genuine, it must be taken, with Ewald (Lehrb. 
§ 269, 6) and Keil, in the sense of "twofold, 
doubly," and so rendered : " above the three 
doubly honoured, he became their chief" (Keil). 
Or we may read, with Berth., "Qn for D^C'a, 

according to 2 Sam. xxiii. 19 (comp. 2 Sam. ix. 1; 
Gen. xxvii. 36, xxix. 15), and render: "Among 
the Sheloshah-company certainly hewas honoured, 
and became their captain."' — Ver. 22 if. Benaiah's 
Hsroic Deeds (comp. xviii. 17, xxvii. 6). — Benaiah 
the son of Jekoiada, the son of Ishhail. So, if 

we retain n before ^n"t:"{<. There is much, 

however, for its erasure (Berth., "Wellh., Kamph.), 
in which case the sense comes out: " Benaiah the 
son of Jehoiada, a valiant man of ;rreat deeds." 
For the home of this Benaiah, Kaozeel in the 
south of Judfth, comp. Josh. xv. 21; Neh. xi. 25. 
— Be smote two (sons) of Ariel of Moab, the king 
of Moab, who bore the epithet ^K ,_ IK. "lion of 

God," as a title of honour. Before ^S'lK * s to be 
inserted, with the Sept., 133; comp. Then, and 

Wellh., 2 Sam. xxiii. 20. — And he went down 
and smote a lion. This feat of Benaiah, which 
happened on a snowy day, and therefore in winter, 
may have been performed during the great war of 

David with the Moabites, 2 Sam. viii. 2. — Ver. 
23. And he smote the Egyptian, a man of stature, 
or probably, according to the Sept., "a man oi 
repute." The following particulars of the suc- 
cessful combat of Benaiah with the giant nearly 
coincide with those of the conflict of David with 
Goliath, though the differences are not to be 
overlooked (there a Philistine, here an Egyptian ; 
there a stature of six cubits and a span, here of 
five cubits ; there the weapons are a staff and a 
sling, here only a staff ; there the slaying of the 
fallen with his own sword, here with his own 
spear). If, with the Sept., in 2 Sam. xxiii. 21 be 
substituted for the weaver's beam a "bridge- 
beam" {fcv\ov S*a/3afya;), as an object of comparison 
to show the thickness of the spear, the difference 
of the two narratives would be still greater. But 
even without this, the similar feats are only so 
related as Shamgar's heroic deed to that of 
Samson (comp. Judg. iii. 31 with xv. 15), or as 
Jashobam's valiant deed (with the right reading 
800 in ver. 11) to that of Abshai.— Vers. 24, 25. 
For "among the three heroes" and "above the 
thirty " Berth, would in both eases read "among 
the Sheloshah-company;" comp. on ver. 20. — And 
David set him over his guard, literally, "over 
his obedience," that is (abstr. pro concr.), over 
his obedient, his trusty men ; comp., besides 
2 Sam. xxiii. 23, also 1 Sam. xxii. 14; Isa. xi. 14. 
According to Bertheau's not improbable conjec- 
ture, by this guard of David is meant the corps of 
the Cerethi and Pelethi (see 2 Sam. viii. 18), 
from which, however, a second troop of guards, 
that of the 600 Gibborim (or Gittites, 2 Sam. 
xv. 18), 2 Sam. xvi. 6, xx. 7, etc., were no doubt 
different. Commander of the former was Benaiah, 
according to our passage and 2 Sam. viii. 18 ; 
over the 600 Gibborim, on the other hand, may 
have been placed the often named thirty, so that 
one of the thirty was leader to every twenty of 
the 600. This assumption of a difference of the 
Cerethi and Pelethi from the Gibborim is not 
certain ; for as Benaiah, 2 Sam. viii. 28, appears 
as commander of the Cerethi and Pelethi, he is 
also, 1 Kings i. 10, connected with the Gibborim 
(Benaiah and the heroes). 

6. The Forty-eight Warriors: and first the 
thirty-two enumerated in 2 Sam. xxiii. : vers. 
26-41a. On the sixteen added by the Chronist, 
vers. 416-47, see No. 7. — And the. heroes of war 
were, or more precisely: "And heroes of war 

were ; " for the phrase D^Tin ,_ ii231 without 

the article is a general superscription. The article 

before D'p»n constitutes no real difference from 

D'^n '1133, vii. 5, 7, 11, 40, or from ^n 'i, 

vers. 2, 9, etc. [?] Here, as there, are meant: 
" heroes in action, valiant heroes," not "leaders 
of the divisions," as Berth, (appealing to 2 Kings 
xv. 20, 1 Chron. xii. 8, etc.) thinks.— A sahel 
the brother of Joab. For him, comp. ii. 16 ; for 
his murder by Abner, 2 Sam. ii. 19 ff. The 
parallel text 2 Sam. xxiii. 24 adds to his name 

D'tivtPB, " among the thirty." — Elhanan the son 

of Dodo, different from Elhanan son of Jair, 
xx. 5. — Ver. 27 Shammoth the Harorite. In 
2 Sam. xxiii. this hero is called "Shammah the 
Harodite," but in 1 Chron. xxvii. 8, "Shamhuth 
the Izrahite." In the gentilic. »"innn there ap- 

CHAP. XI. 28-46. 


pears at all events to be an error, which is to be 
corrected by ,_ nnn of Samuel ; tor in .liulg. vii. 

1 a Jewish place "nn is expressly mentioned. 

After the name of this Harodite Shammoth must 
have fallen out that of a second Harodite Elika 
(Xp^X)i a3 2 s am. xxiii. 25 shows. — Helta the 

Pelonite. So xxvii. 10. whereas in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
26 this Helez is originally designated as a Paltite 

(of Beth-pelet, O^S )V3. Josh. xv. 27, Neh. xi. 

26). — Ver. 28. Iraand Abiezer; eomp. xxvii. 9, 12. 
— Ver. 29. Sibbechaitheffushathite. By the name 
'33D the suspicious »32D of 2 Samuel must be 

corrected. Inversely, Ilai (*?*y) must be amended 

after the pobv °f Samuel. —Ver. 31. Ithai iht 

son o/Sibai o/Oibeah, of the sons of Benjamin. 
For the situation of this Gibeah of Benjam u (near 
Kamah), eomp. the expositor on Josh, xviii. 2S 
and on Jlldg. xiv. 1911'.; for that of the follow- 
ing Pirathon (that occurs also, Judg. xii. 13-15, 
as the home of Abdon), Zeitschr. der Deutschen 
morgenl. Gesellsch. 1349, p. 55, and particularly 
Sandreczky in Ausland, 1872, No. 5, p. 97 rl'. — 
Ver. 32. Hurai (so read also 2 Samuel for «in) 

of ' NahaU-gaash. This place, occurring only here 
(and 2 Sam. xxiii. 30), properly, "valleys of 
Gaash," is at all events to be sought near Mount 
Gaash in the Ephraimite range, not far from 
which was Joshua's grave ; eomp. Josh. xxiv. 30; 
Judg. ii. 9. — Abiel the Arhathite, of Beth-haara- 
bah, Josh. xv. 6, 61, xviii. 18, 23. The name 

ta'SX is > n 2 Samuel ji3^JH<3K, which form 

Berth, takes without ground to be original, while 
Wellh. rejects both forms, and makes the original 

to be ijJH-'SK- — Ver. 33. Azmaveth the Balia- 
rurnite, that is, he of Bahurim (read 'JO'in^n); 
eomp. 2 Sam. xvi. 5, xix. 17. — The following 
gentilic. 'ja^ytsvi is to be referred to D'371'C'. 
Judg. i. 35, 1 Kings lv. 9 (or rapjJtJ', Josh. xix. 
42), and so to be written "ysijj^n. — Ver. 34. 
The sons of Hashem the Gizonite. 'J3 before 
C'C'il appears to owe its origin to a repetition of 
the last three consonants of the foregoing gentilic. 
'UTJKSTl ; and thus originally there was only 
Hashem the Gizonite, after which 2 Samuel is to 
be amended : likewise in the following, word the 
corrupt reading there is to be altered into our 
"Jonathan the son of Shageh the Hararite;" 
eomp. Wellh. p. 216.— Ver. 35. Eliphal the son 
of Ur. 2 Sam. xxiii. 34: " Eliphelet the son of 
Abasbai. " The original was perhaps (eomp. 
Then, and Berth, on the passage): " Eliphelet the 
son of Ur." — Ver. 36. Hepher the Me<herathite ; 
perhaps the Maachathite (2 Samuel) ; as also 
" Ahijah the Pelonite " (eomp. ver. 27) must 
perhaps be changed, as in 2 Samuel, into " Eliam, 
son of Ahithophel ;the Gilouite. " — Ver. 37. 
Neutral the son of Ezbai. For >-|J?: 2 Samuel 
has >-iit3 ; for >3fX")3, 'SIKH, which is perhaps 

in In- preferred mi account of 3^x. Josh, xv, 52, 

— Ver. 38. loci the brother of Nathan. Ii 
Nathan the proplvt were meant, the >nK, 
"brother," by the side of the usual -|3, would 

lose its strangeness. But in 2 Sain, xxiii 36 we 
lind a Nathan of Zobah. Hence "nx i» perhaps 
to be changed into p ; and i)j<j' might possibly 

he more original than our 7NV- — Mibhar tin SON 

qf Hagri. For these words 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 has 
" liani the Gadite." "IH3D '"'•')' have there fallen 

■ ml ; but it may also have been corrupted from 
n3ifO- 1" ,_ nn (if this, and not '-ijn, is to be 

nail i may possibly lie the name of the prophet 
Gad (Wellh.), so that here two relatives of pro- 
phets, a brother (son !) of Nathan ami a soil "f 
Gad, may be named together. — Ver. 40. Ira thi 
Ithrite, Gareb the Ithriie. The family of tin 
Ithrites was enumerated, ii. 53, among those oi 
Kiriath-jearim. — Ver. 41. Uriah the Hittite, the 
husband of Bathsheba, 2 Sam. xi. 3 ff. Hen 
follows in 2 Sam. xxiii. 39 the closing subscrip- 
tion: "thirty and seven in all," as, according t" 
the correct text, actually thirty-seven heroes are 
there enumerated, namely, twenty-nine others 
besides the eight mightiest heroes named i 
8-23 (Jashobam, Eleazar, Shammah, etc.). These 
twenty-nine should in the view of the author "I 
the books of Samuel represent those thirty warrii irs 
(named in 2 Chron. xi. 25); whence he breaks oil 
his enumeration after Uriah (or perhaps after 
Gareb, as Wellh. seeks to render probable), 
although most probably the same list, containing 
forty-eight names in all, lay before him, which 
our author has continued from this verse to the 
end. Moreover, for the criticism of both lists 
running parallel as far as our verse, the facts 
brought out by Wellh. (p. 215 f.) are to be con- 
sidered : — 1. " That the heroes are placed in pairs, 
and often every two from the same city (two 
Bethlehemites, ver. 26, two Netophathites, vet. 
30, two Ithrites, ver. 40); 2. That the adjective 
of descent is always added, but not regularly the 
father's name, to the name of the hero ; 3. That 
thorough corrections are only possible, if we have 
first collected the whole material of the proper 
names in the 0. T. along with the variants in 
the Sept., and then elaborated them." The last 
rule applies also to the criticism of the following 
names preserved by the Chronist alone, which in 
this arrangement have no parallel. 

7. The last Sixteen of the Forty-eight War- 
riors, whom the Chronist alone enumerates 
vers. 416-47. — Ver. 42. Adina ... a chief of the 
Reubenites, and thirty with him, or besides b.m. 

So, according to the Masoretic reading, y?Jfl ; but 
Berth, prefers that of the Syriac version (see Grit 
Note), and so gets the sense : " leader of the Reu- 
benites over thirty," that is, commander of the 
thirty captains or heroes of the Reubenites, to 
which may be compared the thirty leaders of the 
Benjamites, xxii. 4. — Ver. 44. Uzziah the Ash- 
terathite, from Ashteroth (Karnaim) or Beth- 
Eshterah, a city of East Manasseh, vi. 56. 
Whether the "Aroerite" points to Aroer in the 
tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 16), or in that of 
Gad (ver. 25), is doubtful.— Ver. 46. Eliel the 
Mahavim. We should probably read " the 


Mahanaimite " (Josh. xiii. 26) ; corap. Grit. 
Note. — Ver. 47. Elkl, and Obed, and Jasxel of 
Hammezobaiah. The unmeaning pp3iR3il, that 

by its form cannot be a genlilic., is either to be 
changed by omitting the article and the penult 

IPVD¥ ( a place, according to Rabbinic tradition, 

not far from Hebron), not, however, as ii contrac- 
tion or abbreviation of this name, as Reland (Pal. 
p. 899). Moreover, the Rabbinic Migdol Zebuiah 
uld scarcely be contemplated, because almost 

consonant into na'XO, "from Zobah" (comp. a i] tne sixteen names of our section, from ver. 
•2 Sam. xxiii. 36) (so Bertheau), or to be regarded ! 41 * on > belong to heroes from the east of Jordan. 

<,, ~„,.,.„„»„.i f„™ i u L i The Syrian Zobah would suit better in this con- 

ai rorrupteil trom a longer nime, such as THM , t - 

V. Supplementary List of Brace Men who held to Dnrid during the Reign of Saul: 

ch. xii. 1-22. 

t'H. xtt. 1 And these are they that came to David to Ziklag, while banished from 
Saul the son of Kish ; and they were among the heroes, helpers of the war. 

2 Armed with bows, using both right hand and left with stones and with 

3 arrows on the bow : — ( )f the brethren of Saul of Benjamin. The chief Ahiezer 
and Joash, sons of Hashmaah the Gibeathite ; and Jezuel 1 and Pelet the 

i sons of Azmaveth ; and Berachah, and Jehu the Antothite. And Ishmaiah 

the Gibeonite, a hero among the thirty, and over the thirty ; 2 and Jeremiah, 

5 and Jahaziel, and Johanan, and Jozabad the Gederathite. Eluzai, and Jeri- 

ti moth, and Bealiah, and Shemariah, and Shephatiah the Haruphite. 3 Elkanah, 

7 and Ishiah, and Azarel, and Joezer, and Jashobam, the Korhites. And 
Joelah and Zebadiah the sons of Jeroham of Gedor. 4 

8 And of the Gadites, separated themselves unto David at the hold in the 
wilderness, valiant heroes, men of the host for battle, handling shield and 
spear, 4 with faces like lions, and like roes on the mountains for swiftness. 

9. it) Ezer the chief, Obadiah the second, Eliab the third. Mishmannab the 
11 12 fourth, Jeremiah the fifth. Attai the sixth, Eliel the seventh. Johanan 

13 the eighth, Elzabad the ninth. Jeremiah the tenth, Machbannai the 

14 eleventh. These were of the sons of Gad, heads of the host: one for a 

15 hundred, the least, and the greatest for a thousand. These are they that 
went over Joidan in the first month, when it had overflown all its banks ;' ; 
and they put to flight all the valleys to the east and to the west. 

10 And there came of the sons of Benjamin and Judah to the hold unto David. 

1 7 And David went out before them, and answered and said unto them, If ye 
be come peaceably unto me to help me, my heart shall be at one with you ; 
but if to betray me to my enemies, with no wrong in my hands, the God of 

18 our fathers look on and rebuke it. And the spirit came upon Amasai the 
chief of the. thirty," Thine are we, David, and with thee, son of Jesse ; peace, 
peace be to thee, and peace to thy helpers; for thy God helpeth thee; and 
David received them, and made them captains of the troop. 

19 And of Manasseh some fell to David, when he came with the Philistines 
against Saul to battle ; but they helped him not : for on advisement, the 
lords of the Philistines sent him away, saying, At the peril of our heads he 

20 will fall to his master Saul. When he went to Ziklag, there fell to him of 
Manasseh, Adnah, and Jozabad, and Jediael, and Michael, and Jozabad, and 

21 Elihu, and Zillethai, captains of the thousands of Manasseh. And they 
helped David against the troop ; for they were all valiant heroes, and they 

22 became captains in the host. For day by day they came to David to help 
him, until the camp was great, like a camp of God. 

3. Supplementary Data concerning the Number of the Warriors who made David 
King in Hebron : vers. 28—40. 

23 And these are the numbers of the heads of those armed for the host who 
came to David to Hebron, to turn the kingdom of Saul to him, according to 

24 the word of the. Lord. The sons of Judah, bearing shield and spear, were 

25 six thousand and eight hundred, armed for the host. Of the sons of Simeon, 

26 valiant heroes for the host, seven thousand and one hundred. Of the sons of 

CHAP. XII. 1-7. 103 

27 Levi, four thousand and six hundred. A.nd Jehoiada was the leader of the 

28 Aaronites, and with him three thousand and seven hundred. And Zadok, a 

29 valiant young man, and his father's house twenty and two captains. And of 
the sons of Benjamin, brethren of Saul, three thousand ; for hitherto the 

30 most part of them kept the ward of the house of Saul. And of the sons of 
Ephraim, twenty thousand and eight hundred valiant heroes, famous men ol 

31 their father-houses. And of the half-tribe of Mauasseh, eighteen thousand. 

32 who were expressed by name, to come to make David king. And of the sotis 
of Issachar, men having understanding of the times, to know what Israel had 
to do, their heads were two hundred, and all their brethren were at their 

33 command. Of Zebulun, those going to the host, ordering the battle with all 
weapons of war, fifty thousand, arraying themselves 8 with a single heart. 

34 And of Naphtali, a thousand captains, and with them, with shield and spear, 

35 thirty and seven thousand. And of the Danites, ordering the battle, twenty 

36 and eight thousand and six hundred. And of Asher, those going to the host 

37 to onler the battle, forty thousand. And beyond the Jordan, of the Reu- 
benites, and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, with all weapons 
of war for the battle, a hundred and twenty thousand. 

38 All these men of war, keeping rank, 9 came with true heart to Hebron to 
make David king over all Israel ; and all the rest 10 of Israel also were of one 

39 heart to make David king. And they were there with David three days eat- 

40 ing and drinking ; for their brethren had prepared for them. Moreover, 
the} 7 that were nigh them, even to Issachar, and Zebulun, ami Naphtali, 
brought bread on asses, and on camels, and on mules, and on oxen, bread of 
meal, fig and raisin cakes, and wine, and oil, and oxen, and sheep abundantly; 
for there was joy in Israel. 

' Keri: Jezicl (7KT)- 

2 With D^'^Dn ?JPl the fourth verse closes in the mss. and older editions, even that of R. Norzi, so that the wholo 
chapter contains forty-one verses. 

» .Keri.-" the Hariphite" ('D'lnn) ; comp. Ppin '33, Neh.vii.S4. 
* For in-in is certainly to be read "1113(1; comp. iv. 4. 

3 For TVyy\ the BibL Venet. Rabb. has pt33 • so some old prints, but not the mss. 

8 The Kelliib Vi"V13, if correct, would be the plur of i"P"13, and occur only here. With the Keri VHIS comp 
T :■ t : ■ r : 

Josh, iii 16, iv, 18: Isa. wii. 8. 

'KetlU': D"J'i?u'n; £<ri, as usual: D'CPvB'i'J. The Sept. and Vulg. agree with the Kethib. 

■ For "lly^T nine mss , the Sep'. (jWwu), and the Vulg. read "lfl'7V 

» Three Mss. change '"Itjj into '31J) unnecessarily. See Exeg Expl. 

10 1V~!C*. defective for rP~IN£', occurring only here: hence some mss. have the $cr. plena. 


Preliminaiiy Remark. — The whole of the 
twelfth chapter is peculiar to the Chronist. 
Standing after that which is related in xi. 4 ff., 
it has th nature of an appendix, in the form of 
several military lists retelling to the force of 
David before and at his accession to the sole 
sovereignty. The first of these lists consists pro- 

perly of three smaller ones-*.. That of the Benja- " " a ™ "f " "f^™- was f * an0 . n ™ «*™™» 
mites and Jews that came to David during his ^termined. rhe sojourn of David there unti. 
residence at Ziklag: vers. 1-7 ; b. That of the 

To these lists referring to the Sauline period is 
then subjoined that of the contingents from all 
the tribes present at the anointing in Hebron : 
vers. 23-40. 

1. The Benjamites and Jews who came to Zik- 
lag : vers. 1-7. — And these are they Hud came to 
David to Ziklag. Ziklag, belonging to the tribe 
of Simeon (iv. 30; Josh. xix. 5), assigned by Achish 
to I (avid as a residence, was in asite not certainly 

Gadites and some other men from Judah and 
Benjamin who passed over to him during his 
residence in the hold : vers. 8-18 ; c. That of the 
Manassites who joined themselves to David 
shortly before the battle with the Philistines, 

his anointing at Hebron lasted (1 Sam. x.wii. 
7) a year and four months. — While banished 
from Saul ("liyy "111'), 'hat is, while his return 

to Israel as king was still hindered by Saul ■ 
inter TsraeiUas publice versari prohibitum (J H. 
Miehaelis). — Anil they icere among tin 

and the death of Saul at Gilboa : vers. 19-22. ' helpers of the rears They belonged to the heroes 



who served anil stood by him in his earlier wars ; 
comp. vers. 17, 18, 21, 22. — Ver. 2. Armed luith 
bowa, or "aiming with the bow;" not really 
different from bending the bow (tX"p '3"n)i 

viii. 40; comp. 2 Chron. xvii. 17 and l's. 
lxxviii. 9. — Using both right and left with stones 
(m slinging, Judg. xx. 16) and with arrows on 
the bow, namely, to shoot and surely hit with 
them. — Of the brethren of Saul of Benjamin. 
The second restriction serves to explain the lirst : 
TIJKti-VIK do not mean near or blood relations. 

Comp. Gibeath-Saul, 1 Sam. xi. 4, Isa. xv. 29, 
and as denoting the same place, Gibeath-Benja- 
min, 1 Sam. x. 16, xv. 34, or Gibeah of the sons of 
Benjamin, 1 Chron. xi. 31. — Ver. 3. Sons of Hash- 
maah the Gibeathite, from the Gibeah of Benja- 
min just mentioned. — Ver. 4. And Ishmaiah the 
Gibeonite. That this Gibeonite (this Benjamite 
of Gibeon ; comp. viii. 29, ix. 35, with 2 Sam. 
xxi. 2 ff. ) Ishmaiah is described tirst as a hero 
among the thirty, and then as a leader over the 
thirty, may be explained by assuming a tempo- 
rary command over this company. The absence 
of his name in oh. xi. must be explained by this, 
that he was no longer alive at the time when this 
list was composed, and was therefore among the 
earliest members of the corps of the thirty. — And 
Jozabad the Gederathite; perhaps from Gederah 
(now Ghedera, one hour south-west of Jabneh), a 
Jewish locality in the Shephehdi, Josh. xv. 36. 
That Jozabad, though coming from Gederah, lie- 
longed to some family of Benjamites dwelling 
there, is an unnecessary assumption of Keil. The 
following verses, especially the Geder, ver. 7, 
rather show that those here enumerated were 
by no means exclusively Benjamite. — Ver. 6. 
Elkanah . . . the Korhites. To think of another 
Korah as the ancestor of the Korhites than the 
known descendant of Levi is unnecessary ; these 
may be Korhitic Levites settled in Benjamin 
who are here in question; and the names Elkanah 
and Azarel having a genuine Levitical ring, make 
it very probable that thev are such ; comp. Keil 
on the p. and Del. Psalter, p. 300. Yet it is 
possible that they may be descendants of the 
Jewish Koran mentioned it. 43(so Berth., Kamph., 
etc.). — Ver. 7. And Joelah . . . of Gedor, with- 
out doubt the Jewish city mentioned iv. 4, south- 
west of Bethlehem ; so that here also non- Benja- 
mites are included in the series, notwithstanding 
the announcement, ver. 2, which leads us to 
expect only Benjamite:;. Whether this contra- 
diction between the announcement and the con- 
tents of the list arises from the whole series "I 
names being greatly abridged and composed out 
nf two originally distinct lists, one of pure Benja- 
mites, and another containing Jews, as Berth, 
thinks, appears doubtful ; comp. Keil, p. 134. 

2 The Gadites and some other Jews and Benja- 
mites who joined themselves to David while in the 
Hold: vers, s-18.— a. The Gadites: vers. 8-15.— 
And of the Gadites (that is, of those belonging to 
the tribe of Gad, while the others adhered to 
Saul) separated themselves unto David at the hold 
in the wilderness. This was during the first year 

of his flight before Saul, 1 Sam. xxii. If. — "IVO? 
"IBTO ('"° pointed for 'jj "1VD?> on account of 

the close connection of the two following words) 
denotes properly : "to the hold towards the 

wilderness." A definite single hold (fSD = 
miSD; comp. xi. 16) is here as little intended 

as in ver. 16, but rather the greater number ol 
those holds of the wilderness of Judah (comp. 

nnsaa taiisa, i Sam. xxiu. h, xxiv. i) m 

which David dwelt at that time ; thus "IVD is 
here general, as miXO, 1 Sam. xxiv. 23. — Men if 

the host for battle, practised in war; comp. vii. 11. 
On the following "handling ('3ljj) shield and 

spear," comp. ver. 24 ("bearing shield and 
spear") ind Jer. xlvi. 3 ; for the comparison 
of the warriors with lions and roes, 2 Sam. i. 23, 
ii. 18. "The expressions in the description of 
their power and tieetness, ver. 8, remind us of 
such as are used in the historical books of heroes 
in the time of David, and are without doubt 
drawn from the source which our author here used" 
(Berth.). — Ver. 13. Machbannai the eleventh, lit< r- 
ally, the eleven; comp. xxiv. 12. — Ver. 14. Heads 
of the host (so ver. 21/)), that is, chief warriors, not 
leaders. — One for a hundred the least, and (In 
greatest for a thousand. The smallest of then; 
was equal to one hundred other warriors, and 
the strongest to a thousand, — an expression nf 
manifestly poetical colouring, reminding us oi 
Lev. xxvi. 8 and of 1 Sam. xviii. 7, xxi. 11, 
which our author certainly found in his source. 
The Sept. and the most of the older Rabbis rightly 
understood the passage, but the Vulg. wrongly : 
novissimus centum militibus [mverat et maxima? 
mille, for which ~>y instead of p, and anothe' 

order of words, should be expected. — Ver. 15. 
These are the;/ that went over Jordan, at the time 
when they separated themselves from the other 
Gadites of the host of Saul, and were forced to 
break through this to reach David. Their flight 
fell "in the first month," that is, in the spring. 
when the Jordan was greatly swollen, and had 
overflown its bank. So much greater was the 
heroic deed. — And put to flight all the valleys to 
the east and to the icest, on both sides of the river, 
just as if its overflowing waters were not present. 
E'poy, properly "valleys," here inhabitants ot 
the valleys, Hitzig (Gesch. Jsr. p. 29) conceives 
to be the name of a people, that occurs also Jer. 
xlix. 4 (comp. xlvii. 5), and is identical with the 
Anakim, Josh. xv. 14, and with the Amorites — 
with the latter really, with the former even in 
name (?). See, on the contrary, Keil on Jer. p. 
480. — b. The men of Benjamin and Judah ; vers. 
16-18. — And there came of the sons of Benjamin 
and Judah. The names of these other followers of 
David when persecuted by Saul the Chronist 
does not give, either because his source did not 
contain them, or because they may haie ben 
included for the most part in the lists ahcady 
communicated in ch. xi. Amasai only, the leader 
of this troop, is named. — Ver. 17. And David 
went out before them, or to meet them; comp. xiv. 

S. — My heart shall be at one with you. "IDv 2?, 

a phrase occurring only here, not essentially 
different from inx ab, ver. 38 (comp. ver. 33). 
— But if to betray me to my enemies. ni3"l, with 

accus. of the object, means, "to practise fraud on 
anyone." For the following, compare, on the 
oue hand, Job xvi. 17, Isa. liii. 9 ; on the othei 

CHAP. XII. 18-31. 


hand, 2 Chron. xxiv. 22. For the phrase: "the God 
of our fathers," namely, of the patriarchsAbraham, 
etc., comp. Ex. iii. 13; Ezra vii. 27; 2 Chron. xx. 
0; Matt. xxii. 32. — Ver. 18. And [the) Spirit came 
upon Amasai the chief of thirty. Here, as in the 
parallel Judg. vi. 31, the Spirit of God is meant 
teomp. 2 Chron. xxiv. 20), as the principle of 
higher inspiration to great and bold deeds. The 
Amasai of our passage is perhaps not different 
from Amasa (with K instead of ' at the end) the 
son of Abigail, sister of David, ii. 17, who, at a 
later period, in the time of Absalom, performed 
n not unimportant part as commander (first under 
Absalom, and then under David), till Joab mur- 
dered him (2 Sam. xvii. 25, xix. 14, xx. 4 ii'.). 
Much less probable is the identity assumed by 
others of this Amasai with Abshai the brother of 
Joab(ii. 16, xi. 20).- Thine are we, David, to thee 
we belong, and witli thee, we hold. Notwith- 
standing this simple and obvious completion, 
the Sept. has wholly misunderstood the words 

"Pl'l ~W "Pi and made of tin m ■xiniau x*l S 
j.u.'o; trtv. — For thy Gud helpeth thee. This fllfy 

refers to the past aid which David had received 
from God (1 Sam. xviii. 12 If I, but also to the 
further aid in prospect, which was to be imparted 
to him in future. — And made them captain* of 
the. troop, appointed them leaders of the several 
divisions of his army, — that army (Tfls) of all 

kinds of people that had gathered about him ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxii. 2, xxvii. 8, etc. 

3. The Seven Manassites who joined themselves 
to David before the Last Battle of Saul with the 
Philistines: vers. 19-22. — And of Manasseh 

some fell to David. pJJ ?3J. as in 2 Rings xxv. 

11; 1 Sam. xxix. 3; comp. ^x S3: at the close 

of the verse. For the historical situation, comp. 
1 Sam. xxix. 2-11. — For on advisement, DVJD- 
on consultation, as Prov. xx. 18. — At the peril 
of our heads, literally, "for our heads, for lie 
price of them ;" comp. 1 Sam. xxix. 4. — Ver. 
20. When fie went to Ziklag, and thus before 
the great battle of Gilboa in which Saul fell ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxix. 11. — Captains of the thou- 
sands of Stanasseh, of the great military divisions 
(regiments) into which the tribe of Manasseh was 
divided ; comp. Num. xxxi. 14, 26, xxvii. 1, and 
eh. xv. 25. — Ver. 21. And thin helped David 
against the troop, namely, his present foes, the 
Amalekites ; comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 8, 15, where the 
-|fl3 here used (for which the Sept. perversely 

read a n. pr. T-i$»Ai) appears more definitely as 
the army of the Amalekites. Moreover, the 
seven here named Manassites only are the imme- 
diate and direct subject of the sentence, not all 
the heroes named from ver. 1 to ver. 20 (as 
Berth, thinks), though certainly the whole force 
of David (600 strong, 1 Sam. xxx. 9) was drawn 
out to fight with Amalek. But that by riBDl 

only the seven Manassites can here be meant is 
shown by the following words : "and they became 
captains in the host." which cannot apply to the 
whole troop. — Ver. 22. Until the camp was gn at, 
like a camp of God; comp. Gen. xxxii. 2 and 
phrases like mountains, cedars of God, l's. xxxvi, 
1 11. The phrase is " only rhetorical, not 

idealizing or exaggerating" (Keil); it extends al>o 
clearly beyond the time when David bad only 
600 followers to the lime when thousands, and 
then hundreds of thousands, followed him. The 
following description seizes the moment nhen 
out of the thousands of the first seven years ol 
his reign at Hebron came the hundred thousands 
and more. 

4. The Number of the Warriors who made 
David King over all Israel; vers. 23-40. — And 
these are the numbers cf the heads of tliose irmed 
for the host, or for military service (comp. Xuni. 
xxxi. 5; Josh. iv. 13). The "heads of thosi 
armed" are here no1 the captains or leaden 
(Vulg. principes exerdttts, Berth., etc.), but tin- 
sums or masses of the warriors, as Judg. vii. 16, 
20. ix. 34, 37, 44, 1 Sam. xi. 11, or perhaps 
also the polls (Judg. v. 30) ; so that <C'N"1 "I3DO 

would be the number of polls. For it cannot be 

proved (against Berth.) that only n?J73, and not 

also C'X"I. eau have this sense; and the following 
is not a list of leaders, but a poll list, that also 
originally bore this form, though tin abbreviating 
changes of our author make it difficult to prove. 
— To turn the kingdom of .Soul t,i lam ; comp. 
x. 14, and for the following, xi. :;, In. — Ver. 24. 
'The sous of Judah, bearing shield and spear; 
romp, on ver. 8. The enumeration begins with 
the two southern tribes, Judah and Simeon ; next 
gives the priestly tribe of Levi, whose chief force 
lay at that time in and about Judah ; and then, 
proceeding from south to ninth, names first the 
other western tribes, and then the three eastern 
ones. — Ver. 26. And Jehoiada was tlte leader oj 
the Aaronitts, literally, "the leader of Aaron," 
that is, not the high priest (who was at that time 
Abiathar, 1 Sam. xxiii. 9), but tin- head of the 
family ol' Aaron. Perhaps this was Jehoiada the 
father of Benaiah, xi. 22. — Ver. 28. And Zadok. 
'i valiant young man, perhaps that descendant oi 
Eleazar (v. 34) whom Solomon, 1 Kings ii. 26, 
made high priest. That the house of this Zadok, 
at the time of David's elevation, counted twenty- 
two chiefs or heads of families, proves bow flourish- 
ing this branch of the Aaronites was at that time. 
— Ver. 29. And of the sons of Benjamin, brethren 
of Saul, three thousand. This number is indeed 
surprisingly small, but certainly original. The 
writer accounts for it also, first briefly, by the 

characteristic addition ?}}{"' *nx. then more 

fully by the remark, "for hitherto (njn 1JJ1, as 

ix. IS) the most part of them kept the ward ol 
Saul's house;" that is, the most "i them were 
still devoted to the interest of the kindred house 
of Saul (miX'D "lOtPi as Sum. iii. 38 ; comp. 

1 Chron. xxiii. 32 ; 2 Chron. xxiii. 6), so that 
they turned to David only slowly, and when 
Ishbosheth was dead. — Ver. 30. Famous men of 
their father-houses, arranged according to their 
father-houses. The Ephraimites, on the whole, 
though their number was above 20,000, are 
called celebrated, famous men (comp. Gen. vi. 
4), perhaps because tiny wen- distinguished by 
their warlike bravery, and bad not merely a few 
able heroes or leaders. — Ver. 31. And OJ the half- 
tribe of Manasseh, the western halt. The " being 
expressed by name " 1 niEC'3 }3j33, as Num. i. 17; 



1 Cliron. xvi. 41 ) points to the formation of a list 
by the tribe authorities, in which all those war- 
riors of the tribe were entered who were chosen 
to take part in the elevation of the new king at 
Hebron. All the other tribes may have formed 
similar lists for this purpose. — Ver. 32. And of 
the sons of lssachar, men having understanding 
of the times, to know what Israel had to do. 
This applies, not to the whole tribe, but only to 
the 200 heads of their forces ; and it denotes, not 
every kind of activity in astronomical or physical 
science (Chald., several Rabbis, Cleric), but only 
that those leaders "saw what was most advisable 
to be done in the condition of the times" (Starke), 
that they were prudentes viri, qui quid, quando 
et quomodo agendum esset, varia lections (?) et 
usu rerum cognoscebant (L. Lavater). "Men un- 
derstanding," literally, knowing judgment, iJHi* 

nj'2; comp. 2 Chron. ii. 12 and the similar 

riJH 'Jflft Dan. i. 4. "To know what Israel 

had to do," in the present case, means to whom 
it had to apply as its king and supreme ruler. 
These men of lssachar were not dull and narrow 
"bony asses" (Gen. xlix. 14), but prudent 
"judges of the signs of their time" (Matt. xvi. 
3). — And all their brethren -mere at their com- 
mand. DrT'B ?y, literally, "by their mouth," 

namely, guided ; comp. Gen. xli. 40 ; Num. iv. 
27 ; Deut. xxi. 5.— Ver. 33. Ordering the battle 
with all weapons of war, practised in the conflict 
with all kinds of weapons ; comp. ver. 6. — 
Arraying themselves with a single heart, literally, 
"and to band together with not heart and heart." 

For -nyTl, with some critical evidence (see Orit. 
Note), to read — ifyS"i is unnecessary and unten- 
able, from the recurrence of -|-|y in ver. 38. 
From this parallel passage, this verb must mean, 
"to take rank for war, to stand in order of 

battle." For 271 27, to denote double-minded- 
ness or a divided heart, comp. Ps. xii. 3 and ver. 
38 ; Q^tjj aa^ and Tr.X a"?.— Ver. 38. All these 

uu ii of war, keeping rank ; Sept. Tupxrcurtriiar/i, 
va.fiTic\,v. The change of ,_ nj) into \3ijf (see 

Crit. Note) is unnecessar}', and as little demanded 
by Tpjj in vers. 33, 35, 36 as by n2"lj??3 ; comp. 

on ver. 33. "All these" points naturally to the 
whole troops enumerated from ver. 24 on. — And 

a',1 the rest of Israel, etc On "ins 27, "one, 
united heart," comp 2 Chron. xxx. 12. — Ver. 39. 
4 lui (hey were there with David three days, eating 

and drinking. Comp. the festivals described 1 
Sam. xxx. 16, 1 Kings i. 25, 40, etc., and also 
from the most recent oriental history; for example, 
the enormous feast (100,000 sheep and wethers, 
20,000 oxen, 40,000 gallons honey-wine, etc.) 
that was given in connection with the elevation 
of Kassai to be emperor (negus) of Abyssinia 
(Feb. 1872). — For their brethren had prepared 
for them (victuals), namely, the Jews about 
Hebron. Comp. on this pan, Gen. xliii. 16 ; 

2 Chron. xxxv. 14, etc. — Ver. 40. Moreover, they 
that were nigh them (comp. Deut. xiii. 8), all the 
neighbouring tribes of Judith on this side the 
Jordan ; and not merely those immediately adja- 
cent, but also the tribes in the middle, and some 
of those in the north of Palestine. — Brought bread 
(victuals) on asses, and camels, and mules, etc. 
Observe the purely epical character of the repre- 
sentation, that points to a very ancient historical 
source used by the Chronist. — Fig and raisin 

cakes. For the masses of dried figs (Q'pn) and 

raisins (Q'pisv), as indispensable dainty additions 

to feasts, comp. 1 Sam. xxv. 18, xxx. 12 ; Jer. 
xl. 10, 12; Amos viii. 1 f. ; also Celsius, Hierobot. 
i. 377 tf. ; Winer, Realw., Art. " Feigenbaum 

Apologetic on Ch. xii. 23 ff. 

With respect to the credibility of the numbers 
of our section, it is to be remarked in general, 
that the sum total of about 340,000 men,' re- 
sulting from the data relative to the military 
contingents of the several tribes, agrees, on the 
whole, with other known data concerning the 
sum of the people of Israel equipped for war (for 
example, the 600,000 men in the time of Moses, 
the 800,000 Israelites and 500,000 Jews in the 
census of David), as, indeed, a full call of all 
those fit to bear arms could not be expected on 
the present occasion. On the contrary, the re- 
lation of the numbers in the several tribes 
presents much that is surprising. The strength 
of the three eastern tribes (120,0001, exceeding a 
third of the sum total, and the likewise con- 
siderable strength of Zebulun (50,000), Naphtali 
(37,000), and Asher (40,000), seem to contrast in 
a manner scarcely conceivable with the small 
contingents of Judah, Simeon, Levi, and Benja- 
min. But — 1. With regard to Benjamin, the 
ground of his only small share in the festivities at 
Hebron is expressly stated, and in a way entirely 
satisfactory, and admitting of no further objec- 
tion. 2. The number of the Levites is, in vers. 
27, 28, not fully given, inasmuch as of the 
third division of them, the hou^e of Zadok, only 
the number of the chiefs (22) and not that of the 
common order is stated (as in lssachar only the 

Namely, from Judah, 

6.800 men 

M Simeon, 


„ Levi, . 


Also with Jehniada, . 


(with 22 chiefs ot the house of Zadok; 

„ Ephraim. . 



„ Half-Manasseh, 


„ lssachar, . 


(201 chiefs "and all their brethren") 

„ Zebulun, 

. 50,000 


n NHphiali, . 

. 37,000 


(with 1000 chiefs). 



„ Asher, 


From the three eastern Tribes, 

. 120,000 



339,000 men (with 1222 chiefs and heads). 



number of the chiefs or heads is expressed, ver. 
82). 3. Of Jttdah and Simeon are certainly only 
comparatively very small numbers given, for 
I liis reason, that the warriors of this tribe had 
long since, seven yen's before, ranged themselves 
on the side of David, and therefore, in the 
review on the occasion of the solemnities of his 
anointing, did not need to be represented in 
their full military strength (which would have 
reached in itself to between 100,000 and 200,000 
men). These warriors of Judah and Simeon had 
rather to :*ct as commissaries, to make provision 
for the greater bodies of troops ; »nd most of 
them were to be sought, not am tig the "^'Xl 

T\Js? p^nn (vers. 24, 25 ff. ), but among the 

DTOtSn DrrnX *■ Yet highly surprising is 

the numeri' al relation of the middle and northern 
tribes west of the Jordan, namely, the smallness 
of Ephraim (20,800) beside Zebulun and Naph- 
tali. " But if we c insider that Ephraim, which 
had 40,500 men at the first census under Moses 
at Mount Sinai, had diminished to 32,500 at 
the second on the steppes of Moab, this tribe 
may not at this time have been v rv strong 
in men-at-arms, as it may have suffered and 
been weakened most of all the tribes in the 
last wars of Saul with the Philistines, and 
in the battles ol Abner for the recovery of 
the region occupied by the Philistines for Ish- 
bosheth. Moreover, perhaps Ephraim, in his 
jealousy of Judah, dating from the time of the 
Judges, might not be altogether inclined to make 
David king over all Israel. That, however, 
Zebulun and Naphtali are here so numerously 

represented, though they pi lyed no important 
part in the history of Israel, is not enough to 
east suspicion on the numbers given. As 
Zebulun tinier Moses numbered 57,400, and 
afterwards 60,500, and Naphtali then 53,400, 
afterwards 45,400 men -at -an us (comp. Num. 
i.-di. with Num. xxvi. ), the former might send 
50,000, the latter 37,000, men to David at Heb- 
ron " (Keil). The subsequent smallness and in 
significance of thes- tribes (comp Evangelical- 
Ethical Reflections on ch. i.-ix. , No. 2, p. 92) 
is simply explained by their only imperfect re- 
storation after the destruction of the kingdom ol 
Israel by Shalmanescr. — The credibility of the 
data of our list cannot in general be doubted 
according to all this, that is, irrespective of 
particular corruptions of the text that are always 
to be admitted as possible. It would much more 
present matter for well - founded doubts if the 
numerical strength of the several tribes attested 
in it were exactly proportional >o the data of 
Numbers regarding the early relations of the 
military divisions. The appearance of something 
surprising in the present numerical data speaks 
directly for their true historical origin, and im- 
poses the greatest caution on the modern critic of 
the contents of our chapter, that exhibit .-o many 
traces of fresh originality and high antiquity. 
This also may perhaps be urged as a proof of the 
essentially unchanged transmission of the present 
documents from the author, that the tribe of Dan, 
which is elsewhere often omitted, as it seems in- 
tentionally, by the Chronist, is here expressly 
mentioned, and in no disparaging way ; comp. 
ver. 35 with Introd. § 6, No. 1, p. 24, and with 
the remarks on vi. 46 and vii. 12. 

£. The Removal of the Ark from Kiriath-jearim : cli. xiii. 

Ch. XIIL 1. And David consulted with the captains of thousands and of hundreds, 

2 with every leader. And David said unto all the congregation of Israel, If it 
seem good to you, and it be of the Lord our God, let us send quickly unto our 
brethren remaining in all lands of Israel, and with them the priests and Levites 

3 in the cities of their suburbs, that they gather unto us. And let us bring again 

4 the ark of our God to us ; for we inquired not at it in the days of Saul. And 
all the congregation said. We must do so; for the thing was right in the eyes of 

5 all the people. And David gathered all Israel, from Shihor of Egypt even unto 
Hamath, to bring the ark of God from Kiriath-jearim. 

G And David went up, and all Israel, to Baalah, unto Kiriath-jearim, which be- 

longed to Judah, to bring up thence the ark of God the Lokd, that sitteth over 

7 the cherubim, as He is called by name. And they carried the ark of God on a 
new waggon from the house of Abinadab ; and Uzzi and Ahio drove the 

S waggon. And David and all Israel played before God with all their might, and 
with songs and with harps, and with psalteries, and with timbrels, and cymbals, 
and trumpets 

9 And they came to the threshing-floor of Chidon ; and Uzza put forth his 

1 hand to hold the ark ; for the oxen shook it. And the anger of the Lord was 
kindled against Uzza, and He smote him, because he put his hand to the ark ; and 

1 1 he died there before the Lord. And David was angry, because the LORD had 

12 made a breach upon Uzza ; and that place is called Perez-uzza to this day. And 
David was afraid of God that day, saying, How shall I firing the ark of God to 

13 me 1 And David removed not the ark to him to the city of David, but placed 

14 it in the house of Obed-edom the Gittite. And the ark of God remained in the 
house of Obed-edom in his house three months; and the Lord blessed the house 
of Obed-edom, and all that he had. 




Pl-.ELIMINAKY REMARK. — In the second book 
of Samuel, where ch. vi. 1-11 corresponds to the 
Dresent section, the history of the transference of 
the ark from Kiriath-jearim to the house of Obed- 
edom (which is there related, irrespective of the 
somewhat shorter introduction, almost word for 
word as her.-: comp. 2 Sam. vi. 2-11 with vers. 
6-14 of our chapter) is immediately followed by 
the account of the removal three months later of 
the ark from that house to Zion. Our author, 
on the contrary, inserted (ch. xiv.) an account 
of David's house-building, his family, and his 
victoiy over the Philistines, which in 2 Sam. v. 
11-25 follows the narrative of the taking of Zion, 
between the history of the removal of the ark to 
the house of Obed-edoru and its introduction into 
Zion, and, moreover, on the ground of an old 
Levitical document, has treated this latter part 
of the history with vastly greater detail and fill 
ness (see ch. xv. and xvi. ). The more circum- 
stantial introduction of our chapter, vers. 1-5, to 
which there is only one verse parallel in 2 .Sam. 
vi. , may spring from the same source as the 
following full detail in ch. xv., xvi. 

1. Description of the Assembly in which the 
Removal of the Ark from Kiriath-jearim was 
resolved upon : vers. 1-5. — And David consulted 
(comp. 2 Chron. x. 6, xxx. 2) with the captains 
of thousands and of hundreds (comp. xv. 25), 

with every leader. ? before T33"P3 serves here 

for the brief recapitulation of the fore-mentioned, 
thus, "in short, namely;" comp. Gen. xxiii. 10. 
— Ver. 2. And David said unto all the congrega- 
tion of Israel, that is, to those princes as the 
representatives of the community (to the ecclesia 

reprcesenhitiia); comp. ?np in Lev. xiv. 3; Deut. 
xxxi. 30, etc. — If it seem good to you, properly, 
"if it be good with you;" comp. Neh. ii. 5, 7; 
Estli. i. 19, iii. 19. For the following: "and it 
be of the Lord our God," comp. Gen. xxiv. 50; 
Acts v. 39. — Let us send quickly, properly, "let 
us break through (]'TQ) and send," that is, with 
all diligence, and instant suppressing of all hesita- 
tion ; comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 23. Less certain is 
the interpretation, flowing from the notion of 
spreading out (so j*~lS, for example, Isa. liv. 3): 
" send far and wide. " — Unto our brethren remain- 
ing in all lands of Israel, in all lands of the several 

tribes: comp. rYVX"IN~73 ' n < -" en - XXVJ - 3 > 4; 
2 Chron. xi. 23, xxxiv. 33. The preposition pj; 
before WPIX, because in the sending is implied 
at the same time the commanding (comp. ~>y TWS). 
After Drusy ("with them," that is, here, "like- 
wise, besides"), this ">J}, or even py iirbiih. > s to 
he repeated. — Ver. 4. We must do so, literally, 
"to do so;" p niL"VA tne infin. with p, as in 

t. 1, ix. 25. — Ver. 5. All Israel, from Shihor of 
Egypt even unto Hamath, that is, not all the 
individuals, but a large representation of the 
whole people (according to 2 Sam. vi. 1, a select 
number of : 0,000). "From Shihor of Egypt 
?ven unto Hamath" means essentially the same 
is "from Dan to Beersheba," namely, Palestine 

from the south to the north border ; comp. Judg. 
xx. 1; 2 Sam. iii. 10, xvii. 11. □ , ")i"0 lilTC' <* 

abbreviated for anVD ^B'Pl' IC'X "liTC', Josh- 

xiii. 3. It means the small stream between 

Palestine and Egypt, which is otherwise called 

the river of Egypt ('VO 7113, Josh. xiii. 4, 47; 
1 Kings viii. 65; 2 Chron. vii. 8, etc.), the 
Rhinokorura of old. and the Wady el Arish of 
the present. The Nile certainly bears the name 
"lhB>! that is, "black water" (Isa. xxiii. 3; Jer. 

ii. 18); yet smaller waters are also so named, as 
Josh. xix. 26, the .shihor Libnath, in the tribe of 
Asher, which, however, casts no doubt on our 

interpretation. On ]-|On 54137. to denote the 

northern border of Palestine, comp. Num. xxxiv. 
5, 8; 2 Kings xiv. 25. Hamath, on the river 
Orontes, on the southern slope of Antilibanus or 
Hermon, an old O'anaanitish colony (Gen. x. 8), 
which the prophet Amos (vi. 2), in the 9th 
century B.C., designated " the great " (n"Dn 

ri3"l), and which stili, in the Seleucidie and 

Roman times, when it was called 'Et. li;mc, 
belonged to the most considerable Syrian cities, 
was in David's time the seat of a king friendly to 
David, but independent of him, and tolerably 
powerful ; see xviii. 9 f. ; 2 Sam. viii. 9 ff. 

2. The Execution of this Resolve : vers. 6-14. 
— And David w-nt up, and all Israel. By "all 
Israel" is undoubtedly to be understood here, as 
well as in the foregoing verse, that assembly of 
select representatives of the people from every 
tribe, which amounted, 1 Sam. vi. 1, to 30,000 
men. Neither the assumption that here, in 
the fetching of the ark, the participation of 
a much greater number is presupposed than 
in that preparatory assembly, nor the hypo- 
thesis that 2 Sam. vi. 1 originally conveyed the 
sense: "And David multiplied all the men of 
war in Israel, the Sheloshim and the captains 
of thousands" (instead of 30,000), is neces- 
sary (against Berth.), as the indefinite "all 
Israel " would suit even a smaller number of 
representatives than 30,000. — To Baalah, unto 

Kiriath-jearim. For 'l rynp ?S nrfea might 

be expected, from Josh. xv. 9, perhaps nn?y2 

'' P N'H ; for Baalah is the older Canaanitish 

name for Kiriath-jearinv, which is also called 
Kiriath-baal (Josh. xv. 60, xviii. 14). Yet the 
thing is expressed intelligibly enough; the "to 
Baalah" is sufficiently explained by the addi- 
tion, "unto Kiriath-jearim.'' r r the, additii n, 
" which belonged to Judi.n.' :_>mp. .n Judg. 
xviii 12, and for the situarou o'" Kiriath-jearim. 
the present Kureyet el Enab, on the way from 
Jerusalem to Ramleh and Lydoia (three hours 
from Jerusalem), comp. Rob. Pal. ii. 589. — T'wt 
sitte'h over the cherubim, as He is called by nauu 
IC'S, h<-' r e »»«, "as" (comp. Ew Lehrb. § 333, a); 

the ace. of reference Q[»> belongs not merely to 

Hirr, but to D'OVOn S5* mn\ and designates 
the whole phrase as a usual epithet of God in 
religious worship ; comp. Isa. xxxvii. 16 ; Ps. 
lxxx. 2. Others would refer it;-}* to ji")X, and 



change rjt;! into Qtp'a (Kamph. : "which is called 

by the name"), or even change q-j' into □£> (with 

reference to 2 Sam. vi. 2, where also Qty is once 

to he read), ami so get the sense: "who was there, 
at the ark, addressed" (Berth.; comp. Then, on 
2 Sam. vi.). See, on the contrary, and in favour 
nf our interp., Keil, p. 144. — Ver. 7. And tl.<i/ 
carried . . . from the house of Abincdab. T lis 
house lay oi. a hill in Kiriath jearnn (ny3J3. 

1 Sam. vii. 1), not in a place Gi'ieah, near 
Kiriath-jearim, as the passage 1 Sam. vii. 1 
seems to say in tin faulty translation of the Vulg. 
and Luther (comp. C. Hoffmann, Biicke in die 
■rn'i. Gesch. tl. gelobten Land's, i. p. 156). Uzza 
and Ahio, the drivers of the waggon with the ark, 
are, 2 Sam. vi., expressly called the sons of Abina- 
dab. —Ver. 8. With all their might, and with 
HOngSg and with harp<, etc. The parallel: "with 
ail woods of cypresses," in 2 Sam. vi. 5, rests on 
a corruption of the text, and is, as £» iV^wof the 
Sept. there shows, to be amended by our passage 
(iJT?32); comp. 2 Sam. vi. 14. For the in- 
struments here named, particularly the harps, 
psalteries, and cymbals, see on xv. 16. — Cymba s 
and trumpets. The words presented instead of 
DVlXXmi D'rfciDD in 2 Sam. vi. 5: D'jnWDin 
D'i'ii'Sni. "and with rattles and with cymbals," 

are perhaps more original ; at least the Q'l'Jl'JO 
(Vulg. sislra), occurring nowhere else, might 
easily have been suppressed by the alleviating 
correction of a later hand (comp. Wellh. p. 
167 f.). 

3. Uzza's Fall, and the Placing of the Ark in 
the House of Obed-edom : vers. 9-14. — Ant they 
came to the threshing-floor of Chidon. The name 
|T3 is written, in 2 Sam. vi. 6, J133 (Sept. Hx^p), 

a reading scarcely prefi rabte to our own. — Fur Hit 
oxen shook it, were on the point of upsetting it 
(Sept. i$t*Am * tturn*; Vulg. paululum incUnavt rout 
earn); the ark of itself supplies the subject to 
ItDDC- Others give "the oxen let go" (Berth,), 

or "stept aside" (Luther and many ancients), or 
"flung 011 every side," Ew., etc. — Ver. 10. Aiul 
tht anger of tin Cord was kindled against ('..■>. 
whose error might lie less in the accidental ant 
involuntary tombing of the ark, as in his con- 
veying this sacred thing on an ox waggon, instead 
of having it borne according to tin' law (Num. 
vii. 9, x. 17); comp. what David afterwards did, 
xv. 2. For the parallel text of Samuel to be 
amended by our passage, comp. Thenius and 
Wellhausen. — Ver. 13. In tin- house of Obed- 
edom the Gittite; according to xv. IS, 24, this 
Obed-edom was one of the Levitical porters ; 
whence we are not to think of the Philistine 
Gath, but the Levitical city Gath-riinmon (Josh, 
xix. 45, xxi. 24), as his birth-place. — Ver. 14. In 
the Aou.ff of Obed-edom m lux house, in his own 
tent, which was spread over it ill the court of this 
Levite (thus, in his dwelling-house, ^rP3"DjO- 

This text appears more correct than that in 2 Sam. 
vi., whicli only states that the ark remained "in 
the house of Obed-edom the Gittite." — And a'l 
that he had. For this 2 Sam. vi. has: "and all 
his house." The various reading of our passage 
"is well chosen, because, just before, il"T3 VdS 

used of the tent of the ark" (Berth.) That the 
blessing which God gave to Obed-edom consisted 
chiefly in numerous offspring, appears from xxvi. 
4-8. Yet, even during the three months men- 
tioned in our passage, David must have clearly 
perceived that the Lord's anger was sufficiently 
appeased by the death of Uzza, and that the re- 
moval v( the ark to Jerusalem involved no danger, 
but would be attended with blessed effects. 


f. David's House-Building, Family, ami Victories over the Philistines: ch. xiv. 

Oh. xiv. 1. And Hiram ' king of Tyre sent messengers to David, and cedar-wood, 

2 and masons, and carpenters, to build him a house. And David perceived that 
the Lord had confirmed him king over Israel ; for his kingdom was lift up on 
high, because of his people Israel. 

3 And David took more wives in Jerusalem ; and David begat more sons 

4 and daughters. And these are the names of those born to him in Jerusalem : 

5 Shammua and Shobab, Nathan and Solomon. And Ibhar, and Elishua, and 
Elpelet. And Nogah, and Nepheg, and Japhia. And Elishama, and Beeliada, 
and Eliphelet, 

3 Vn 1 the Philistines leard that I >avid was anointed king over all Israel; 

ana ah the Philistines went up to seek David : and David heard it, and went 

9 out against them. And the Philistines came and spread themselves in the 

10 valley of Rephaim. And David inquired of God, saying, Shall 1 go up against 
the Philistines, and wilt Thou give them into my hand? And the Lokd said 

1 1 unto him, Go up, and I will give them into thy hand. And they went up to 
Baal-perazim ; and David smote them there : and David said, God hath 
broken my enemies by my hand, like the breaking of waters ; therefore thpy 

12 called the name of that place Baal-perazim. And they left their gods there; 
and David ordered, and they were burnt with fire. 

And the Philistines came again and spread themselves in the valley. 2 And 
David inquired again of God ; and God said unto him, Go not up after them ; 
turn away from them, and come upon them by the bacas. And it shall be, 
when thou hearest thf sound going on tin- tops of the bacas, then go out to 

13, 14 




the battle : for God is gone out before thee to smite the camp of the Philistines. 

16 And David did as God commanded him: and they smote the camp of the 

17 Philistines, from Gibeon even unto Gezer. And David's fame went out into 
all lands ; and the Lord brought his fear upon all nations. 

1 Ktthib- Dl^n. Keri: D")}!"!, as always in Chronicles (Sept. Xiipa.^ as ever). 

1 For p£}}3 the Sept. and Syr. read Q^2~! pOJQ, which is perhaps original; comp. 2 Sam. v. 22 


Preliminary Remark.— On the different posi- 
tion of this section in 2 Sam. v. 11-25, namely, 
before the history of the removal of the ark from 
Kiriath-jearim, comp. the Preliminary Remark on 
eh. xiii. The motive of the C'hronist for the 
transposition is evidently the wish to represent 
the preparations for the removal of the national 
sanctuary to Jerusalem as the first undertaking of 
the king after the taking of the capital, to exhibit 
the building of his own palace as a work certainly 
taken in hand soon after, but still standing behind 
that all-important concern. To the history of the 
beginning of the palace-building is attached in 
the sources common to both historians a descrip- 
tion of the blessing which attended David as a 
father and a captain in the battles with the 
Philistines. Our author took this description, in 
the main unaltered, along with the notice of the 
beginning of the palace-building, over into his 
narrative, undeterred by the appearance thence 
arising of the events in question, especially the 
',wo successful battles with the Philistines, having 
fallen in the three months between the removal of 
the ark to the house of Obed-edom and its intro- 
duction into Jerusalem. This grouping is here, 
as often in his representation of the history of 
David, determined by the order of thought rather 
than of time. 

1. David's Palace-building and Family: vers. 
1-7. — The text of the older parallel, 2 Sam. v. 
11-16, agrees in the main with the present, only 
here and there more precise. — And cedar-wood, 
and masons, and carpenters, literally, " and 
timbers (beams) of cedars, and craftsmen of walls, 
and craftsmen of timbers" (Vulg. artifices parie- 
tum lignorumque). — Ver. 2. And David perceived 
(concluded from the high honour which was con- 
ferred upon him by this message from the Pheni- 
cian king) that the. Lord had confirmed him king 
over Israel, definitely transferred the kingdom to 
him, established I" bestiitigt," Luther) him as 
king. — For his kingdom was lift up on high. 
n!<L : '3> i' genuine, would be an irregularly formed 

3 fem. perf. Niph. (not, as 2 Sam. xix. 43, an inf. 

abs. Niph.) from kL"3> intensified by the r6jJO?. 

"on high ;" comp. xxii. 5, xxiii. 17, xxix. 3-25. 
B-t perhaps, as in 2 Sam. v. 12, the perf. Piel 
XtJ'3 is to be read, and Jehovah taken as the sub- 
ject: "and tnat He had exalted his kingdom." 
For in37DD. 2 Sam. v., our text presents the 

later (occurring also xvii. 11, 14) form iJVO^D, 

perhaps merely by a slip of the pen ; see Wellh. 
p. 164. — Ver. 3. And David took mo>'t wives in 
Jerusalem. Before O^gjj in 2 Samuel stands 

D't;'3?B> which m y have fallen accidentally cut 
of ouj passage, ;is the concubines of David are 

mentioned in iii. 9. Comp. on iii. 5-9, where, 
the names of the thirteen sons of David born in 
Jerusalem, and the partly different spelling here 
and th»ie, are fully haudled. 

2. The First War with the Philistines : vers. 
8-12 (comp. 2 Sam. v. 17-21).— To seek David, 
to attack, [;'p!3^, seneit hostili, as in 1 Sam. xxiii. 

15, 25, xxiv. 3, xxvi. 2. — And David heard it, 
and went out against them, properly, " before 
them ;" comp. xii. 17. Into this general and 
indefinite expression our author has changed the 
more concrete, but also more obscure, statement 
of Samuel: "and went down to the hold" (the 
hold of Zion), perhaps designedly. — Ver. 9. Anil 
spread themselves in the valley of Rephnim ; 
comp. on xi. 15, 2 Sam. v. 18: "sat down in the 
valley of Rephaim." The perhaps more original 
IC'Oil'V 2 Sam. v. 18, 22, the C'hronist has her- 

and ver. 13 exchanged for the simpler and mon 
intelligible ^ti^'D'V — Ver. 11. Like the breaking 

of waters, like an outburst of water (q'O )'"1S3)- 

We may think of the rending or outbursting of 
enclosing dams by rapid Hoods, perhaps after a 
water-spout. The situation of Baal-perazim can- 
not be exactly ascertained. Mount 1'erazim, Isa. 
xxviii. 21, is not essentially different from it. — 
Ver. 12. And they left their gods tin re. 2 Sam 
v. : " their idols" (CHOVJ?)- The present phra." 
is the stronger ; it yields, along with the follow- 
ing statement regarding the burning of these gods, 
a bitterly sarcastic sense. The burning took place, 
moreover, on the ground of the divine command 
in Deut. vii. 5, 25. The text of Samnel weakens 
the statement in a strange way: " and David and 
his men took them away." If the more eoncrete 
and stronger statement of our author is a tradi- 
tional expansion of that text, the tradition on 
which it rests is at all events credible ; comp. 
Movers, p. 224. By this victory, David wiped 
out the old disgrace of Israel, which rested on the 
people since Ell's time. "As then Israel lost the 
ark, 1 Sam. iv. 11, so now the sacred things of 
the Philistines fell into the hands of the Israelites ' 

3. The Second War with the Philistines: vers. 
13-17 (comp. 2 Sam. v. 22-25). — Ami spread 
themselves in the valley, that is, as the parallel 
text (so as the Sept. and Syr. ; see C'rit. Xotei 
shows, in the same valley as above, ver, 9, 
scarcely in another at Gibeon, as Movers, p. 243, 
thinks. — Ver. 14. Go not up after them, that is, 
as Samuel shows: "go not directly towards them; 
seek not to drive them before thee by a direct 
attack." Perhaps also our text is somewhat 
faulty, and to be amended, according to 2 Sam. 

v. 23: DlV-inx bii 3DH rv?J,TI t6, by the change 

v ■■-:,- v ■■■, ft v-5,- 

of QiTinX m Envy (Berth.). — And come upon 



them by the bacas, literally, over against the 
bacas. These we must suppose, as the divine com 
mand implies a going round the Philistine army, 
to be behind them. The baca, mentioned only 
here and 2 Sam. v., and perhaps Ps. Ixxxiv. 7, is, 
according to AKulLuli (in Celsius, Hierobot, i. 
839), a plant related to the balsam tree, and re- 
Bembliog it, which, when out, discharges a white, 
sharp, ami warm resin in (lie manner of tears, ami 
appears to have received its name from N33. 

flare. The older expositors, wavering uncertainly, 
render the term variously: Sept. inij, Vulg. 
pyrus; Luther, alter the Jewish expositors, mul- 
berry tree. — Ver. 15. !'■>■ sound going on Hie 
tops of the bacas, namely, the rustling of their 
Leaves in the wind (Sept.: tv* pavxv raw evtrvitvpev 
*i-<5v), not the sound occasioned by the rntrain-e 
of God (supernatural, as in Gen. iii. 8). As the 
baca has much larger leaves than the ordinary 
balsam, the rustling of them may occasion a suffi- 
ciently loud sound; the rendering " baca trees" 
(Kamph.) is therefore unnecessary. — Ver. 16. 

| And they smote the camp qfthe Philistines, from 
i Gibeon even untoGezer. Two places of this name 
lie to the north-west of Jerusalem, the former 
(now el Jib) 2£, the latter 14, hours distant from 
it, If the battle-field is to be sought b I ween the 
two, in the region of Upper ami Nether Beth-horon, 
the valley, ver. 13, may still be the valley ol 
lli'phaiin : only the sib- of it should !»' sought 
not so far south, as Theniu i and Bertheau supp > 
(who also read for Gibeon in our passage, "( leba," 
according to - Sam. v. 25), and the battle must 
be regarded as moving iuanorth-we I rlj lirec 
tion from its starting point (comp. Wellli. on 
2 Sam. v. 25, also Kw. Gesch d. V. Isr, ii 630) 
— Ver. 17. And David's fame went out 
lands; and the Lord brought his fear upon all 
nation*, literally, " gave his fear upon all 
nations;" comp. Esth. viii. 17. A pro 

reflection of our author added to tl iginal text, 

as its absence in 2 Sam. v. 25 sh iws. Comp. the 
similar reflections in 2 Chron. xvii. 10, xx. 29. 
On Q'j' XV'1 especially, comp. 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. 

i\. The Rem >val of the Ark to Jerusalem, with the Solemn Hymn sung on this occasion: 

cli. xv., xvi. 

I'll. xv. 1. And he made him houses in the city of David, ami he prepared a place 

for the ark of God, and pitched for it a tent. 
2 Then David said. None should carry the ark of God but the Levites; for 

the Lord hath chosen them to carry the ark of God, and to minister to Him 
7 for ever. And David gathered all Israel to Jerusalem, to bring up the ark of 
1 the Lord unto its place which lie had prepared for it. And David assembled 
5 the sons of Aaron, and the Levites. Of the sons of Kohath : Uriel the chief. 
i' and his brethren a hundred and thirty. Of the sons of Meran : Asaiah the 

7 chief, and his brethren two hundred and twenty. Of the sons of Gershom : Joel 

8 the chief, and his brethren a hundred and thirty. Of the sons of Elizaphan : 

9 Shemaiah the chief, and his brethren two hundred. Of the sons of Hebron : 

10 Eliel the chief, and his brethren eighty. Of the sons of Uzziel : Amminadab the 

1 1 chief, and his brethren a hundred and twelve. And David called Zadok and 
Abiathar the priests, and the Levites Uriel, Asaiah, and Joel, Shemaiah, and 

12 Eliel, and Amminadab. And said unto them, Ye chiefs of the Levites, sanctify 
yourselves with your brethren, and bring up the ark of the Lord God of Israel 

13 to the place I have prepared for it. For because ye were not at the first, the 
1 1 Lord our God broke out upon us, because we sought Him not aright. And the 

priests and Levites sanctified themselves to bring up the ark of the Lord God of 
15 Israel. And the sons of the Levites bare the ark of God, as Moses commanded 

by the word of the Lord, upon their shoulders, with staves upon them. 
1G And David said to the chiefs of the Levites, to appoint their brethren the 

singers with instruments, psalteries, and harps, and cymbals, sounding, to lift up 

17 the sound with gladness. And the Levites appointed Heman son of Joel ; ard 
of his brethren, Asaph son of Berechiah ; and of the sons of Merari their brethren, 

18 Ethan son of Kushaiah. 1 And with them their brethren of the second degree: 
Zechariah, 2 and Jaaziel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Unni, Eliab, and 
Benaiah, and Maaseiah, and Mattithiah, and Elipheleh, and Mikneiah, and Obed- 

19 edom, and Jeiel, the porters. And the singers, Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, with 
•_'ii cymbals of brass to sound aloud. And Zechariah, and Aziel, and Shemiramoth, 

and Jehiel, and Unni, and Eliab, and Maaseiah, and Benaiah. with psalteries 

•21 in the way of»ns. Ami Mattithiah, and Eliph leh. and Mikneiah. ami 

Obed-edom, and .Teiel, and Azaziah, with harps after the octave to lead. 

22 And Chenaniah, chief of the Levites;"' for he instructed in bearing, for ho 

23 was skilful. And Berechiah and ELkanah were door-keepers for tin' ark 

24 And Shebaniah, and Joshaphat, and Kathaneel, .ami Amasai, ami ZechaiiaO, 


and Benaiah, and Eliezer, the priests, blew" 1 with the trumpets before the ark of 
God ; and Obed-edom and Jehiah were door keepers for the ark. 

25 And David, and the elders of Israel, and the captains of thousands, were 
going to bring up the ark of the covenant of the Lord out of the house of Obed 

26 edom with gladness. And when God helped the Levites bearing the ark of the 

27 covenant of the Lord, then they offered seven bullocks and seven ranis. And 
David was clothed with a robe of byssus, and all the Levites bearing the ark, 
and the singers, and Chenaniah the master of the bearing [the singers] ; 5 and upon 

28 David was a linen ephod. And all Israel brought up the ark of the covenant of 
the Lord with shouting, and with sound of cornet, and with trumpets, and with 

29 cymbals sounding, with psalteries and harps. And when the ark of the covenant 
of the Lord came to the city of David, then Michal, daughter of Saul, looked out 
from the window, and saw King David leaping and playing; and she despised him 
in her heart. 

Ch. XVI. 1. And they brought the ark of God, and set it in the tent that David had 
pitched for it ; and they offered burnt-offerings and peace-offerings before God. 

2 And David made an end of offering burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, and blessed 

3 the people in the name of the Lord. And he dealt to every one of Israel, both 
man and woman, to every one a loaf of bread, and a measure [of wine], and a grape 

4 And he appointed before the ark of the Lord ministers of the Levites, to 

5 record, and to thank and to praise the Lord God of Israel. Asaph the chief, and 
next to him Zechariah, Jeiel, 6 and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Mattithiah, and 
Eliab, and Benaiah, and Obed-edom, and Jeiel, with psalteries and harps ; and 

6 Asaph sounding with cymbals. And Benaiah and Jahaziel the priests with 

7 trumpets continually before the ark of the covenant of God. On that day then 
David ordered for the first time to thank the Lord by Asaph and his 
brethren. 7 

8 Thank ye the Lord, call on His name, 

Make known His deed among the peoples. 

9 Sing ye to Him, play ye to Him ; 

Muse on all His wonders. 

10 Glory ye in His holy name ; 

Let the heart of them that seek the Lord be glad. 

1 1 Seek ye the Lord and His strength, 

Seek ye His face continually. 

12 Remember His wonders that He hath done, 

His signs, and the judgments of His mouth, 

13 ye seed of Israel His servant, 

Ye sons of Jacob, His chosen. 

14 He the Lord is our God, 

His judgments are in all the earth. 

15 Remember His covenant for ever — 

The word He commanded to a thousand ages. 
1(5 Which He made with Abraham, 

And His oath unto Isaac. 
1 7 And appointed it to Jacob for a statute, 

To Israel for an everlasting covenant. 
l)j Saying, To thee I give the land of Canaan, 

The line of your inheritance. 

19 When ye were small in number, 

Few, and strangers in it. 

20 And they went from nation to nation, 

And from one kingdom to another people. 

21 He let m man do them wrong, 

And reproved kings for their sake. 

22 "Touch not mine anointed, 

And do my prophets no harm." 

THAI'. XVI. 11 

?3 Sing ye to the Lord, all the earth ; 

Proclaim from day to Jay His salvation. 

24 Tell ye among the nations His glory, 

His wonders among all the peoples. 

25 For great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised ; 

And He is to be feared above all gods. 

26 For all the gods of the peoples are idols; 

But the Lord made the heavens. 

27 Majesty and honour are before Him, 

Strength and gladness are in His place. 

28 Give unto the Lord, ye kindreds of the people, 

Give unto the Loud glory and strength. 

29 Give to the Lord the glory due to His name ; 

Bring an oblation, and come before Him ; 
Worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness. 

30 Tremble before Him, all the earth : 

The world will also stand fast without moving. 

31 Let the heavens be glad, and let the earth rejoice ; 

And let them sing among the nations, The Lord reigneth. 

32 Let the sea roar, and the fulness thereof; 

Let the field rejoice, and all that is therein. 

33 Then shall the trees of the wood sing out 

Before the Lord ; for He cometh to judge the earth. 

34 Thank ye. the Lord ; for He is good ; 

For His mercy endureth for ever. 

35 And say ye, Save us, God of our salvation, 

And gather us and deliver us from the heathen, 
To thank Thy holy name, 
To glory in Thy praise. 

36 Blessed be the Lord, the God of Israel, 

For ever and ever. 
And all the people said, Amen, and praised the Lord. 

37 And he left there, before the ark of the covenant of the Lord, Asaph ana 
his brethren, to minister before the ark continually, for the day's work in its day. 

38 And Obed-edom 8 and their brethren sixty and eight ; and Obed-edom, son of 

39 Jedithun. and Hosah, to be porters. And Zadok the priest, and his brethren 
the priests, before the tabernacle of the Lord, in the high place that was at 

40 Gibeon. To offer burnt-offerings to the Lord on the altar of burnt-offering con- 
tinually morning and evening, and for all that is written in the law of the Lord, 

41 which He commanded Israel. And with them Heman and Jeduthun, and the 
rest that were chosen, who were expressed by name, to thank the Lord, that His 

42 mercy endureth for ever. And with them, Heman and Jeduthun, 9 were trumpets 
and cymbals for loud sounding, and [other] instruments of God ; and the sons of 

43 Jeduthun were at the gate. And all the people went every man to his house; 
and David turned in to bless his house. 

' ^rVwTp, without variation, while in vi. 29 the name is *t^p, anil so the Sept. read here Kurxttu (Vulg. 

• |3 after }!T~GT has come into the text by a mistake of the pen, as the \ before the next name shows. On the 
contrary, the name }i"PUy seems to have fallen out at the close of ver. 18 (see Exeg.). 

3 Xt^C3- So most editions, in the first place; whereas II. Xorzi has St^D3 even the first time. 

' Kethib: D"1VSnO- fori: D'li'riO [pnrlic lliph) The same variation recurs 2 Chron. v. 13. where, h(r»- 
fver, the Keri is to be read a^ parHe. Pi. (C^iTTO^ 1 )- 




» The words D ,_ nb>l3n NC?G>n "lt?il !T9331 arc wanting in the Pe<h. At least, D'yi't^On should apparent! 
he erased as unmeaning (comp. Exeg.). though the Sept. and Vulg. have it. 

" Instead of PSOrY 1 after xv. 18 s certainly to be read here, in the first place (after JYiDTDL"). PS'lI)^- 

7 The variants in this song, from its parallel in the Psalter (Ps. cv., xcvi., cvi.",, see in Exeg. 

8 After D1X "12}?i as the plur. sutf. in DiTnXI shows must at least one name, probably ilDm (see the follow 
lng), have fallen out. 

9 The names pJllT'l }D s n were nut read by the Sept, (y,oii imt uutZv trockwyys; xxi zv,u.{3x\ct rod «»«c»-'w"». 

«.->. ), and appear to be repeated by mistake from the preceding verse, which also begins with DnB>'V 


Preliminary Remark. — Instead of the brief 
description of the parallel text 2 Sam. vi. 11-23, 
our author gives a detailed account: 1. Of the 
preparations for the solemn act of transferring the 
ark into its new sanctuary in Jerusalem, xv. 1-24, 
including o. The erection of the tent for the 
reception of the ark, ver. 1 ; b. a conference of the 
king with the priests and Levites, vers. 2-1 ti; and 
c. the selection of the Levites appointed for the 
chief part in the solemnity (and therefore desig- 
nated by name), vers. 16-24. 2. Then follows 
the execution of the so prepared holy act itself, 
xv. 25-xvi. 3 ; at the close of which conies the 
description of the first solemn service before the 
ark in its new sanctuary on Zion, xvi. 4-43, in- 
cluding the psalm of praise and thanks then sung, 
vers. 8-36. This long closing section is (except 
the last verse) pociutar to the Chronist. On its 
credibility, and especially on the genuineness and 
age of the psalm of praise and thanks, see at the 
close of these expositions. 

1. The Preparation for the Removal : and first, 
a. The erection of the tent on Zion: xv. 1. — And 
he made him houses m the city of David. This 
may be understood of the building of other houses 
besides the palace built with the aid of Hiram of 
Tyre, xiv. 1 (Berth., Kamph.); but as the verb 
used is nt'J). not rU3, it appears rather to refer to 
the internal finishing of a palace for the abode of 
the king and his wives. — And he prepared a place 
for tlir nrk nf God. This was probably in the 
immediate neighbourhood of the king's house 
adjoining it ; fur here the one of the two existing 
high priests, Abiathar the Ithamaride, who, since 
the massacre at Nob, was constantly about David 
(as it were, his court or domestic priest, while 
Zadok of the house of Eleazar officiated at Gibeon ), 
was to exercise his functions. — And pitched for 
it a tent, we maj T suppose, after the model id" the 
old tabernacle still existing at Gibeon (xvi. 39 f., 
xxi. 29; 1 Kings iii. 4 11'.). but only as a pro- 
visional sanctuary. 

2. Continuation, b. The conference with the 
priests and Levites: vers. 2-15. — Then David 
-aid, namely, at the end of the three months, 
xiii. 14. — None should carry, properly, " it is 
tnt to carry." With this confession of the sole 
right of the Levites to carry the ark (comp. 
Sum. i. 50, iv. 15, vii. 9, x. 17), David acknow- 
ledges that it was unlawful to convey it on a 
waggon, xiii. 7. — Ver. 3. And David gathered 
all Israel, by its natural representatives, the 
tlders and captains of thousands ; see ver. 25, and 
oornp. 2 Sam. vi. 15: " all the house of Israel." 
Of this summons to a previous consultation in 
Jerusalem nothing further is reported, 2 Sam. vi. 
— \ er. 4. A ml David assembled the sons of Aaron, 
■md thf Levites : he formed of these representa- 

tives of the priesthood an inner circle in the 
assembly of the people, to hear their counsel re- 
garding the order of the solemnities. " The sons 
nf Aaron " are the high priests Zadok and AbU- 
tliir, ver. 11; the "Levites" are the six chiefs 
named in vers. 5-10, with their brethren. — Ver. 
5. tif the sons of Kohath: Uriel, the chief ; see 
vi. 9. The Kohathite chief is named first, be- 
cause the ministry of the most holy, the carrying 
of the most holy vessels of the tabernacle, belonged 
to the Kohathites, the family from which Aaron 
tin- high priest sprang, Num. iv. 4, 15, vii. 9 
(Keil). — On the Merarite chief Asaiah, comp. vi. 
15 ; on Joel, the chief of the sons of Gershom, 
vi. 21. — Vers. 8-10 name the chiefs of three other 
Kohathite families, those of Elizaphan ( = Elza- 
phan son of Uzziel, Ex. vi. 22), of Hebron (son 
of Kohath, Ex. vi. 18 ; comp. 1 Chron. v. 28), 
and of Uzziel. The last named is probably not 
different from the Kohathite Uzziel, father of 
Elizaphan, Ex. vi. 22 ; there are thus formed of 
the sons of this Uzziel two houses, of which one 
is named after Elizaphan, the other after Uzziel 
himself, and not any of his other sons. There 
in- then in all four Kohathite houses, with one 
Merarite and one Gershomite, here represented; a 
strong preference of the house of Kohath, which 
is not surprising, because the conveyance of the 
ark specially belonged to them. — Ver. 11. And 
David called Zadok (of Eleazar, v. 27 If.) and 
Abiathar (of Ithamar), the high priests, who 
then acted together; see above on ver. 1, and 
comp. xxiv. 3; 2 Sam. xv. 24 ff.. xx. 25. — Ver. 12. 
)". chiefs of the Levites, literally, "ye chiefs of 
the fathers of the Levites ;" comp. viii. 6, 10. — 
Sanctify yourselves with your brethren, properly, 
"ye and your brethren." Tin- "sanctifying" 
consisted in keeping from their wives, from con- 
tact with unclean things, and also in washing the 
body and the clothes; comp. Gen. xxxv. 2 with 
Ex.'xix. 10, 15, also 2 Chron. xxx. 3.— To (the 

place i / linn prepared fur it, ip vrij'SiTvN. 

The same elliptical construction (with omitted 
"lu'N. or immediate connection of the relative 

sentence with the preposition) see in 2 Chron. i. 4, 
comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 3; 2 Chron. xvi. 9, xxx. 18: 
Neh. viii. 10 (Ew. § 333, b).— Ver. 13. For because 
ye were not at the beginning, or "ye were not 
those, who bare the ark." "At the beginning." 
on the former occasion, when three months before 
the ark was brought from Kiriath-jearim, xiii. 

On the peculiar construction !"l3ie>tn3D? (from 

nbb and ru^'toa). comp. hn^pd = n^rrnc, 

Mai. i. 13, and Ew. § 91, d. na^ in this com- 
pound signifies "for this, that," "bemuse;" 

i'I! \P. XV. 15-22. 

>! , 

jniup. live. § 222, a. 353, a.— Tin I,,,,- 1 

broh '-mi upon H.s.xiii. '. I), because «•< sought Him 

not aright, I ause we approached Him not in the 

manner prescribed by law, had neglected to testify 
inn' reverence to Him by keeping the legal regula- 
tion, that only Levites should bear the holy things 
— v*er. 15. -'I'"' the sons of the. Levites bear the 
ark ni' God. An anticipation, occasioned by that 
which wassail in the verse before o the immc- 
rliate i -^ ^.mi t i< >n of the order for the purification 
of the Levites. See the particulars, tot. 25 if. — 
Upon their shoulders, with staves upon them, upon 
their shoulders. On nolo (from uio, ''waver"), 

the polo, romp. Num. xiii. 23 (also Lev. xxvi. 13; 
Ezek. xxxiv. 27). In the Pentat. the poles arc 
besides called D«|3, Ex. xxv. 13 ff., etc. 

3. Clone, c. The appointment of the Levitical 
singers for the solemnity: vers. 16-24. — To ap- 
point their brethren the singers with instruments, 
properly, "with instruments of song," that is, to 

accompany the singing. Such -\iy} 173 (comp. 
N'ch. xii. 36) are now named in three classes : 1. 
0^3.3. ^Blrift* (Sept.), or nablia (Vulg.), guitar- 
like instruments, consisting of an oblong chest 
with tlat bottom ami convex sounding board, over 
which strings of win- war stretched, called by 
Luther, in accordance with the Sept. (and the 
Arab, santir), psalteries, by others "harps" or 
nablia; 2. ni"lS3 (Sept. xltufcu, Vulg. lyres), harps 

or lute-like instruments, rendered by Luther not 
unsuitably, " harps," though lutes would perhaps 
he more correct [rather should the former be 

called lutes] ; 3. D'JTOO (equivalent to the older 
term D^SX^S, 2 Sam. vi. 5; Ps. el. 5), here more 
Hilly defined by the epithet □ , JTO"'0, " clear- 
sounding" (making to hear), which belongs neither 
:o all the three instruments (Berth.), nor to the 
too remote ' ' their brethren the singers' ' { Kamph. ), 
hut, as in vers. 19, 28, and xvi. 5, 42, only to 

lTDPVD ; comp. Botteh. Neue exeg.-krit. Aehrenl. 

iii. 223 f. (who, however, assigns to the term the 
unsuitable meaning, "beating time"). — To lift up 
the sound with ijlndness, to express or signify joy; 
:onip. ver. 25; 2 Cliron. xxiii. 18, xxix. 30. This 
telic clause refers not merely to the clear-sounding 
cymbals, but to the chief sentence. — Ver. 17. And 
the Levites appointed Ifeman son of Joel. That 
this Heman was of the family of the Kohathites, 
and Asaph of the Gershonites (comp. vi. 18, 24), 
is not here stated ; only of the third song-master 
Ethan is his family, or his descent from Merari, 
expressly mentioned. On the name of Ethan's 
father, Kushaiah, see Crit. Note. — Ver. 18. And 
with them their brethren of the second degree. 
On Q^'J'Qn, " the second in rank," comp. the 
sing. rO'J'Bn. 2 Kings xxiii. 4 and 1 Chron. xvi. 

5. — Zechariah and Jaaziel. For the certainly 
spurious |2 after irVDT. see Crit. Note. The 

here named Jaaziel is certainly identical with the 
Aziel, ver. 20, and with the J. hi, xvi. 5. or rafter 
these names are to be changed into the present 
one. — And Obed-edom and Jeiel the porters. 

The office of doorkeepei does not exclude limit 
acting also as musicians, as ver. 21 shows. After 
Jeiel, as the sane- verse I aches, 1 lie name Azaziah 
must have fallen out, so thai .1 iginally there wer« 
nut thirteen but fourtci " persons named as musi- 
cians ol 1 he iond ordi r. After these singers 
ami musicians have been mentioned by name (and 
in two orders 01 ranks, vers. 17 and 1 8 , they are 
again brought forward, ers. i'.' 21, divided into 
three choirs, after the musical instruments 01. 
which they played. — Ver. 19. TheCymbalPt 1 
Herman, Asaph, and Ethan. — With cymbals of 
brass to sound uhmd, the) were hound, bad this 
to do. The cymbals wane wholly ol I 
1 ('or. xiii. 1: jj«*««V «£<">', and Joseph. Antiij 

vii. 12. 3: *w/*/3aAa *rt ti* vkxrix xcci ftiyiXu 

Xakxix. The "loud-sounding" (jPOtjin) of the 

three cymbal players was designed to beat time or 
dired ; for in ver. 17 they are placed before as 
leaders. — Ver. 20. The Players on Psalteries or 
Nablia: Zechariah and Seven Others. Of these, 
wdio are lore repeated with slight changes from 
ver. 18 (instead of Jaaziel, the second is here called 
Aziel; and at the end of the first series stand- here 
M.nseiah before Benaiah, there inversely), it is 
here stated that they played with psalteiies in the 

way of maidens. rS'27V'?V ' s certainl) the name 

of that tone, which sounds in a high, clear voice, 

that is, the soprano, as the following rWDBfiV.^, 

"after (or on) the octave," is equivalent to "on 
the bass," al ottava bassa. Comp. Del. on Ps. 
vi. 1, xlvi. 1. — Ver. 21. The Harp or Lute Players 
Mattaniah and Five Others. — With harps after 
the octave to lead. How this leading or 'in 
expressed by nV3 is distinct from that which is 
expressed, ver. 19, by j,"OB ; n, we can no longer 
define ; at all events, it was not such directing as 
could belong only to the music-master. Comp. 
Delitzsch on Ps. iv. 1. — Vers. 22-24 bring forward 
the other Levites engaged in the solemn procession. 
— And 1 'In naniah, chief of 'flu Levites,for 61 aring 
XC7D3 (or as perhaps is to be read, with R. Norzi, 

!>5'B>133) ' s scarcely to be understood of any presid- 
ing or overseeing action of Chenaniah (as the 
Sept. a^«i tv* »S^v, Vulg. propjtetice prazerat 
ad prcednendam melodiam; Luth. "to instruct in 
singing;" L. Lavater, supremusmusicus; Kamph. 
and ethers, "the leader in execution," etc. 1. 
The phrase is rather to be referred to the bearing 
of the ark, wdiich, according to ver. 23 f., is here 
in question (comp. also xt?C lu 2 Chron. xxw 3 

and Num. iv. 19). With this agrees, rightly 
conceived, ver. 27, as well as the later mention -A 
Chenaniah in xxvi. 2;', where In' is placed over 
the outward business of the Levites (rightly 
Berth, and Keil ; undecided Kamph.). — In- 
structed in bearing; for he was skilful, acquainted 
with the ritual, experienced in the ceremonial 
relative to the bearing of the ark. W.hethi 1 we 
take 13' as inf. abs. Kal in the sense of the 

verb. fin. -id', "instruct" (J. II. Mich., Gesen., 

etc.). or as imperf. of viD = -n ; j', "be chief. 

command" (Berth., etc.), or as a subst. in the 
sense of "instructor" (Kcil), the meaning of pre- 
siding, directing, leading, is at all events « 



pressed by the word. — Ver. 23. And Berechiah 
and Elkanah were doorkeepers Jot the ark, who 
were to guard not so much the doors of the ark 
itself as those of the tent that gave access to it ; 
thus, ill general, to guard the ark. As these two 
at first, and then at the close of the following 
verse, Obed-ndom and Jehiih also, are named as 
doorkeepers of the ark, we must regard the former 
two as going before the ark during the solemn 
procession, and the latter two as following after, 
('lose by the ark, however, either immediately 
before it or o:i the two sides, the seven priests 
blowing trumpets, ver. 24, may be supposed to go. 
— Ver. 24. And Sliebaniah . . . blew with trumpets 
before the ark of God. Whether the Kethxb 
a'ISXnD (de)iom. from mXiTl) or the Keri 

ansriD {Hiph, of -ivn) is read does not affect 

the sense. The blowing of trumpets here is ac- 
cording to the prescription, Num. x. 1-10, and 
the example of the compassing of Jericho, Josh. 
vi. 4-0. — And Obed-edom and Jehiah were door- 
keepers for the. ark. Of these, Obed-edom was a 
son of Jeduthun, xvi. 38, and so perhaps different 
from him of the same name among the singers, 
vers. 18, 21 (though he also, ver. 18, is called a 
doorkeeper). Perhaps also the Jehiah named with 
him is not to be identified with Jehiel there 
(vers. 18 and 21) named with Obed-edom (against 
Raschi, Berth., etc.). It is plain that according to 
all this the whole procession included the follow- 
ing divisions : — 1. The singers arranged in three 
choirs ; 2. Chenaniah the captain of the bearers 
(as it were marshal) ; 3. Two doorkeepers ; 4. 
Seven priests blowing trumpets close by the ark ; 
5. Two doorkeepers. After these followed, ver. 
25, the king, with the elders and captains of 

4. The Execution of that which was resolved in 
the Assembly : xv. 25-xvi. 3. — AndDavidand the 
elders of Israel, and the captains of thousands 
(commanders over the thousands, chiliarchs). <nM 

'131 -pii connects this with ver. 3, after the details 

concerning the preparations have intervened. The 
parallel 2 Sam. vi. 12 wants this connecting Vpl, 
and does not mention the elders and chiliarchs 
alon" with David. — Ver. 26. And when God 
helped the Levites, permitted them without danger 
or harm to convey the ark, thus to escape the 
fate of Uzza. The ottering of seven bullocks and 
seven rams seems to have been made at the close 
of the procession, after he conveyance had been 
successfully cond-i;ted. Otherwise 2 Sam. vi. 
13 where "(at least in the Masoretic text) David, 
after the bearers of the ark had made the first six 
steps, offered a sacrifice. It is probable that both 
accounts are origiual, and that the two must be 
harmonized and combined. — Ver. 27. And David 
was clothed with a robe of byssus. Instead of 

these words (p3 ^JJD3 ^SXSD T H))' 2 Sa ™ - 
vi. 14 presents }jri>D3 "OT3D "Pill ( witu tne 
addition niiV V|b|>)- That ^130 is corrupted 
from -Q-OO. and J*>3 ^VOZ from TJT^33 
(Berth., etc. ; also Bottcher, Neue Aehrenlese, 
iii. 224), might be assumed, ll the ni!V MB^, 
wantiug in our text, did not create a difficulty. 

For this assumption, according to which the 
Chronist shall have thought it unbecoming to 
speak of David (and, with Berth., the Levites 
also) dancing, though in ver. 29 and xiii. 8 he 
states, or at least implies, this fact quite freely, 
it is at all events easier to regard both texts as 
abbreviations of one and the same narrative con- 
tained in the common sources of our author, 
which, besides the dancing of David (which the 
Chronist merely presupposes, while the author of 
2 Samuel gives it prominence), contained full 
reports of the clothing of David, and of the 
Levites around him. It is accordingly to he 
supposed that the Chronist has taken only thrse 
latter reports in full, " because the statement 
concerning the clothing of the king and the 
Levites appeared more important for the purpose 
of describing fully the religious aspect of the pro- 
cession, as this import of it was more conspicuous 
here ; for the dress which the king wore had a 
priestly character" (Keil ; comp. Movers, p. 168). 

That the verb 7313, "to be wrapt up," belongs 
to the later usage of speech, or rather, is properly 
Chaldaic (Dan. iii. 21), can scarcely bring into 
question the justice of this harmonistic assump- 
tion (against Bbttch.). — And all the- Levites . . . 
and the singers, and Chenaniah. To these also 
obviously applies the being "clothed with a robe 
of byssus," which is first said of David. All 
these, who are here in apposition with David, are 
described as adorned with priestly attire, with 
the meil of byssus (comp. the byssus attire of 
the Levites and singers in the dedication of the 
temple by Solomon, 2 Chron. v. 12, and for the 
meil, the upper garment of distinguished persons, 
1 Sam. ii. 19, xv. 27, xviii. 4, xxiv. 5; Ezra ix. 
3; Job xxix. 14). The closing sentence, "and 
upon David was a linen ephod, " first names the 
distinguishing part of the clothing of the king as 
the sovereign of the priestly people (comp. 2 Sam. 
vi. 14). The designation of Chenaniah as "the 
master of the bearing" (xt'Bil "lfe>n with the 

double article ; comp. Ew. § 290, d) is to be 
understood according to ver. 22 ; the unmeaning : 
"the singers," after NBTSn, appears spurious (see 

Crit. Note) ; even if we understood NtSW "f musi- 
cal performance, this addition would be disturb- 
ing. — Ver. 28. With shouting, and with sound of 
cornet, etc. Shorter and simpler 2 Sam. vi. 15, 
without naming the several instruments. — Ver. 
29. Then Michal . . . sow King David leaping 
and playing. Instead of pnC'SDI TplD. 2 Sam. 
vi. 16 has ns-ODI WBO- This brief reference to 

the well-known history, fully reported in 2 Sam. 
vi. 16, 20-23, of the dispute between David ami 
Michal, shows sufficiently that the Chronist did 
not wish to be silent concerning this matter from 
dogmatic or aesthetic considerations. Moreover, 
ver. 29-xvi. 3 agrees in all essentials with 2 Sam. 
vi. 16-19a. — Ch. xvi. 3. To every one. a toaf of 

bread (Oph "133, the more usual phrase for the 
rarer '{j n^ri used in 2 Sam. vi. 19), and a measure 
(of wine), and a grape cake. The IBC'N- occur- 
ring only here and 2 Samuel, is explained by the 
Vulg., Chald., and Syr., and by several Rabbis 
and moderns (Ew., Berth., Kaniph.), as "a piece 

CHAP. XVI 4-27. 


i.f flesh" (roast), as it' train -i£, ox . and L"X. fire, 
or rather from iBt? = SpK>, "to burn." But the 
reference of the word to "I2tj>, in the sense of the 
Aethiopic safara=metiri l " to measure," is better 
ascertained, according to which, is'j'x (with x 
prosthet.) signifies a portion of drink, a measure 
of wine (de Dieu, Gesen., Rodiger, lieil, etc.). 
On n'w'^'N, "grape or raisin cake" (from c'^'X. 

*o make firm, press), comp. Song ii. 5, Hos. iii. 
i, and the equivalent Q'WDXi xn - 40. 

5. The First Solemn Service before the A rh in 
Jerusalem, and the Institution of Divine Service 
in general: vers. 4-43. — a. The Levites appointed 
for service by David: vers. 4-6. — And he appointed 
(properly, "gave;" comp. ver. 7) before the ark 
of the Lord ministers of the Levitts, namely, as 
the addition "to record, etc." shows, singers and 
players for the purpose of sacred singing, Levi- 
ticat ministers (XiiTai/jjj/aSvTat!, Sept. ). — To record, 

mid to thank, and to praise. T3Ti"v, literally, 

"to bring to remembrance, to pray at the rPSfX 

of the meat-offering" (Lev. ii. 2; comp. Ps. 
xxxviii. 1, Ixx. 1, and Del. on the first passage). 

lining, properly, "to confess" (Sept., sfo,i*-,x.>- 

yCePsu), refers to the singing of psalms that pro- 
minently confess and express thanks to God, as 
^S^S refers to the praises of the hallelujah songs. 

— Ver. 5. Asaph the chief, and next to him 
Zechariah, literally, "and as his second, his 
next man (follower) ; " comp. Esth. x. 3. Of 
the three song-masters and fourteen musicians 
named in the list xv. 19-21, a part only are 
named again : of the song-masters only Asaph, 
and of the musicians only nine (namely, six of 
the eight neb 1-players and three of the six 
kinnor-playets), and also, ver. 6, of the seven 
trumpet-blowers, only two, Benaiah and Jahaziel, 
the latter of whom did not appear in xv. 24. As 
we possess no parallel report to compare with the 
contents of our section, nothing definite can be 
conjectured of the relation of the present names 
to those of the longer series, and it must he left 
uncertain whether Jahaziel be identical with the 
Eliezer named, ver. 24, along with lienaiah. 

ti. Continuation, b. The song of praise and 
thanks by Asaph and his brethren: vers. 7-36. — 
On that day then Daoid ordered for the first time 
. . . by Asaph, etc. Properly, " then David gave 
over ... by the hand of Asaph ;" -|»3 ||-|3, here 

'to hand over, arrange." t'X~i2, not "by the 

chief, by Asaph," but " first, for the first time : " 
comp. C'NID, Isa. xl. 21. This is the first intro- 
duction of the new eultus. Along with Asaph 
are Darned "his brethren," the Levites arranged 
with (and under) him, enumerated in vers. 5, 6. 
We may observe, moreover, how clearly this 
verse, especially by its E>&TI3, announces the fol- 
lowing song as an ideal composition, characteriz- 
ing only ir. general that which was to be sung by 
the inusi''i..ts, but not expressing a stereotype 
form. Had the author wished to convey the 
sense that the song was sung for all time so as 
he communicated it, and not otherwise, lie would 

have added, "and he commanded them thus to 

sing," or, " to sing this sung." — Ver. 8 If. Thank 
yi ih: Lord, call on His name, ate. of the eight 
strophes of the song, the first fair (vers. 8-22) 
correspond ti> the opening of Ps. cv. (vers. 1-15); 
the next three (vers. 23-33) to 1's. xcvi. ; the 
last (vers. 34-36) to the fust and last two verses 
of 1's. evi., with some unimportant variations 
which are here to be noted. — First Strophes very. 
8-11 (=l's. ev. 1-4) : Summons to sing praise t" 
the Lord and to seek His face. — Second Stropht . 
vers, 12-14 ( = Ps. cv. 5-7): Summons to think 
of the wonders of the Lord and His judgments. 
Here are the first variants, namely, ver. 12, nrv-2 

instead of ^3, and, ver. 13, pKlb" JHT instead 

of □iT'GN 'f, of which the latter only is of any 

consequence. On account of the parallelism with 
the "sons of Jacob, " the "seed of Israel" appears 
the better reading. — Third Strophe : vers. 15-18 
(=Ps. ev. 8-11) : Summons to think of the 
covenant made by the Lord with the fathers. 
Remember His covenant for ever. Ps. cv. rather: 
" He lemembereth, etc." ("ijf for VUt). Dur 

leading, corresponding better with the applica- 
tion of the song to the end proposed in ver. 7, 
appears to be substituted for the more original 
one of the Psalm. — Ver. 16. And His oath unto 

Isaac. For pnXv P s - cv - 9 presents the weaker 

form pnb"^ (found also in Amos vii. 9 ; Jer. 

xxxiii. 26), a critically unimportant variant, like 
that in ver. 18a, where jyjg jnx stands for 

"2")"IX"DX- — Fourth Strophe: vers. 19-22 ( = Ps. 

cv. 12-15) : Reason of the summons to remember 
the covenant of the Lord with the fathers, because 
the Lord has so truly and mightily protected 
them according to His promise. — When ye were 
small in number. Instead of C^DV' 3 P s - cv - 

12 presents DJ"li\"l3- To address the children of 

Israel again corresponds better with the aim of 
the Psalm ; this variant is thus similar to that 
in ver. 15, but affords no presumption in favour 
of the priority of this or that reading. —Ver. 20. 
And from one kingdom. Ps. ev. omits the "and" 
(1 before fO^DBD) ; critically unimportant, as 

also the two following variants (ver. 21, [.""K? f° r 

D1K, and, ver. 22, WaSM for "WZlbti-— Fifth 

Strophe : vers. 23- 27 ( = Ps. xcvi. 1-6) : All the 
world shall concur in praise of the greatness and 
glory of God. — The first verse of this passagi 
seems compounded of the first two verses of Ps. 
xcvi., the first members being omitted. Whether 
this be an abbreviating process of the Chronist, 
or an amplifying one of the Psalmist, it is hard 
to determine ; much may be said for each ol the 
two assumptions (see Keil). — Ver. 27. Strength 
and gladness are in His place (iopD3 iTfini; 

comp. for this late, but in Aram, frequent, min, 

Ezra vi. 16 ; Neb., viii. 10). On the contrary, Ps. 
xcvi. 6 : "strength and beauty in His sanctuary" 
(VJ'TpTpIl mssni)-— Sixth Strophe: vers. 28-30 

( = Ps. xcvi. 7-9) : All nations shall worship God 



with offerings and confessions.— Ver. 29. (five to 
the Lord the ylory due to His name, ete.^ Instead 
of two, this verse has, to our surprise, three 
members : the first two correspond to Ps. xcvi. 
S ; ver. 9 there to our ver. 29c and ver. 30a. 
The disturbance of the parallel in our verse rests 
on this, that after ver. 31a (=Ps. xcvi. 11a) the 
verse-member Ps. xcvi. 10a is placed, out Ps. 
xcvi. 10c is altogether omitted. Thus, in our 
text, the verse beginning with "give to the Lord 
the glory," on the contrary, in Ps. xcvi., that 
beginning with " say among the heathen" (ver 
10), forms the exception to the otherwise i 
bipartition of the verse. It is impossible, how- 
ever, to arrive at a certain result on which side 
the priority lies (see on ver. 81).— Bring an obla- 
tion, and come before Him. Ps. xcvi. 86 : "and 

come to His courts" (vnmrf? for WB?). This 

variant is similar to that in ver. 27, where "in 
His sanctuary" of the Psalm is changed into the 
more general "in His place," because the mention 
of the "sanctuary" (as here of the "courts") 
does not seem to comport well with the time and 
aim of the present song, which was suug before 
the. erection of the temple.— Ver. 30. Tremble 

be/ore Him, all the earth. For V3S;>0 Ps - XL ' vi - 

9 has VJBD, a " unimportant difference. — Seventh 

Strophe: vets. 31-33 ( = Ps. xcvi. 10-13): Even 
the inanimate creation will exult before the Lord 
of all nations coming to judgment. Ver. 31a 
corresponds to Ps. xcvi. 11a, but ver. 316 to Ps. 
xcvi. 10a. — And let them say amony the nation.-:. 
etc., is in Ps. xcvi. 10a: "say among the nations" 
(V13K instead of n^N'l)' lt is to ° muoh to say 
that this summons, addressed to the Israelites 
after the words "tremble before Him, all the 
earth " (which there go immediately before, as 
ver. 96), yields a "rather tame thought," and 
speaks for the priority of the text of Chronicles 
(Keil). The position of the present summons 
among mere appeals to the representatives of 
inanimate nature, as the heavens, the earth, the 
sea, the field, may appear surprising and disturb- 
ing. There is something excited and wavering 
in°the line of thought and mode of expression, 
there as well as here.— Ver. 326. Let the field 

rejoice, etc. For rnfrn J"^^ Ps - XL '- VZa 
presents "iT L » j^vjp, in which the poetic and 
archaic HB^i instead of the prosaic nTfen. seems 
not without significance. — Ver. 33. Tlien shall 
the trees of the loood sin;/ out. For this Ps. xcvi. 
126 has "all trees of the wood." The second 
member of this verse corresponds to the first in 
Ps. xcvi. 13, as far as the repetition of "for He 
lometh" (S3 , 3), which occurs only once here. 
Ps. xcvi. 136, the close of the whole Psalm, is 
wanting in our text, whi :h the defenders of the 
priority of the latter explain thus : that when 
the contents of our verses 23-33 were made a 
distinct Psalm, it was found necessary to make 
at the close a suitable addition ; whereas the 
matter may as well be explained by the abbre- 
viating habit of our author (as the later compiler 
of the present Bong).— Eighth .strophe: vers. 34- 
36 ( = Ps. cvi. 1, 47, 48) : Repeated summons to 
thank God, and to pray for His further help, with 

the closing doxology. — Thanh ye the Lord; for 
lie is good, etc. This verse is found not merely 
at the head of Ps. cvi., but also of Ps. cvii., 
cxviii., exxxvi. (comp. also Ps. cxviii. 29 ana 
Jer. xxxiii. 11); as an old and favourite litur- 
gical form, it is not necessarily to be regarded as 
taken from Ps. cvi. in particular..— Ver. 35. And 
say ye, Save »$, O God of our salvation. Similar, 
but not verbally so, Ps. cvi. 47, where " and say- 
is wanting, and for " (lod of our salvation" 


stands "the Lord our God." — And gather us ana 
deliver us from the heathen. For this Ps. cvi 
47 has : " and gather us from the heathen." The 
two following members agree verbally with the 
parallel verse of the Psalm. — Blessed be the Lord, 
etc. This closing doxology, which recurs exactly 
in Ps. cvi. 48, forms there the close of the fourth 
book of the Psalter, together with the words: 
"and let all the people say, Amen. Prise ye 
the Lord," which are here changed into the his- 
torical notice: "and all the people said, Amen, 
and praised the Lord" (riDX'l I" 1 ' tl: <- jussive 

cT &n) 

y?ni for 

Even in 

"TOifl, and mrr 

these last deviations from the similar passages ot 
the Psalter there is nothing that could prove 
with certainty the priority of our text, and a 
partly imitative, partly devious, procedure of the 
Psalmist, With regard to the doxology trm 
'ijl ilCTi which was originally nothing else than 
the liturgical close of the fourth book (analogous 
to those at the close of Ps. xli., lxxii., and 
lxxxix.), it is much more probable that our 
author changed, for his own purpose, this doxo- 
logical formula, which may have been attached 
to°Ps. cvi. long ago, from liturgical use. And 
the more probable this must appear to the un- 
prejudiced mind, the more clearly all the other 
differences between our text and that of the cor- 
responding Psalms appear as alterations, occa- 
sioned by the revising and compiling habit of 
the Chronist, of that which was before him in 
the Psalter. Comp. the closing remarks. 

7. Division of the Levites and Priests for Divine 
Service (as continuation and close of the list of 
Levitical singers and players in vers. 4-6): vers. 
37_43. — Asaph and his brethren. The *? before 

the accus. of the object, according to later usage. — 
For the day's work in its day, literally, "for the 
matter of the day on its day," that is, according 
to the service required for every day; comp. 
2 Cliron. viii. 14, xxxi. 16.— Ver. 38. And Obed- 
edom and their brethren sixty and eight. That 
here should be read, according to what follows: 
"and Obed-edom and Hosah and their brethren." 
see Crit. Note. If, indeed, in the next clause of 
our verse: "and Obed-edom . . . and Hosah to 
be porters," another Obed-edom were meant, as 
the distinction of this as "son of Jcdithun" (pos- 
sibly, xxvi. 4, a Korhite Jedithun, and not the 
Merarite singer Jeduthun) appears to indicate, 
some other name than that of Hosah must be 
supplied along with the former Obed-edom. Even 
in xv. 21, 24 there seem to be two different 
Obed-edoms, a singer, ver. 21, and a porter, ver. 
24. Yet the diversity of the two named in our 
verse is by no means certain ; for in xxvi. 4-8, ol 
Obed-edom with his sons and brothers, sixty-two 
men are mentioned as porters, which nearly agrees 
with the present number sixty-eight, and seems 

CHAP. XVI. 89-43. 


to point to the identity of the first-mentioned and 
the second Ooed-edom. Ver. 42 of our chapter 
,]so shows clearly enough the identity of the pre 
sent Jedithun with Jeduthun. In the ootonous 
defect iveness ol i he text, besides, we cannot attain 
to a certain decision, — Ver. 39. And Zadok tin 
priest. t\ ,d his brethren the priests. 3Ty'l, ver. 
37, still arts as the governing verb. For the 
continued religious use of the sanctuary at Gibeon 
nnder David, see on xv. 1. It is to be remarked 
thai Zadok is designated only as priest, not as 
high priest, as he was made first by Solomon ; 
see 1 Kings ii. 27, 85. — Ver. 40. To offer burnt- 
offerings to tJu Lord on the altar of burnt-offer- 
ing. The mention here of burnt-offerings only al 
Gibeon proves nothing against the assumption 
that they were also ottered in the sanctuary at 
Jerusalem; and eh. xxi. 26, 30 shows directly 
and expressly that these offerings were made here 
also, no doubt under the direction of Abiathar 
(comp. xviii. 16). — ' 'ontintially morning and < ven- 
ing. Comp. the prescriptions of the law, Ex. 
xxix. 3S; Num. xxviii. 3, 6. — And for all (that 
was prescribed besides the daily burnt-offering; 

comp. Num. xxviii.) that is written. 3V13n"P3i3, 
briefly for '3iri>3 nit:'!^. — Ver. 41. Ami with 

them, etc., with Zadok and his brethren. This 
refers to tip 1 singers at the sanctuary in Gibeon, 
where Heman, Jeduthun (Ethan), and a number 
of subordinates were appointed. The Chronist 
points indeed to a list before him, in which the 
Gibeonite singers were named (on DIDC'S 13J-!0. 

comp. xii. 3] I, but docs not specify them, because 
the singers under Asaph at Jerusalem, who are 
enumerated vers. 4-6, interested him most. — 
Ver. 42. And with them, Heman and Jeduthun, 
were trumpets '(»>/ cymbals. So, according to 
the Masoretie reading, which, however, appears 
suspicious, from the absence of the names Heman 
and Jeduthun in the Sept. (comp. Crit. Note!, 
and gives no very suitable sense. If we erase the 
two names, the sense comes out: "and with them 
were, that is, they had trumpets and cymbals," a 
phrase somewhat strange, but still affording a 
suitable sense, which is at all events to be pre- 
ferred to the artificial and forced emendation of 
Berthean ("And Heman and Jeduthun were play- 
ing aloud with trumpets and cymbals, and with 
them tic others chosen, with song-instruments of 

God"). — For loud sounding, U*yC£"o?- This 
epithet belonging to the DTfPi'D defines the 

cymbals as giving the tone, or intoning the 
melody, and thus being a means of leading the 
song for the song-masters Heman and Jeduthun ; 
comp. on xv. 16, 19. — And (other) instrumi nts of 
God, other instruments of religious music besides 
tii se named, especially psalteries and harps. — 
AvaI (he tuns of Jnluthwi were at the (/ate: they 
were appointed to guard the entrance of the 
Gibeonite tabernacle. These are obviously i fbed- 
edom, Hosah, and their brethren, who had been 
designated, ver. 38, as doorkeepers. — Ver. 43. 
And all the /<- oph went every man to his house ; 
essentially as in 2 Sam. vi. 19, 20, where this 
closing verse of our chapter has its parallel in mi 
otherwise much more concise report. The narra- 
tive there added, of David's altercation with 
Alichal (comp. xv. 29), our author omits as a 

scene of a purely domestic character, unsuitabl 
to his purpose. — And David turned in to bless hi* 
house, on this festive day, as he had before (vei 
2) blessed the whole people in the name of the 


Appendix: On the < redibility of thi Contents 
of eh. xvi. 

A- ih. xii . notwithstanding its exclusive trans- 
mission by our author, makes the impression of 
the highest credibility, the statistical data and 
registers also of our section, just because they are 
mostly of a concrete and detailed kind, afford 
the warrant of a true rendering "! thi historii il 
taets. Important there as w, 11 as here is the 
reference to greater and richer registers, that 
must have served the Chronist as sourci s, without 
being exhausted by him ; comp. the characteristic 
niDC'3 i3rp:""lC ; S, xii. 31, xvi. 41, and such 

specifications of names as vers. 4 -6 and ver. 38 If., 
which clearly indicate in the author a process ot 
abstracting and contracting more copious lists. 
It is manifest enough that he was in t position, 
as belonging himself to the corps of Levitical 
singers after the exile (Tntrod. •: 8), to draw these 
stiti mi nts from the full fountains, and to depend 
on copious written and oral traditions. 

Only with respect to the song given in vers. 
8 36, at the dedication, the assumption of strict 
historical accuracy appears to he given up on 
account of its relation to several parallel Psalms; 
and an ideal composing process of tin writer, 
similar to that of Livy and Thucydides in their 
speeches, is assumed as necessary. We know not, 
in fact, what could stand against the admissi- 
bility of this assumption, defended by Bertheau, 
ICampIi., Dillmann, Davidson, Ewald (Bibl. 
Jahrb. vi. 24), Delitzsch (Komm. turn Psalter, it 
p. 93 f.), A. Kbhler { far I nth. Thiol. 
1867, p. 295 ft'.), C. Ehrt [Abfassungszeit and 
Schluss des Ps., Leipzig 1869, p. 41 If. ), Hupfeld, 
and others. If, of recent scholars, on the one hand 
Ilitzig (J>ie Psalmen, 2 Bd. 1865, p. viii. If. i, on 
the other Keil (Komm. p. 155 If. ), — the former im- 
pelled by a hypercritical zeal to show the Macca- 
bean origin of those Psalms to be probable, the 
latter by an apologetic motive in favour of the 
i 'hronist, — have endeavoured to prove our form to 
be original, and the passages of the Psalms cv. 
1-15, xevi. 1-13, cvi. 1, 47, 4S, to be mere frag- 
ments of the original song, against this the 
following considerations remain still in force: — 

1. The constitution of both the texts, even it 
the greater number of defects and corruptions 

ur in the Psalms, and the text of Chronicles 

be comparatively older and better, admits of no 
certain conclusion with respect to the greater or 
less age of the one or the other recension. For. 
irrespective of the many cases in which Chronicles 
most probably contains the later readings (fol 
example, ver. 27, nnn; ver. 32, rtlL"^ 1 ; ''''• -'■'■ 

nsi for rni-iynij; and again, ver. 27, ic'pDS 

for i[j"npD3), the more archaic form of the text 

cannot of itself decide in favour of pre ,-ity. aa 
younger MSS., and certainly Hebrew as well as 
1 1 reck and Latin, often enough present a more 
original text than older ones, and the text of the 
passages in the Psalms are not to be judged 
according to their external written form. Foj 



" the text of the Psalms, while they were in I 
liturgical use, was more exposed to alterations 
from the influence of the later speech than that 
of a historical book ; and on this ground, more 
ancient turns and phrases in Chronicles could not 
be at once maintained as proofs that Chronicles 
was original and the Psalms an imitation " 
i Berth.). 

2. If we consider the matter and line of thought 
in our song, and compare it with the correspond- 
ing Psalms, the latter appear simple, well con- 
nected, aud well-ordered wholes in a higher degree 
than the former. The transition from strophe 
four to strophe five of our song (see vers. 22, 28) 
is abrupt and sudden. We expect that after ver. 
22, either the agency of Jehovah in the early time 
of Israel will be further depicted, as is done in 
Ps. cv. , where complete connection and unity of 
thought prevails, 1 or at least, by a description of 
His agency in the heathen world or in inanimate 
nature (eonip. Ps. civ.), the way will be prepared 
for the summonses contained in vers. 23-33. A 
similar hiatus again appears between vers. 33 and 
34 (or between strophes seven and eight*, and also 
after the section parallel with Ps. xcvi. For the 
summons of ver. 34, as appears undeniable from 
ver. 35, is to be regarded as specially directed to 
Israel ; but Israel is not spoken of either in ver. 
34 or in the whole preceding paragraph, vers. 
23-33. If Hitzig thinks that here the end of the 
song only returns to its beginning, he has not 
sufficiently considered that petitions such as those 
contained in ver. 35, for the deliverance and 
gathering of Israel from the heathen, do not occur 
at the beginning of the song, and that these 
petitions come in here quite unexpectedly after 
the previous line of thought in vers. 8-33; where- 
as they are very well introduced in Ps. cvi. 47, 
after vers. 40-46. 

3. Decisive for the priority of the Psalter is the 
transference of the closing doxology of the fourth 
book of Psalms (Ps. cvi. 48) by the redactor of our 
song ; see on this passage, and comp. Delitzsch on 
the Psalm. 

4. The manner in which the song is introduced 
(see on ver. 7) points also to an ideal composing 
activity of the author of it. 

5. Our combining of a number of passages 

1 For the picture ot the benign sway of God ovei Abia- 
taam, in vers. 10-15 of this Psalm, forms only the beginning 
ot that which is said in the further course of the same 
picture, of Jacob, of Joseph and his brethren, of Moses, and 
of the whole of God's people in the patriarchal aud Mosaic 

from the Psalms into one whole should not be 
regarded as a product of mere trifling and insipid 
compilation, like the Homeric or Virgilian cantos 
of the declining old classical poetry, because it 
applies to a festal song to be used for a definite 
liturgical purpose, and because nothing certain 
can be opposed to the assumption, that not the 
Chronist in the tim s after the exile, but the 
writer of his source, the older report (certainly 
before the exile) which he follows throughout 
the section vers. 4-42, is to be regarded as the 
author of the present composition. 

<3. Whether the present attempt to exhibit the 
opening of the worship on Zion in Davidic strain; 
is to be considered older than the composition of 
our book, or contemporary with it, we are not to 
lind an offence against the obligation of historical 
fidelity in this ideal composition, which seeks to 
reproduce the fundamental tone of the song sung 
on that occasion. The author knew that in the 
religious festivals of his people songs were sung of 
the tone of Ps. xcvi., cv., cvi., from the oldest 
times ; hence he puts in the mouth of the Leviti- 
cal singers in David's time a song formed out of 
these I'salms as a probable expression of the 
spiritual thanksgiving presented to the Lord by 
the community of that day, without in the least 
making himself guilty of a falsehood. He ap- 
pears on this ground as little a falsifier as the 
author of the song of Mary, of Zacharias, or of 
Simeon in the introductory chapter of Luke's 
Gospel, the verbal recitation of which, according 
to the form there given, need scarcely be insisted 
on, and the harmony of which with so many 
characteristic phrases of the I'salms and Prophets, 
has its historical precedent in the relations of our 
song to the Psalms in question. 

[Ps. xcvi., cv., and cvi. are anonymous in the 
Hebrew ; but on examinati"ii, there is no con- 
vincing reason why they may not have been 
composed by David. Ps. xcvi. is actually 
ascribed to him in the Sept., with the lollowing 
remarkable addition: "when the house was built 
after the captivity." Here the captivity seems to 
refer to the captivity of the ark when far from 
the sanctuary, 1 Sam. iv., and the house to the 
tabernacle which David erected on Zion. The 
other two Psalms may be as old as David ; and 
there is therefore no reason to doubt the historical 
veracity of the statement made by the Chronist. 
that David selected from these Psalms the piece 
that was actually sung at the dedication of the 
tabernacle on Zion. — J. G. M.] 

6. The Purpose of David to build a Temple, and the Objection raised by the Prophet Nathan. 

ch. xvii. 

Chap. xvii. 1. And it came to pass, as David sat in his house, he. said unto Nathan 
the prophet, Lo, I dwell in a house of cedars, and the ark of the covenant of the 

2 Lord is tinder curtains. And Nathan said unto David, Do all that is in thine 

3 heart ; for God is with thee. And it came to pass in that night, that the word of 

4 tiie Loud came to Nathan, saying, Go and say unto David my servant, Thus 

5 saith the Lord, Thou shalt not build me a house to dwell in. For I have not 
dwelt in a house from the day that I brought up Israel unto this day ; but I was 

6 from tent to tent, and from one tabernacle to another. As long as I have walked 
m all Israel have I spoken a word with any of the judges of Israel, whom I com- 

7 niauded to feed my people, Why have ye not built me a house of cedars 1 Ami 
now, thus shalt thou sav unto mv servant David, Thus saith the LORD of hosts. 

riiM'. xvii. l. ■>. 


I took thee from the common, from behind the sheep, to lie ruler over my people 

8 Israel. And 1 was with thee, whithersoever thou wentest ; ami 1 cut off all thy 

enemies from before thee, and made i lire a name like the name of the great on 

9 the earth. And I ordained a place for my people Israel, and planted them, and 
they dwelt in it, and were no more troubled ; and the sons of evil no more wasted 

10 them as before. And since the days that I appointed judges over my peoplv 
Israel: and I subdue all thy enemies; and 1 tell thee that the Lord will build 

11 thee a house. And it shall come to pass, when thy days are fulfilled to go unto 
thy fathers, that I will raise up thy seed utter thee, which shall lie of thy sons , 

12 and I will establish his kingdom. He shall build me a house, and 1 will estab- 

13 lish his house for ever. I will lie his father, and he shall be my sun ; and 1 will 

14 not take my mercy from him, as I took it from him who was before thee. Hut 
I will settle him in my house and in my kingdom for ever ; and his throne shall 
be established for ever. 

15 According to all these words and all this vision, so Nathan spake unto David. 
1G And King David went and sat before the LOHD, and said, Who am 1, Lord 

17 God, and what is my house, that Thou hast brought me hitherto? Anil this was 
a small thing in Thine eyes, God; and Thou hast spoken of the house of Thy 
servant for a great while to come, and regardest me after the way ' of man that 

18 raiseth up, LORD God. What shall David add to Thee of the glory of Thy 
ll) servant ? * and Thou knowest Thy servant. Lord, for Thy servant's sake, and 

after Thy heart, hast Thou done all this greatness, to make known all these great 

20 things. O Lord, there is none like Thee, and no God besides Thee, according to 

21 all that we have heard with our ears. And what one nation in the earth is like 
Thy people Israel, whom God went to redeem to Himself as a people, to make 
Thee a name of great and terrible deeds, to drive out nations before Thy people, 

22 whom Thou didst redeem from Egypt ? And raadest Thy people Israel a people 

23 to Thee for ever; and Thou, Lord, becamest their God. And now, Lord, let the 
word which Thou hast spoken of Thy servant and of his house be maintained for 

24 ever, and do as Thou hast said. Yea, let it be maintained, and let Thy name be 
magnified for ever, saying, Jehovah Zebaoth, the God of Israel, is God to Israel ; 

25 and the house of David Thy servant is established before Thee. For Thou, my 
God, hast opened the ear of Thy servant, that Thou wilt build him a house ; there- 

20 fore Thy servant hath found [courage] to pray before Thee. And now, Lord, 
27 Thou art God, and hast spoken this goodness concerning Thy servant. And now 
Thou art pleased to bless the house of Thy servant, that it may be before Thee 
for ever ; for Thou, Lord, hast blessed, and it is blessed for ever. 

1 Foi "linS " goud many ass. read T]ij~13. which is as unsatisfactory as the obscure "11713, or as n~lin, 2 Sam 

vii. Ill, or as the le;iriing (if I he Sept. : zaci etc* In uli its c/>*iris i*t^*Tei/, xxt C-^utris ui. or that of the Vulg.t tt ficisti mi 
tpertabtttm Miper onws homines. 

• ^l^tQi^DX, wanting in the Sept. and in 2 Sam. vii. 21. is perhaps spurious. But see Exeg. Expl. 


Preliminary Remark. — After the history ot 

the transplanting of the ark to Jerusalem, the 
author of the books of Samuel has given the 
account of David's purpose to build a temple, and 
of the word of God communicated to him by 
Nathan, 2 Sam. vii., and, indeed, in a form sub- 
stantially agreeing with tiie present text, though 
occasionally deviating from it in words. Besides 
the expositors of Chronicles are therefore here to 
be compared also those of the corresponding 
parts of the books of Samuel, namely, C. A. 
CrnsmaiHiipom>mmatii,i\. pp. 190-219), Thenius, 
Keil, Hengstenberg (Ohristol. 2d edit. i. 143 11'.), 
L. Reinke {Dii Weissagwigdes Prophet&i Nathan, 
in his contributions to the explanation of the 0. 
T., vol. iv. p. 427 (f.), and, in a critical respect, 
\\ ellhausi'ii (p. 170). 

1. David's Purpose, and Nathan's Consent at 
first to it : vers. 1, 2. — As David sat in his home, 
in that cedar palace described in xiv. 1, xv. 1 If. 
Alter i;T32 2 Sam. vii. 1 has the furthei 

chronological determination : "and the Lord bail 
given him rest round about from all his enemie: 
Our author leaves out this determination inti u- 
tionally, to avoid the apparent contradiction with 
tie- circumstance that the severest wars of David 
are introduced afterwards, and so, according to 
his arrangement of the material, following the 
order of thought rather than of time. — Ver, -. 
Do all . . . for God is with lint. In 2 Sam.: 
"Go and do . . . for the Lord is witli thee." 
The omission of -rh before nB>J7 " ~ K ou the 
strong abbreviating and simplifying tendency of 
our author ; the substitution of D'fOK for 



nilT on his aim to choose the current expressions 

of his day. The older practical expositors justly 
designate this preliminary consent of Nathan as 
proceeding " from his merely human judgment " 
(bona intention? et sincero animo, non tamen ex 
d'mhia revelalione, 1 . H. Mich.). — Luth.: "The 
prophets themselves occasionally err and sin, as 
Nathan whin he says to D ivid of his own spirit 
that he shall build a house to the Lurd, which is 
soon after altered by a divine revelation." 

2. God's Revelation to Nathan : vers. 3-15. — 
On the night as the time of divine revelations by 
dreams, visions, etc., comp. our remarks on Job 
iv. 13 (pp. 75, 84). — Thou shalt not build me a 
home to dwell in. in 2 Samuel this prohibition 
is put in the form of a question: "Shalt thou 
build me a house ? " — Ver. 5. But I was from tent 
to tent, and from tabernacle ; that is, from one 
tabernacle to another. For this sentence, which 
is obscure from its pregnant brevity, 2 Samuel 
gives : " but have walked (have been walking) in 
a tent and in a tabernacle." The tabernacle 

(pB>D) > s presented along with the tent (Jjntf) 

as the more comprehensive notion, including 
court, altar of burnt- offering, etc. — Ver. 6. With 
any of the judges of Israel. 2 Samuel: "with 
any of the tribes of Israel " ('D3!^ '"or 'Sab')- 

Our reading is perhaps the older ; comp. Berth, 
and Wellh. — Ver. 7 ff. give the proper contents 
of the divine revelation, as far as it concerns 
David's relation to the building of the temple. — 
Ver. 8. And made tliee a name, like the name of 
the great on the earth, referring to the kings of 
the heathen monarchies. These words (ver. 86) 
formed the text of the memorial sermon preached 
in all the churches of the Prussian state on the 
death of Frederick n. (1786).— Ver. 9. And I 
ordained a place for my people Israel. The per- 
fects (with i consec.) vrobl, inTiyDJl, etc., may 

be taken as future statements of that which God 
will further show to His people. Yet it seems 
better to make these promises of future salvation 
begin with ver. 11. — And the sons of evil no more 
wasted them as before. The Egyptians are no 
doubt chiefly intended ; comp. xvi. 20. On n^3 
in the sense of wasting (= njy in 2 Samuel), 

comp. Dan. vii. 25.— Ver. 10. And since the 
days that I appointed judges over my people 

Israel. D'D'qS, "and until the days" (Ew. § 

218, b) ; comp. the still more definite phrase : 

DiirnjD^, 2 Sam. vii. 11. The whole time 

from Joshua to Saul is here included. — And I 
subdue all thy enemies. 2 Samuel: "and I give 
thee rest from all thy enemies" (yp TlJTjni f° r 
TlM3n'), perhaps more original. The change of 

the suffix of the 2d pers. into that of the 3d 
V Berth., Ew. ) is not necessary, either in our pas 
sage or there, as the enumeration of the divine 
benefits extends to the present, and even to that 
which was experience! by David himself. — And I 
tell thee that the Lord will build tine a house, and 
not inversely : thou build Him a house. The 
building of the house is here naturally figurative 

of the bestowinent of a blessed posterity, etc 
There is no allusion to David's house of eeuai 
(ver. 1, xiv. 1). Inadmissible is the past mean- 
ing of T3X1, "and I have told them," etc. 

(Berth., Wellh.) ; for we cannot discover that 
such an announcement was made before, as our 
historical books nowhere mention it. Even 
2 Sam. (Tam) speaks of an announcement in 

the present or immediate future. — Ver. 11. To 
go unto thy fathers. 2 Sam. vii.: "to lie with 
thy fathers." For the phrase, comp. Deut. xxxi. 
16 ; 1 Kings ii. 2. — Thy seed . . . which shall 
he of thy sons. Instead of this somewhat 
pleonastic reference to Soloni")i, 2 Samuel pre- 
sents perhaps the original : " which shall proceed 

out of thy bowels " (sj'jnSD SV 1 TJ'S ; comp. 1 

Sam. xvi. 11; Gen. xv. 4). Piobably the chrono- 
logical difficulty contained in this phrase, accord- 
ing to which Solomon appeared to be not yet 
born at the time of this promise, led our author 
to choose the more general expression, as he had 
in ver. 1 altered the text for a chronological 
reason by means of an omission. That here, as 
in the two following verses, he meant to designate 
not so much Solomon as the Messiah, is asserted 
by the older orthodox exegesis (for example, L. 
Lavater : "*Si tantum de Salomone h. I. intelli- 
gendus esset, non dixisset semen quod erit de films 
tuU, sed quod erit de te ;" and so Starke and 
others), and recently still by Keil. But the very 
next prediction: "He shall build me a house" 
(ver. 12), applies clearly to Solomon only, as in 
2 Ohron. vii. 18 his person, and not that of some 
future Messianic descendant, is manifestly de- 
signated. Accordingly, as in 2 Samuel, so also 
in Chronicles the Messianic element is limited 
essentially to the eternal duration that is pro- 
mised (vers. 12-14) to the kingdom of Solomon : 
comp. Hengstenb. Christol. i. 152 if. —Ver. 13. 
And he shall be my son. The words following 
this promise: "whom 1 will chasten with tlie 
rod of men, and with the stripes of the sons of 
men," tile Chronist has designedly omitted, to 
bring out more sharply the thought of the ever- 
lasting divine favour, in harmony with his usual 
practice to set the light before the shade of the 
house of Oavid. — From him who was before thee, 
from Saul, whose name is added, 2 Sam. vii., 
perhaps by the hand of a glossator. The present 
text is certainly more original, even with respect 

to the foregoing tiDK SO (for -llD' SO)> aa 

Bertheau and Wellh. justly assert against 
Thenius. — Ver. 14. But I will settie him in my 
house ami in my kingdom for ever; "poi'n 

QPiy?. ils > n 2 Chron. ix. 8, 1 Kings xv. 4, ol 

enduring foundation or preservation, causing per- 
petual existence. The " house " or " kingdom " 
of God, in which this preserva'ion or continuing 
of the seed of David is to take place, is first the 
Old Testament theocracy, then the Messianic 
kingdom of the new covenant. The text of 
Samuel differs : " and thy house and thy kingdom 
shall endure for ever before thee, and thy throne 
shall be established forever," of which form it 
can (scarcely be so absolutely asserted, as is done 
by Bertheau and others, that it is the more 
original. Moreover, the sense of the one as o' 

CHAP. XVII. 15-27. 


the other form is Messianic. — Ver. 15. .1 cord 
imj to aH these words and all this vision. A 
heudiadyoin, by which the words addressed by 
Jehovah to Nathan art- characterized as spoken, 

pin:: (eomp. I Sam. iii. 1) or |ivn3 (2 .Sam. vii. 

17), as a divine revelation or prophetic message 
From God. It is to be observed also that this 
prophetic message is communicated not as it was 
related by Nathan before tin- king, but as it was 
revealed to him of tin- Lord by n ght, which is a 
plain iiidiratii.n that we are to hold by tin- matti i 
rather than the form of the woids in question. 
The case is the same as in 1 Sain. iii. 10-14 (the 
disclosure made to the young Samuel concerning 
the fate of Eli) and in 1 Sam. viii. 7-9 (God's 
word to Samuel on the introduction of the king- 
dom in Israel). 

3. David's Thanksgiving for the Promise made 
to him through Nathan : vers. 16-27. — And King 
David went, into the sanctuary erected by him, 
us the following words : " and sat before the 
Lord," show.— Who am I, Lord God? 2 
Samuel: "my Lord God," a difference actually 
not existing for the Masoretic reader, as our niiV 
is to be read by ^-JX- — Ver. 17- And '''""' "''"■ " 

small thing in Thine eyes. This is the literal 
rendering. — And Thou hast spoken of the house 
of Thy servant for a [treat while to come, literally, 

"hast spoken that which points far away ;" pimc^ 

is an accusative depending on -Q"in. °' tne same 
force as in Prov. vii. 19, Job xxxix. 29 ; comp. 
ver. 14. — And regardest me after the way of man 
that raiseth up. So should the obscure 'JJVtPH 

rvl'ISn DTNn ~iiri3 perhaps be rendered; "the 
way of man leading upwards " (tin, abbreviated 
from min) would then be the gracious and up- 
holding (thus not merely condescending, but 
positively furthering and improving) disposition 
and conduct of human benefactors, with which 
the gracious procedure of God towards David is 

here compared. Nearly so Kei], who makes nSjftsn 

correspond to the parallel pirno?. whereas Heng- 

stenberg, like many ancients, conceives the phrase 
to be an address to God: "Thou highest Lord 
God ;" and other expositors take it as an adverb 
of place equivalent to Diisa (tt me intuit, is es 

mort hnminuin in coelis). It is natural enough to 
assume some corruption of the text here, as in the 
parallel reading of Samuel: DISH rnifl flMTV 

though none of the proposed emendations give 
satisfaction, neither Ewald's and Bertheau's 

change of the Kal 'jniN~ ' n '° the Hipli. 
OTM"irii •""' "' n^yon into rbyob (resulting 
31 the sense, "and hast caused me to see, as it 
were, the order of men upwards"), nor Bottcher's 
reading 'j'JVN'iV " so th at I saw myself as the 

order ot mer. that is upwards" (saw myself as the 
after-age at the head of a ruling race), nor Well- 
hausen's conjecture that Dili 'JJOni lat least in 

2 Samuel) should be read. That the t]ij,3 of 
some Heb. mss. affords no sufficient help, see 

('lit. Not,-.- Ver. Is. What shall David add to 
Thee of tht glory of Thy servant, of tin- h uou.' 
pertaining to Thy servant, of the high honooj 
which Tin. u I ifed to Thy servant (me, 

David). So conceived, TpayriK gives a toler- 
able sense, and need not be erased, with tin/ 
modern critics, though its absence in the Sept. 
and in 2 Samuel (where there is merely. " what 
shall David say further to Thee?") is fitted to 
ereate suspicion.— Ver. 19. Lord, for Thy 
servant's sake. 2 Sam. vii. 21: "tor Thy wind's 
sake." The original reading is not necessarily to 
be sought in the text of Samuel .see W.llh.l. In 
'y our author has contracted the longer form of the 
other text. — Ver. 21. Whom God went to 
to Himself as a people. Alter this ce) 

correct reading (D'TOM T]Sn» is that in 2 Samuel 
(D'r6x 13^n 1"'S) to be altered. — To make 
Thee a name of great and terrible deeus. The 
words niSIUl ni^na appear to be loosely an- 
nexed to ct^, to define the way in which God 
made him a name (comp. Ew. § 2S3). If this 
construction seem too harsh, niK'Jp must be 
inserted (as in 2 Sam. vii. 23) after rjgf : "that 

Thou makest Thee a name, and doest great and 
terrible tilings." — To drive out nations before 
Thy people. The here much deviating text in 
2 Samuel should be altered partly according to 
the present text, namely, by inserting the certainly 
original EH37 ; see Geiger, Ursclni/t und Ueber- 

setzung des A. T., and Wellh., wdio follows him. 
— Ver. 24. Yea, let it be maintained, etc. This 
|DN , 1 i s wanting in 2 Samuel, and is perhaps 

repeated from ver. 23, to set forth more clearly 
the connection with the following: " and let Thy 
name be magnified." On the copula ), in the 

sense of our "yea," comp. Dan. x. 19. — Ver. 25. 
For Thou, my God, hast opened the ear of Thy 
servant, revealed, disclosed, made known to him ; 
comp. 1 Sam. ix. 15. — Thai Thou wilt build him 
a house, figuratively, by the increase of his pos- 
terity and the prosperity of his dynasty; comp. 
ver. 10. — Therefore Thy tenant hath found to 
pray before Thee, namely, " the courage, the 

heart to do so " (ij^rnK, 2 Sam - ™- 28 )> which 

is, at all events, here to be supplied, if not neces- 
sarily inserted in the text. — Ver. 27. For Thou, 
Lord, hast blessed, and it is blessed for < m r : 
comp., for the sentence and the expression, Ps. 
xxxiii. 9. On the credibility of the thanksgiving 
of David given here and 2 Sam. vii. IS ft'., 
Thenius and Bertheau express themselves very 
favourably. They refer its main elements to 
1 lavid, on account of its many properties harmon- 
izin ; with other genuine Davidlc documents. In 
particular the last words of David (2 Sam. xxiii. 
off.), in which the joyful confidence founded on 
the divine promises in the happy continuance of 
his house has found a quite similar expression, 
count with them as a proof that our verses rest 
on a definite recollection of the utterance of David, 
and that exact reports of important expre&sionj 


xmcprning the history of salvation, as they were him, must have been contained in the sources f 
handed down partly by David, partly concerning | the books of Samuel and of Chronicles. 

;. David's Wars ami Officers < if State, especially his Victorious Batiks with the Ammonites ana 

Hie Philistines: ch. xviii.-xx. 

Ch. xviii. 1. And after this it came to pass, that David smote the Philistines, and 
subdued them, and took Gath and her daughters out of the hand of the 

2 Philistines. And he smote Moab ; and the Moabites became David's servants, 
and brought gifts. 

3 And David smote Hadadezer ' king of Zobah towards Hamath, as he went 

4 to set up his sign at the river Euphrates. And David took from him a thousand 
chariots, and seven thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand footmen : and 

5 David lamed all the teams, but reserved of them a hundred teams. And the 
Syrians of Damascus 2 came to help Hadadezer king of Zobah ; and David slew 

6 of the Syrians twenty and two thousand men. And David put [men 3] in Syria 
Damascus ; and the Syrians became David's servants, and brought gifts : and 

7 the Lord preserved David wherever he went. And David took the arms of 
gold that were on the servants of Hadadezer, and brought them to Jerusalem. 

8 And from Tibhath and from Chun, cities of Hadadezer, David took very much 
brass, of which Solomon made the brazen sea, and the pillars, and the brazen 

9 And Tou king of Hamath heard that David had smitten all the host of 

10 Hadadezer king of Zobah. And he sent Hadoram his son to King David, to 
greet him and to bless him, because he had fought against Hadadezer and 
smitten him ; for Tou was at war with Hadadezer ; and [wit* Mm] all manner 

1 1 of vessels of gold, and silver, and brass. These also King David dedicated unto 
the Lord, with the silver and the gold that he had taken from all the nations, 
from Edom, and from Moab, and from the sons of Ammon, and from the Philis- 
tines, and from Amalek. 

12 And Abshai the son of Zeruiah slew of Edom in the valley of salt eighteen 

13 thousand. And he put garrisons in Edom ; and all the Edomites became 
servants of David : and the Lord preserved David wherever lie went. 

14 And David reigned over all Israel, and executed judgment and justice for all 

15 his people. And Joab the son of Zeruiah was over the host ; and Jehoshaphat 

16 the son of Ahilud was recorder. And Zadok the son of Ahitub, and Abimek-ch * 

17 the son of Abiathar, were priests ; and Shavsha was scribe. And Benaiah the 
son of Jehoiada was over the Cherethi and Pelethi ; and David's sons were the 
chief beside the king. 

Oh. XIX. 1. And it came to pass after tins, that Nahash king of the sons of Ammon 

2 died, and his son reigned in his stead. And David said, I will show kindness 
unto Hanun the son of Nahash, because his father showed kindness to me ; and 
David sent messengers to comfort him concerning his father : and the servants of 

3 David came to the land of the sons of Ammon, to Hanun, to comfort him. And 
the princes of the sons of Ammon said to Hanun : Thinkest thou that David 
doth honour thy father, that he hath sent comforters unto thee 1 are not his 
servants come to thee to search and to turn over, and to spy out the land 1 

4 And Hanun took David's servants, and shaved them, and cut off half their 

5 garments by the breech, and sent them away. And they went, and they told 
David about the. men, and he sent to meet them ; for the men were greatly 
ashamed : and the king said, Tarry at Jericho until your beard be grown, and 
then return. 

6 And the sons of Ammon saw that they had made themselves stink with David : 
and Hanun and the sons of Ammon sent a thousand talents of silver to hire 
them chariots and horsemen out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria-maachah. and 

7 out of Zobah. And they hired them thirty and two thousand chariots, and the 
king of Maachah and his people ; and they came and pitched before Medeba : 
and the sons of Ammon gathered together from their cities, and came to battle. 


S, 9 And David heard, and sent Joab, and all the host of the mighty men. And the 
sons of Amnion came out, and set the battle in array at the gate of the city ; and 
the kings that were come stood by themselves in the held. 

10 And Joab saw that the battle was directed against him before and behind, 
and he chose out of all the choice in Israel, and drew up against the Syrians. 

11 And the rest of the people he gave into the hand of Abshai his brother, and 

12 they drew up against the sons of Amnion. And he said, If the Syrians be too 
strong for me, thru thou shalt come to my help; and if the sons of Amnion be 

13 too strong for thee, then I will help thee. Be courageous, and let us do valiantly 
for our people and for the cities of our God ; and the Lord do that which is good 

14 in His sight And Joab, and the people that were with him, drew nigh before 

15 the Syrians ,o the battle; and they fled before him. And the sons of Amnion 
saw that the Syrians tied, and they also fled before Abshai his brother, and went 
into the city ; and Joab went to Jerusalem. 

16 And when the Syrians saw that they were smitten before Israel, they sent 
messengers, and drew forth the Syrians that were beyond the river ; and Sho- 

17 phach, captain of the host of Hadudezer, went before them. And it was told 
David : and he gathered all Israel, and passed the Jordan, and came to them, 5 
and drew up against them ; and David drew up against the Syrians for battle, 

18 and they fought with him. And the Syrians fled before Israel ; and David slew 
of the Syrians seven thousand teams, and forty thousand footmen ; and he killed 

19 Shophach, captain of the host. And when the servants of Hadadezer saw that 
they were smitten before Israel, thev made peace with David, and served him ; 
and the Syrians would not help the sons of Amnion any more. 

Ch. xx. 1. And it came to pass, when the year was ended, at the time when the 
kings go out, that Joab led forth the strength of the host, and wasted the land 
of the sons of Amnion, and came and besieged Kabbah; but David tarried in 

2 Jerusalem : and Joab smote Kabbah, and destroyed it. And David took the 
crown of their king from his head, and found it in weight a talent of gold, and 
set with precious stones ; and it was put upon David's head, and he brought 

3 very much spoil out of the city. And he brought out the people that were in 
it, and cut them with saws, and iron threshing-carts and saws; 6 and so David 
did to all the cities of the sons of Ammon ; and David returned with all the 
people to Jerusalem. 

4 And it came to pass after this, that a war arose at Gezer with the Philis- 
tines ; then Sibbecai zhe Hushathite slew Sippai, one of the sons of Kapha ; and 

5 they were subdued. And there was a war again with the Philistines ; and 
Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lachmi, brother of Goliath the Gittite ; and his 

6 spear's staff was like a weaver's beam. And again there was war in Gath. where 
was a man of [great] stature, and his fingers were six and six, twenty and tour 

7 [in »n] : and he also was born to Kapha. And he reproached Israel ; and Jona- 

8 than the son of Shima, David's brother, slew him. These were born to Rapha 
in Gath ; and they fell by the hand of David, and by the hand of his 

' T?lTtn is the Kethtb ir. all passages of our chapter, but the Keri . "Itjnln (so in 2 Sam. x. 16-19) The first 
fi tin, the more usual in the book* of Samuel and Kings, is also the more original, because Tin, a S>rian idol name, 
occurs in other Syrian propi-r n.imes. 

Properly Darmascus (pCTD"!^ — so here and ver. 6, also 2 Chron. xvi. 2, xxiv. 23, without variation ; elsewhere always 


After "VPt Db tt 1 there seems to have fallen out C*2^ ; comp. Sept. ($pijp&>) and Vug. (miiilts), and see Exeg. 
Expl. ■ 

' For "pQ'^X read rather (with the Sept., Vulg., and xxiv. 3, G) '•pDTIS- 

1 For DH7X N3'1 the text in Samuel (2 Sam. x. 17) has H^JOn N3 5 V "and went to Helam. ' perhaps mort 
,■•■-: ,- , ,v 

comet and original (comp Exeg. Expl.). though all the translations and Mss. confirm the DilVK of our passage. 
• Rather, perhaps, •• and scythes " as for nilJQiT is (with 2 Sam. xii. 31) no doubt nni;"53i to be read. 




Preliminary Remark.— The present group 
of war reports runs parallel to four sections ol 
2 Samuel, separated from one another hy other 
accounts. To the present summary accounts of 
the victorious warfare of David with all surround- 
ing enemies in general, in cli. xviii., corresponds 
2 Sam. viii. ; to the more copious description of 
the peculiarly ilifficato war with Amnion, in ch. 
xix., corresponds 2 Sam. x. ; the close of this war, 
described in ch. xx. 1-3, hy the taking of Rabbah, 
has its parallel in 2 Sam. xii. 26-31; the shorter 
reports of the several heroic acts of David's 
warriors in conflict with giants from the land 
of the Philistines, ch. xx. 4-8, corresponds with 
the section 2 Ham. xxi. 18-22. The statements 
of 2 Samuel coming between these sections (namely 
ch. ix. and xi. 1-12, 25; but also ch. xiii. and 
xiv.-xviii.) are particulars from the private life 
and domestic history of David, which therhronist, 
in conformity with his plan, neither could nor 
would take up. 

1. General Report of David 's Victorious Wars 
with his Neighbours: ch. xviii. 1-13. Ver. 1 
treats of the Victories over the Philistines. — And 
took Gath ami her daughters out •>/ H<> hand of 
the Philistine*. This statement is surprising, 
because 2 Sam. viii. 1 has the more general and 
withal poetical expression : "and David took the 
arm-bridle from the hand of the Philistines" (jrra 

TOSH for rrrilTI na)- To assume a purely arbi- 
trary change of text on the part of our author isques- 
tionable ; and against, at least, a passing seizure 
of the metropolis Gath with its daughter towns 
(vii. 28) by David, it can scarcely be maintained 
that in Solomon's time Gath was again an inde- 
pendent city under its own king.— Ver. 2. And 
the Moabites became David's Si rvants, ami brought 
gifts, in short, became tributary subjects (ver. n'). 
Why our author has omitted the notice, following 
here in 2 Sam. viii. 2, of the severe handling of 
the Moabites by David, is uncertain. It scarcely 
rests on an apologetic tendency in favour of 
David ; comp. in xx. 3 the account of the cruel 
punishment of Kabhath Amnion. Moreover, this 
war of David with Moab seems to be that in 
which Benaiah slew the two sons of the king of 
Moab, xi. 22.— Vers. 3-8. The War with Hada- 
dezerof Zobah.— Kingof Zobah towards Harnath. 
This closer determination of the situation of Zo- 
bah (nnon). which is peculiar to our text, places 

it pretty far north, not far from Harnath, the later 
Epiphania, on the Orontes ; scarcely Haleb or 
Xisibis, both of which lay farther north than 
Harnath, and can scarcely, from an Israeli'. ish 
point of view, be described as lying "towards 
Harnath" (against the Rabbis of the middle ages 
on the one hand, and J. D. Mich, on the other). 
Zobah is perhaps = Zabe of Ptolemy ; at all events, 
it is to be sought north or north-east of Damascus 
(with Ew., Tlo-n., Berth., etc. ).' On the spelling 
peculiar to Chronicles and 2 Sam. x. 16-19, Ha- 
darezer (Sept. 'AS;«a£«/>>, see Crit. Note.— As he 
went to sit up hi* sign at the river Euphrates, to 

' Recently Th. Msehnff (Dai Aiutand, 1873, p. 136 iinnk- 
ik- hu found the nun- f Zobah south-east "f Aleppo. ■ ear 
me salt lake Jabul Ho appears to menu the same rains 

Irilich -I W Heifer III, '■■'■' /:.i„n in v„r.ler„sirn. by 

Counter Pauline Kossiiz, Lelp« 1873, i P 174 B I saw in 

establish his power (properly "hand") there; 
comp. 1 Sam. xv. 12. Whether these words 
refer to David or Hadadezer is doubtful ; the 
latter (which J. H. Mich., Ew., Berth., etc., 
assume) may be the more probable, mi account ol 
the mention of David as subject at the beginning 
of the following verse. The various reading in 

2 Sam. viii. 3: i"p TL"r6, "to turn his hand," 

is perhaps to be amended from our passage, as it 
gives a less suitable sense. — Ver. 4. And David 
took from him a thousand chariots, and seven 
thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand footm it. 
For this 2 Sam. viii. 4 has "1700 horsemen and 

20,000 footmen," perhaps defectively; after spx, 

and before rfitCDTDOTi il appears necessary to 

insert 33-1 there, for which also the Sept. speaks. 

Yet comp. Wellh. on this passage, who questions 
the insertion of 33-1, on account of the close of 

the verse.— And David lamed all the teams, but 
reserved of them a thousand teams, for his own 
use ; in fact, therefore, he lamed only 900. For 
this custom of laming (ipjy) war-horses, comp. 

Josh. xi. 6, 9.— Ver. 6. And David put in Syria 
Damascus, men, soldiers, garrison troops. From 
■1 Sam. viii. 6 ami ver. 13 of our chapter the 
word D'a'XJ appears to have fallen out after 

TY1 Ct;' ! 1 : comp. also xiii. 3 ; 1 S.un. x. 5. — 

Ver. 7. And David took the arms (or equipments) 

of gold, arnmufe ; s° rightly the moderns, 

instead of the golden collars («X««i) of the Sept.. 
the quivers (pharetroe) of the Vulg., and the 
golden shields of the Chald., of some Rabbis, 
and of Luther. — Which were on the servants of 
Hadadezer, his military servants, soldiers. On 
the addition of the Sept., in 2 Sam. viii. 7 rela- 
tive to the later capture and carrying away of 
these golden arms by Shishak of Egypt, under 
Rehoboani. comp. the expositors of that passage. 
—Ver. 8. And from Tibhatli and from Chan, etc. 
Tibhath (nrob). or. ^ i* is perhaps to be read, 
Tebah (mt3, for which, 2 Sam. viii., stands 
erroneously nU3). appears ti be identical with 

the family mentioned, Gen. xxii. 24. among the 
descendants of Nahor ; whether it he the present 
Taibeh, on the caravan road between Aleppo and 
the Euphrates, is questionable. In place ,if pg 
2 Samuel gives Tn2 (= Barathena, Ptol. v. 
19 ? or nn'13, Ezek. xlvii - 16 ?) - °" what tllis 
diversity of name rests, whether on the corrup- 
tion of' the original >rn3 into p3, as Berth. 
thinks, or on a double name of the place in ques- 
tion, must remain doubtful —0/ which Sotommi 
mad* th< hrazen sea, and the pillars, and Uu 
brazen vessels. These words, wanting in 2 Sam, 
viii. 8 in the Masoretic text, are be 
restored according to our passage, and according 
t,, the Sept. and Vulg.— Vers. 9-11. Embassy 
and Present of Ton King of Hanoi! h to David. 
In the parallel account, 2 Sam. viii. 9-12, this 
Ton is called Toi c;t) - Ver. 10. And he sent 
Hadoram hi* son. 2 Samuel: "Joram," at all 

cn.\i\ win. io-xix. s. 


events incorrect, as a name compounded with 
rtirv would scarcely have suited a men 

i Syrian royal house; and the Sept. gives there 
'hiiavfift (here 'Ahvfip). — 7*0 greet him, to wi li 

him health. So is ai^>"'$ v"?KK^ to be taken, 

in rding to the parallel passages, as (!eu. xliii. 

27, not, with the Sept. and Vulg., in the sense of 
i prayer for peace (ut postulant a« eo pacem).— 
For Ton was "I war with Hadadezer, literally, 
" For Hadadezer was a man of wars of Ton," a 
constant assailant and adversary to him ; comp. 
xxviii. 3; Isa. xlii. 13. After these words, which 
form a parenthetical explanation to the foreg . 

follows the wider object of r6w' ! V "and all man- 
ner of vessels of gold ami silver and brass." which 
Luther erroneously refers to ver. 11. Ver. 11. 
With ilie. silver and the gold that he hail taken. 
For Nt;'3 tj ; x 2 Samuel presents B'Hpn ")L"X. 

perhaps the original form. — From 'ill the nati mt 

. . . and from Amaleic. In 2 Samuel a more 

tomplete and probable text is found (in which, 

D1K0 ' s to be rea d lor DIKO)- — ^ crs - 

12, 13. Abshai's Victory over the Edomites in tlu 
Valley of Salt. — And .4U«i . . . slur of Edmn 
(literally, "slew Edom") in the valley of salt, 

18,000 "mm. In Bertheau's combination of the 
very different reading in 2 Sam. viii. 13 with our 
passage, for " Abshai son of Zeruiah" would 
have to be read "Joab, etc.," and after "slew of 
Edom" would have fallen out the words "when 
he (Joab) returned from the conquest of Aram." 
Otherwise Ew.. Then., Wellh., Keil, etc., the 
latter of whom upholds the statement of Chroni- 
cles, that Abshai gained this victory, by reference 
to eh. x. 10 II'. of our book (when Abshai appears 
as commander under his brother Joab), and de- 
clares it consistent as well with Ps. lx. 2 as with 
1 Kings xi. 15. — Ver. 14. And all the Edomit, - 
'•'. ■'!,„, servants of David. For this 2 Samuel 
has more fully, and perhaps originally : "and in 
all Edom he appointed officers: and all the Edom- 
ites became David's servants." 

2. David's Offici rs of State : vers. 14-1 7, — a list 
in 2 Sam. viii. also appended to the above sum- 
mary war reports* — 2 Sam. viii. 15-18), tl at was 
certainly found here in the old common sources 
of both authors, introduced by the general remark 
on the ability and excellence of the government 
of David (ver, 14). — Ver. 15. For Joab, comp. on 
ii. 16. — Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud was re- 
corder. "V3JO, properly "remembrancer," that 

is, not annalist (Sept. i i«ri ™» iTiuvrua-vv ; 
Vulg. a commentariis), but chan ellor, who makes 
i" the king a report of all that takes place in the 
kingdom, ami conveys his commands ; comp. the 
magister memorial of the later Romans, and the 
Waka Nuvis in the Persian court (Chardin, Voy- 
ages, v. p. 258). — Ver. 16'. For Zadok, comp. on 
v. 30 tl — Ahimeleeh the son of Abiathar. For 

u6d'2K > s certainly to be read, with the Sept., 

Vulg., and 2 Sam. viii. 17, Tlfe'ns ; fci so is 

this priest called in xxiv. 3, fi, 31, where he is 
likewise named as the representative of Ithamar 
with Zadok of Eleazar, and where he appears as 
the son of Abiathar. That Abiathar's father was 
also called Ahimeleeh, 1 Sam. xxii. 20, does not 

warrant the assumption that in our passage, as in 
xxiv., there is an exchange of the father and the 
son : and thus a transposition ol Ihe names into 
" Abiathar the sun of Ahimeleeh " is nee. ssary 
(as Movers, Then., Ew , Wellh. thinkV Rather 
is our Ahimeleeh to be regarded as a bod ol the 
same name with his grandfather, according to the 
known Hebrew custom, who, even during his 
lather's lifetime, acted in the priestly office. 
Comp. the frequent recurrence of the gran 
father's name in the grandson in v. 30-41.- And 
Shavsha was scribe, that is, secretary of state. 
This shavsha (I.uth. "Sausa") is called in 1 
Kings iv. 3 Sbisha (st;"'J'. differing only in 

spelling from Nts'lfi')* but in 2 Sam. xx. 25 

XVJ" (N"C')- If 2 Sam. viii. 17 exhibits rTT".'. 

this is to be considered, perhaps, an error of the 
pen.— Ver. 17. And Benaiah . . . was over the 

i 'It, i, till and the Pelethi. So also 2 Sun. viii. 

18, with the more correct reeding <rnsn ?]) for 

'"13m, as in 2 Sam. xx. 23. That "Chcrethi 

and Pelethi" denote the two divisions of the 
royal guard (the rwftaTtfiiXaxts, Joseph. An tig. 
vii. 5. 4) is undoubted, though, with Gesen., 
Then., Bcihr (on 1 Kings i. 36), Keil, etc., thi 
former name be explained by confossores, '• .ton -. 
executioners, the hitter by celeres, xyyxpoi, run- 
ners (couriers), and thus both appellatively, for 
which the passages 1 Kings ii. 25, 2 Kings xi. 4 
appear to speak, or though (with Lakemacher, 
M>. vers, Ew., Berth., Hitz., etc.) they be re- 
garded as the nationalities of the Cretans 
(Carians) and the Philistines. Comp, the latest 
discussion of this controversy by J. <!. Miiller 
[Die Semiten in ihrem Verhaltniss .» Chamiten 
und Japhetiten, 1S72, p. 2b'3 tl. i. who deci les foi 
the latter interpretation. For Benaiah. comp. 
also xi. 22 If. — And David's sons weri the chief 
Inside the king, the next to him. In 2 Sam. viii. 
18 the ancient term D'JilS, privy counsellors, is 

chosen to designate rite high rank of the royal 
princes (comp. 1 Kings iv. 5). 

3. The War with Amman and Syria: ch. six. 
1-xx. 3; comp. 2 Sam. x. — And it cam* to pass 
after this. The loose form of connection 'n'l 

p '"inx serves sometimes to introduce new re- 
ports, even if there be no strict chronoli 
order, or if, as here (comp. xviii. 3-5 with xix. 
M tl'. i. that which is to be related has bei n partly 
mentioned before. Comp. for example, 2 Sam. 
viii. 1, x. 1, xiii. 1. For the Ammonite king 
Nahash, and his war with Saul, see. 1 Sam. xi. — 
And his son reigned in his stead. The followiug 
certainly shows t.iat this son was .ailed Hanun . 
yet the name ;^n, from 2 Sam. x. 1, appears to 

' T 

have originally stood in the text after 133, 
versely there, the omitted name 'CTM must ap- 
parently be supplied from our passage. — Ver. 3. 
Thinkest thou that David doth honour thy father? 
literally, "Does David honour thy father in thine 
eyes?" The emphasis in this rests on 

the notion of honouring, of which the questioners 
doubt whether it really forms the objei ; of David's 
embassy. — To search und to turn over (turn up- 



side down, examine thoroughly), and to spy out 
tlie land. This sentence is also in Hebrew a 
question, but, as an affirmative answer is ex- 
pected, introduced, not with n, hut with fcjpn: 

"Are they not come to search, etc.?" In 2 Sam. 
x. 3, the sentence runs somewhat different, so 
that not the land (}»"isn), but the city (TJjn), 

is the object of the verbs, and the 'nsn removed 

to the end has the sense, not of turning over, but 
of destroying. But it is scarcely necessary to 
change our text accordingly (against Berth.). — 
Ver. 4. And shared them. 2 Samuel more exactly: 
"shaved off the half (the one side) of their beard." 
— And cut off half their garments by the breech. 
ni'b'BSH, properly, "the step, the step-region in 

the middle of the body," here euphemistic for 
nij")w ; . mites, which is used in 2 Samuel. — Ver. 5. 

And they icent. This is wanting in 2 Samuel, 
but not therefore to be erased as superfluous 
(against Berth.). — Ami the king said, Tarry at 
Jericho. So far they were then come on their 
way to Jerusalem. The following "then return" 
is naturally completed by adding "to Jerusalem" 
or "hither." — Ver. 6. That they had made them- 
selves stink willi David, had drawn his hatred on 
them. For the Hithp. VCHinn 2 Samuel has 
the Xiph. of the same verb, in the same reflexive 
sense. — Ha,inin . . . sent a thousand talents of 
silver to hire, etc. The statement that this hiring 
of auxiliaries took place is wanting in 2 Samuel, 
but is certainly genuine. — For Mesopotamia = 
Aram-naharaim, 2 Samuel names, as the first of 
the countries from which Hanun hired his auxili- 
aries, Aram-beth-rehob, which can scarcely be 
only another name of Mesopotamia (as some 
ancients have assumed, identifying the city Beth- 
rehob with Rehobath, now Rahabe, on the Eu- 
phrates, Gen. xxxvi. 37), but the kingdom or 
territory of Beth-rehob, a Syrian city, Num. xiii. 
21, Judg. xviii. 28, lying south of Hamath. For 
the following name, Aram-Maaehah, 2 Sam. x. (as 
ver. 7 of our ch.) has only JIaaehah (on which 
region, bordering northward on the trans-jordanie 
Palestine, eomp. Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 
11). On the contrary, Zobah is there called more 
fully: Aram-Zobah (eomp. on xviii. 3). — Ver. 7. 
And they hired them 32,000 chariots, that is, 
chariots with riders, CC'IDI 331, as the fore- 
going verse shows. The number 32,000 agrees 
substantially with the deviating statement in 
2 Samuel, in which these auxiliaries appear 
rather as footmen, and, indeed, consisting of 
20,000 footmen from Aram and Aram-beth-rehob, 
It 00 men from Maachah, and 12,000 men from 
the kingdom of Tob (Judg. xi. 3), which latter 
c/s author has left undistinguished. — And they 
•■nine and pitched before Medeba, the city of the 
tribe of Reuben mentioned Josh. xiii. 16, two 
miles (about nine English miles) south-east of 
Heshbon. This statement as well as the follow- 
ing, relative to the simultaneous assembling of 
the Ammonite troops, is wanting in 2 Sam. x., 
but was found no doubt in the old sources used 
by our writt-r, in common with the author of the 
books of Samuel.— Ver. 8. And all the host if the 
mighty. Different, but merely in expression, from 
2 Samuel: "the who]? host, the mighty men." — 

Ver. 9. And the sons of Amnion . . . at the gate 
of the city, before the gates of Rabbah, their 
capital. This reading : -ryn nDB, is to De pre- 
ferred, as clearer than that in 2 Sam. x. : nns 
"ll'U'H, "at the gate, outside the gate." — Ver. 10. 

And Joab saw that, the battle was directed against 
him before, and behind, literally, "that the face 
of the batt'.e ( = the front of the line) was before 
and behind him : " that before him stood the 
Ammonites, and in his rear the Syrians. Oppo- 
site the latter, as the stronger foe, Joab took bis 
ground, while, ver. 11, he entrusted the engage- 
ment with the Ammonites to his brother Abshai. 
— Ver. 13. For our people, and for the city of our 
God: that these may not fall into the hands of 
the heathen, and from cities of the Lord become 
cities of idols. — Ver. 15. And went into the city, 
tied into their capital Rabbah, while Joab first 
returned to Jerusalem, reserving the siege and 
capture of this strong fortress for the following 
campaign. — Vers. 16-19. The Conquest of the 
Syrians allied with the Ammonites. — They sent 
messengers, and drew forth the Syrians that were 
beyond the river Euphrates, the Mesopotamians, 
who must have been somehow subject to Hadad- 
ezer, and laid under tribute; eomp. 2 Sam. x. 16. 
— Ver. 17. And came to them. Instead of this 
notice, which is superfluous, along with the follow- 
ing words: "and drew up against them," should 
be read, with 2 Sam. x. 16 (see Git. Note) : 
"and he came to Helam. " This elsewhere not 

occurring local name QpTI or DN7n (Sept. A/x«,u, 

Vulg. Helam) the Chronist quite omits in its 
first place (in 2 Sam. x. 16 = ver. 16 of our ch.), 
and changes it the second time, whether inten- 
tionally or not, into DiTPN- Comp. Joseph. Antiq. 
vii. 6. 3, where the name is regarded as a proper 
name of a king beyond the Euphrates, the master 
of the general Shophach (Sabekos). It is, more- 
over, not impossible that the local name Helam 
corresponds to the Alamatha on the Euphrates in 
Ptolem. xv. 5, in which case ch. xviii. 3 might 
be combined with our passage, if the same war 
with Hadadezer and the Syrians be spoken of 
there as here. — Ver. IS. And David slew of the 
Syrians 7000 teams (chariot horses) and 40,000 
footmen. On the contrary, 2 Samuel has 700 
teams and 40,000 horsemen. Perhaps the 
smaller number of teams in 2 Samuel and the 
designation of the 40,000 as footmen in our text 
deserve the preference; comp. Wellh. p. 180. — 
Ver. 19. And when the servants or' Hadadezer, 
here not his warriors, but his allies or subject 

kings (vassals); comp. 2 Sain. x. 19: Q^PBH 73 
-ijjmn H3V- — Ch. xx. 1-3. The Siege and Con- 
quest of Rabbah, here more briefly related than in 
2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 26-31, and therefore without 
any reference to the death of Uriah. — When the 
year was ended, at the lime when the kings go out, 
in the spring, as most suitable for re-opening the 
campaign. The last described battle with the 
Syrians appears accordingly to have fallen in the 
autumn of the previous yen.— Joab led forth 
the strength of the host; more circumstantially 
2 Sam. xi. 1: "David sent Joab, and his servants 
with him, ami all Israel." On {<3Sn 7'n. comp 

CHAT. XX. 3-6. 

1 ■_".> 

333 ; that passage is not inversely to be amende*! 

from ours (against Berth.). — Then Sibbecai tfu 

II 'uilrrtliiii (..He of David's Gibborim; see zi. 29 
and xxvii. 11) slew Sippai, om of tfu sons 01 
one of the Rephaites or descendants "i 
Kapha, that gigantic tribe thai before the inva- 
sion of the Philistines inhabited the south-west 
of Canaan, and of which several families of gigantic 
size still lived among the Philistines : comp. Josh, 
xi. 22; Deut. ii. 6, 23. — And they were subdued, 
namely, by the conquest of 1 1 1 i -. giant ; comp. 
Jn.lg. xi. 33; 1 Sam. vii. 13. The absence of 
this remark in 2 Samuel does not make its 
originality suspicious. — Ver. 5. And (her* wo' 
a war again with the Philistbu 9, namely, 2 Sam 
xxi. 19, at Gob (or Noli), and so at the sami 
place as the former. — Elhanan tfu son of Jail 
slew Lachmi, brother of Goliath the Gitlite, Ac- 
cording to this certainly original reading is the 
defective text, 2 Sam. xxi. 19: "Elhanan the 
son of Jaare-oregim, a Bethlehemite, slew Goliath 
the I in lite," to be amended (with Piscat., Clerie., 
Mich., Mov., Then., Keil, Wellh.). "The form 
»")JJ\ instead of -py of Chronicles, would be 

cai:sed by the following D s 2~iX, the accidental 

insertion of which from the line underneath : s 
easily understood" (Wellh.). Besides, the heie 
quite unexplained mention of the celebrated 
captain of David, Elhanan of Bethlehem (xi. 26\ 
will have occasioned a change of 'QrPVIN i n t«i 

'OfPn JV3- Accordingly, the question started by 
Berth., as defender of the originality of the text 
of Samuel: "Have there been two Goliaths?" 
falls to the ground as an idle one. — Ver. 6 11'. The 
Last of the Four Heroic Deeds.— Where was a man 
of (great) stature: HID K>'K = the pja ;;"x, 

'rir mensurarum, in 2 Samuel. — And his finger) 
were six and six (namely, on the hands and the 
feet, therefore in all), twenty and four. Comp. 
the sedigiti mentioned by Plin. //. X. xi. 43; 
also Trusen, Sitten, Gebrhuche, und Krank/teiten 
der nit, a Hebraer, p. 19S f. : Carlisle, "An 
i -.-■.-: 1 1 r of a family having hands and feet with 
supernumerary lingers and toes" (in Philos. 
Transac. 1814, part 1, p. 94) ; Rosbach, Diss. 
<A tiumero digitorum adaucto, Bonn 1838; 
Fall von Ueberzahl dee Zehen, in Sie- 
bold's Journ. fur Gebnrtshiilfe, vol. xiii. Art. 1; 
also Loii'/. Medic. Gaz. vol. xiv. Apr. 1834, 
and Friedrich, Zur Bibel, i. p. 298 f. Recently 
the well-known Arabian traveller F. v. Maltzan, 
in the Berlin Anthropological Society, reported 
as follows: "Among the Himyarites (in Son h 
Arabia), in the dynasty of Forli, the six lingers 
are hereditary, and the pride of the ruler and tin 
people. Indeed, this property of six liiiyers, a 
sign of bodily or, if not bodily, of mental strength 
among the Arabs, is still kept up artificially, as 
the six-fingered princes of the reigning house aiv 
allowed to many only six-lingered members of 
the family, to avoid as much as possible the 
appearance of five fingers. In short, the twenty- 
four lingers and toes of the ruler are the pride of 

the country; and any one out of th mntry might 

prove his nearer or farther connection with the 
ruling house by a greater or smaller superfluity ol 
fingers" {Correspondence Sheet of the German 
Society for Anthropology, Etlinol., etc., 1872, 


the similar {OY ^>T\, 2 Chr.m. xxvi. 13. — Ami 

Joab smote Ilabhah, and destroyed it, properly, 
pulled it down ; comp. Ezek xvi. 39, xxvi. 4, 
12; Lam. ii. 2, 17. Compared with 2 Sam. xii. 
26 tf., where it is reported that Joab first only 
took the so-called <-i ty of waters, but called King 
David to the taking of the proper fortress (citadel, 
acropolis), that the honour of completing the 
con o nest and destruction of the city might be 
nis, the p resent report appears brief and summary. 
— Ver. 3. And cut them with saws, and iron 
threshing-carts anil ships. -)j." 5 l, **"• *■'}••, from 

the root -nj ,, ) "cut"; comp. "lit-'Q, "saw," from 
the coguate root "/&}. In 2 Sam. xii. 81, D ! L "'l 
is perhaps only an error of the pen for -pj''l or 
DIC'M (Bbttcher). — For ntllBM, as in - Samuel, 
nViT3D3Di "and with scythes" (or like iron-cut- 
ting instruments, scarcely "wedges," as Luthei-, 
or "axes," as Kamph., thinks), is perhaps to be 
read. A twofold mention of saws, first in the 
sing., then in plur., would be an intolerable 
tautology. Moreover, this cutting and grinding 
of the vanquished Ammonites with iron saws, 
threshing sledges, and the like, is in itself horrible 
and barbarous enough (comp. Prov. xx. 26; Amos 
i. 3); and we need not assume that the Chronist 
intentionally, and from an apologetic tendency, 
passed over a still more horrid kind of punish- 
ment then inflicted on the vanquished Ammonites, 
burning in tile-kilns (2 Sam. xii. 31); comp. on 
xviii. 2. 

4. Appendix: Briefer Report of the Heroic 
Deeds of some of David's Warriors in the ' on- 
flict with Philistine Giants: vers. 4-8. — This 
report is also treated as an appendix in 2 Samuel, 
where it is found quite at the end of the history 
of David, ch. xxi. 15-22, and, indeed, enlarged 
by a fourth heroic deed (vers. 15-17), there related 
in the first place, hut here wanting — the danger- 
ous conflict of David with the giant Ishbi-benob, 
whom Abshai at length slew. It appears as if the 
Chronist had omitted this story intentionally, 
because it might have lessened the military fame 
of David. Comp. Ligbtfoot, Chronol. V, T. p. 
68: Illud prcelium, in quo David in periculum 
venit et unde decore et illcesus prodire non, 
omasum est; as Starke : "The dangerous combat 
of David with Ishbi is not mentioned here, as 
the book of Chronicles, as some remark, conceals 
or passes over the shame of the saints ; whence 
also nothing occurs here of the adultery and 
murder by David, or of the idolatry of Solomon." 
— Ver. 4. And it came to pass after this. This 
formula stood here originally not so unconnected 
as in xix. 1; but the event to which it referri I, 
2 Sam. x.xi. Is, was that history of the combat 
with Ishbi which is intentionally omitted by our 
author, on which account the formula does not 
now appear very suitable. —A war arise at Gi :■ r. 
Ifoynil (perhaps arising out of -|ij» «nFf1, '- Sam. 

xxi. 18), here = Dpm. according to later nsa 

For Gezer (in the tribe of Ephraim, to the south- 
west, near the north bolder of the Philistines), 
see vii. 2S. For -1J33, moreover, we should ap- 

pirently (2 Sam. xxi. 18) read 3J3, or perhaps 

!S0 i. chronicles;. 

No. 8, p. 60). — Ver. 7. Jonathan the son of yijfl rf?X > n 2 Sam. xxi. 22, win-re it is preceded 
Sli'ana, David's brother, slew him. Comp., on this '■'•■ '■"" „„ „ ,. , 

bv the number ' four (which is naturally omittea 
Shima, ii. 13.— Ver. S. 7%e*e »we fior». i?x for by the Chronist).— And they fell by the hand of 

; . , . ., , . , . .. i David, and i>>/ the hand of' his .« remits, namelv, 

H^ is an archaism, that occurs eight times IB ,, v p^ ^ ^ g ^^ ^ M ^ wag ^ 

the Pentateuch, but always with the article 6kh), s" 1 !" 1 ' 1 '"' commander and military chief of the 

■ > victorious Israelites, but immediately by the hand 
and stands only here without it, for which reason of his so-called servants or heroes. The whole 
it appears suspicious ; the following rfan also remark forms a concluding subscription, that 

: i appears no less suitable in our passage than in 

prrbably contains an error ; comp. the regular I 2 Sam. xxi. 22 (against Berth. ). 

x. The Census and the ch. xxi. 

On. xxi. 1. And Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number 

2 Israel. And David said unto Joab, and to the rulers of the people, Go, 
number Israel from Beersheba even to Dan ; and bring it to me, that I may 

3 know tin ir number. And Joab said, The Lord add to His people an hundred- 
fold as many as they are. Are they not, my lord the king, all my lord's ser- 
vants? Why doth my lord require this thing? Why shall it be a trespass 

4 to Israel 1 But the word of the king prevailed against Joab ; and Joab de- 

5 parted, and went through all Israel, and came to Jerusalem. And Joab gave 
the sum of the number of the people unto David ; and all Israel were a 
thousand thousand and a hundred thousand men that drew sword; and 

6 Judah was four hundred and seventy thousand men that drew sword. But 
Levi and Benjamin he counted not among them ; for the king's word was 
abominable to Joab. 

7, 8 And God was displeased with this thing : and He smote Israel. And 

David said unto God, I have sinned greatly, because I have done this thing : 

but now take away the iniquity of Thy servant ; for I have done very foolishly. 

0, 10 And the Lord spake unto Gad, David's seer, saying. Go and tell David, 

saying. Thus saith the Lord, Three things I lay before thee ; choose thee, one 

11 of them, that I may do it unto thee. And Gad came to David, and said unto 

12 him. Thus saith the Lord, Choose thee either three years of famine ; or three 
months to be driven 1 before thy foes, and the sword of thy enemies to over- 
take thee ; or three days the sword of the L<>RD and pestilence in the land, 
that the angel of the Lord may destroy in all the border of Israel ; and now 

13 consider what word I shall return to Him that sent me. And David said 
unto Gail, I am in a great strait : let me now fall into the hand of the 
Lord ; for very great aie His mercies : but let me not fall into the hand of 

14 And the Lord sent pestilence upon Israel ; and there fell of Israel seventy 

15 thousand men. And God sent an angel to Jerusalem to destroy it ; and as 
he was destroying, the Loud beheld, and repented of the evil, and said to the 
destroying angel, It is enough now, stay thy hand : and the angel of the, 

16 Lord stood by the floor of Oman 2 the jebusite. And David lifted up his 
eyes, and saw the angel of the Lord standing between the earth and the 
heaven, having a drawn sword in his hand stretched over Jerusalem ; and 

17 David and the elders, clothed in sackcloth, fell on their faces. And David 
said unto God, Have not I commanded to number the people ? it ; s I that 
have sinned, and done evil indeed : and these, sheep, what have tiny done 1 
Lord my God, let Thy hand now be on me and on my father's house, and 
uot on Thy people to smite. 

18 And the angel of the Lord commanded Gad to say unto David, that 
David should go up and set up an altar unto the Lord in the floor of Oman 

l ( .i the Jebusite. And David went up at the word of Gad, which he spake in 

20 the name of the Lord. And Oman turned, and saw the angel ; and his four 

21 sons with him hid themselves : and Ornan was threshing wheat. And David 
went to Ornan ; and Ornan looked, and saw David, and came out of the floor, 

CHAP. XXI. 1. 


22 and bowed to David with his face to the ground. And David said unto 
Oman. Give me the place of this floor, that I may build therein an altar 
unto the Lord : thou shalt give it me for the full price, that the plague be 

23 stayed from the people. And Oman said unto David, Take thee, and let my 
lord the king do that which is good in his eyes : hi, I give thee the oxen for 
burnt-offerings, and the threshing-rollers fur wood, and the wheat for the 

24 meat-offering: I give all. And King David said unto Oman. Nay ; hut I will 
verily buy it for the full price ; for I will not take that which is thine for the 

25 Lord, nor offer burnt-offerings without cost. And David gave to Oman lor 

26 the place six hundred shekels of gold by weight. And David built there 
an altar unto the Lord, and offered burnt>offerings and peace-offerings ; and 
he called upon the Lord, and He answered him by fire from heaven on the 

27 altar of burnt-offering. And the Lord commanded the angel ; and he put 
his sword again into its sheath. 

28 At that time, when David saw that the Lord had answered him in the floor 

29 of Oman the Jebusite, he sacrificed there. For the tabernacle of the Lord, 
which Moses made in the wilderness, and the altar of burnt-offering, were at 

30 that time in the high place at Gibeon. And David could not go before it 
to inquire of God ; for he was afraid before the sword of the angel of 
the Lord. 

according to the parallel text 2 Sam. xxiv. IS (^D3 for ilBDj), rather "flight" So the Sept , Vulg, a id Luther. 

p"lS the Sept renders here and in the whole chapter by 'Ctpvd, as it conforms to nJ"liX, the Kethib In 2 Sam. xxiv. 
,- t fbr which elsewhere there the Keri HjlIK always stands). Our text has throughout invariably p~lX. which the 
V- 'g gives rightly Oman, Luther wrongly * Anian." 


Preliminary Remark. Relation oftke Fore- 
going Account of Chronicles to - Sam. xxiv. — As 
clearly as the mostly verbal agreement of our 
account with the parallel text of Samuel points 
to "lie common source of both, so numerous ami 
important are also their deviations from one. 
another. They chiefly consist of the following : — 
a. The position of the history of the census in 2 
Samuel is that of an appendix to the history of 
David's reign already in the main completed. In 
our book, on the contrary, it closes only that 
section of the history of this king which refers 
to the external security ami enlargement of his 
power by wars, buildings, etc.; but it thereby 
leads (in connection with the following description 
nt ins preparation for the building of the temple, 
xxii.) to a new section, that by means of full de- 
tails of his temple, state and war officers, is fitted 
to present a picture of the inner character of his 
government. 6. The event is so introduced in 
_' - iiiiiK-1. that reference is made to a former 
plague, .i famine (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14) which God 
had brought on the kingdom, so that David's 
pernicious project of a census is represented as 
tie- direct effect of the divine anger ("Ami again 
he anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel : 
mi lie moved David, etc."), but, in our account, 
so that the whole is referred to a tempting in- 
fluence of Satan on David, and connected neither 
with that famine nor any former visitation of 
Israel under David (not, for example, with the 
insurrections of Absalom and Shebna, which, 
like the famine, are entirely unnoticed by i in 
author). For bin question, v let In r the repre 
sentation of Satan as the moral originate] of the 
census rests on the influence of the religious 
ideas of a later time, see on ver. 1. c. The 

census executed by Joab at the command of 
David is described pretty fully in 2 Sam. xxiv. 
4-9, but only summarily in our chapter, with tin 
chief emphasis on the numerical result, and tin- 
notice of a special circumstance unmentioned in 
2 Samuel, namely, that Joab, the royal 
commission was repugnant to him, neglected to 
enumerate the tribes of Levi and Benjamin (vers. 
4-6). d. On the purchase of Oman's (or, as the 
Keri is in 2 Samuel, Araunah'si floor and the 
sacrifice by David, our text (vers. 19-27) is more 
full than 2' Sam. xxiv. 19-25. e. The statement, 
forming the close of our account ami its connec- 
tion with what follows, regarding the selection of 
the floor of Oman for the constant place of sacri- 
fice by David (and for the site of the temple), in 
vers. 28-30, is wholly wanting in 2 Sam. xxiv.. 
as, indeed, an express reference to the fai 
that place attained a special sacredness under 
David by the angelic appearance and the 
during the plague is absent there, while tin- 
whole occurrence is presented under the prevailing 
view of such a judicial punishment as tin ri 
hellions of Absalom and Shebna, and the famine 
already reported there, but by our author entirely 
omitted. That the most of these deviations are 
occasioned by the peculiar pragmatism and the 
special tendency of the author of the books ol 
Samuel on the one hand and of the Clironist on 
the other, is already apparent from this brief sur- 
vey, and will receive further confirmation from 
the following exposition. 

1. The Census, its Occasion ami Effect: vers. 
1-6. — Ami Satan to •! up against Israel. That, 
instead of tin- divine anger, hen- Satan, tin per- 
sonal evil principle - i. 6, ii. 1 1, is 

. lie hostile power that - 
pernicious expedient of the census, is now usually 
explained (even by Keil) as a latei idea of the 



Israelites, and accordingly reckoned among the 
proofs that our book was composed after the exile. 
That this view is at least hasty, if it does not 
involve an error, is plain when we reflect — 1. That 
the way in which the prologue of the book of Job 
presupp >ses the idea of Satan, as long naturalized 
in the belief of Israel, speaks for the origin of this 
idea, not only before the exile, but before the time 
of Solomon; 2. That passages such as Gen. iii. 1 If. 
and 1 Kings xxii. 19 If., though the name pb' 
does not occur in them, show that the materials 
of this idea arose from that early time ; and 3. 
That to the parallel passage 2 Sam. xxiv., though 
not using the name, the notion of an intervention 
of Satau in the temptation of David is by no 
means foreign ; indeed, even a positive hint of 
this is implied in it. Ew. and Wellh. justly 
assume that in the verb used, 2 Sam. xxiv. 1, 
JlO'l. "provoked," lies an allusion to a personal 
tempting power, which cannot he God or the 
divine anger ;' that, indeed, according to the 
original, now mutilated, text of Samuel, probably 
}Ut?n was the subject of nD'V — And provoked 

Dav'ul to number Israel. The injury of the census, 
indicated by this expression, rests on this, that 
such an undertaking in and of itself counted as 
an act exciting the anger of God, ami therefore 
demanding propitiation (comp. the expiatory 
customs in the enumerations of the Romans, ac- 
cording to Valerius, Maximus, Varro, and Livius, 
as also that census instituted by Moses, Ex. xxx. 
', 1-16, which did not provoke God, only because the 
money collected by it as a gift to the tabernacle 
had a holy purpose, and therefore an expiating 
significance in itself). But a special wrong and 
blame was attached to the census of David, be- 
cause it was a work of proud boastfulness and 
wicked haughtiness, not valuing, but over-valuing, 
his own power and greatness (comp. Joab's warn- 
ing, ver. 3). The measure can scarcely be 
regarded as an expression of despotic wilfulness 
and tyrannic oppression of the people, or as a pre- 
paration for the imposition of an oppressive war 
tax or other tribute (Berth., etc.), or even as 
expressive of a lust for warlike conquest in the 
king (J. D. Mich.; comp. Kurtz in Herzog's 
Real-Encyl. iii. 306); at least the text in nowise 
indicates that blame was attached to it on any of 
these grounds. — Ver. 2. Go, number Israel from 
Tieersheba even to Dan, the usual formula to 
designate the land of Israel in all its length ; comp. 
Judg. xx. 1 ; 1 Sam. iii. 20; 1 Kings iv. 25, etc. 
The plain customary phrases: "Go, number" 

(nSD 0?)> are simplifying and explanatory for 
those selected in 2 Samuel : X3"t31G' (specially ad- 
dressed ti Joab) and Vipg (including the assist- 
ants of Joab in the enumeration, the captains or 
commanders of the army). — And. bring it to me, 
that I may know their number, the number of the 
Israelites. — Ver. 3. Joab's Warning. — The Lord 

1 Comp Volck, Dt summa earminis .lobi smteiitia. p. 33 
sqq : Hoc si trues, Deum tton sine cawa populo suo argue ejus, super'irtift tilt qiidem. SUC&nxtlisse, Sat.iituaiqiie eum 
esse, q'.i, ut himines propter delicto upud Deum arruset forum 
poeims rrpetiturw, t'a hue efficiot, tit peccati pullutantis vis 
erumpat: dijfiiiifiitem tin expedies, ut Davidem, qiiin Deus 
trains pi arte. tits pirivtin trrogarevotueril adinfe'ix illu.l am- 
silium addurt'im tutssr dicas dial. ..It divinte volant <tt inser- 
virntii urpuisu. ore. — Comp, also Hofmann, Sfhriflbttc. II. p. 
43.' If.. iu,3 Sch'ottnmnn, bos Bitch Biob, p. 38ff. 

add to His people a hundredfold as many as they 
are. In 2 Samuel stands, in accordance with tht 
preference of this author for repetitions of the 
same phrase (comp. 1 Sam. xii. 8), a double DH3, 

"so manv as they are, so many as they are, a 
hundredfold, "or more briefly: "so and so many as 
they are a hundredfold." For the present simpler 
expression, comp. Deut. i. 11. — Are. they not all 
. . . my lord's servants ? Does any one doubt 
that this great multitude of people is subject to 
thee ? Will any one check thy joy in the great- 
ness and power of thy kingdom ? This question 
is wanting in the often deviating text of Samuel, 
in place of which are the words: " that the eyes 
of my lord the king may see it " (the hundred- 
fold increase of the people).— Why shall it be a 
trespass to Israel? — a trespass (HD'C'tf) that 

brings divine punishment on the people instead 
of thee, the king, who art guilty of this wicked 
haughtiness. — Ver. 4. But the word of the king 
prevailed against Joab, literally, " was strong 

above Joab " (which foi-m ^y pjn is perhaps to 
be restored in 2 Samuel in place of the present 
PX 'n), overcame his resistance (Luth. : "suc- 
ceeded against Joab"); comp. 2 Chron. viii. 3, 
xxvii. 5. — Ver. 5. And all Israel were a thousand 
thousand and a hundred thousand men that drew 
sword, literally, "that bare the sword :" comp. 
Judg. viii. 10, xx. 2, 15, 17, 46, etc. The num- 
ber 1,100,000, compared with the 800,000 men-at- 
arms in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, involves an actual devia- 
tion, which either depends on an ancient variety 
in the traditions concerning the numerical result 
of the census, or what is more probable, must be 
derived from a confusion of the numbers ; comp. 
the cases of this kind cited in the Introd. § 6, 
No. 5. The difference in the number of the 
Jewish men-at-arms is smaller, in which the 
500,000 in 2 Samuel is merely a round number, 
for the more exact one, 470,000, contained in our 
text. Moreover, differences in the later traditions 
might the more easily arise in this Davidic census, 
because it was merely oral, as, according to 1 
Chron. xxvii. 24, the result was not entered in 
the annals of the kingdom. The general correct- 
ness of the account, that Israel then numbered 
about a million, and Judah about half a million 
warriors, is warranted by the communications of 
the author, which attest even for much later 
times the extraordinary density of the population 
in the formerly so fruitful land of promise. Ami 
that the actual army of David, 1 Chron. xxvii. 
1 ff., amounted only to 288,000 men, by no means 
contradicts the present statement relative to the 
total number of men fit to bear arms ; comp. our 
remark on iv. 18. — Ver. 6. But Levi and Benja- 
min he counted not among them ; for the king's 
word was abominable to Joab ; on account of the 
reluctance with which he obeyed the command of 
the king, the numbering was not quite completed : 
it was stopped, perhaps at the king's command, 
before. Benjamin, the last of the tribes to be num- 
bered, was taken in hand ; comp. the more exact 
statements in 2 Sam. xxiv. 5 ff. concerning the 
order pursued by the commission under Joab, that, 
starting from the southern tribes east of Jordan, 
went round over the north of the land to the south 
of Judah, and thence arrived at Jerusalem. .\s 
no time remained for the numbering of Benjamin 

CHAP. XXI. 7-16. 


(comp. xxvii. 23 f. — the express statement thai 
the numbering was not completed ; also Joaephus, 

Aiiti*/. vii 13. 1: X"' 16 T ^ s $t*utfiiTi&ot fyxij;. 
\\ttfi$^.nTti }«p auriiv oi/K f$Pcfrt*\ sn the tribe ol 
Levi waso nit ted on account of its legal exemption 
from numerations for political or military objects 
(comp. Num. i. 47—54). In the present state 
iiu nt, therefore, there is nothing incredible ; ami 
neither its absence in 2 Samuel, nor the circum- 
stance that the Chronist, instead of the unfinished 
state of the census, puts forward in his subjective 
pragmatism the reluctance of Joab as the cause of 
the omission of those tribes, justifies the suspicions 
entertained by de Wette and Grainberg against it. 
Comp. Keil, Apologet. Versuch, p. 349 tf. 

2. The Divine Displeasurt with the Numbering 
of the People by the Voice of the Seer Cud: vers. 
7-13. — And God was displeased with this thing, 
literally, "and it was evil (jm) in God's eyes 

for this thing:" the same construction appears in 

Gen. xxi. 22 ; usually with >ut Jij; before the .lis- 

pleasing object, Gen. xxxviii. 10; 2 Sam. xi. 27, 
etc — And He smote Israel. This is not so much 
an anticipation of that which is narrated ver. 14 11.. 
as a generalizing description of the mode in which 
God's anger took effect on Israel. It does not 
appear that the words are to be amended t Berth. I, 

according to 2 Sam. xxiv. 10: inx T1T3? !J S V 

"and the heart of David smote him." We hive 
here simply two modes of narrative, one of which 

regards more the human thought and d 1, the 

other more the divine. — -Ver. 10. Thret things I 
lay '- fori thee, concerning thee, with thee, laying 
the choice before thee. Wellh. justly declares, 

not the strange puj of Samuel, but our HJ23 
to be. original (against Berth.). — Ver. 12. Either 
thret ^ears of famine. This time is certainly the 
original, not the seven years of the text in Samuel, 
which has arisen by the easy change of the letters 

(l'2"' f°r KvEOi and finds its emendation in the 
Sept. — Or three months to be driven before tin/ 
foes. What is here original, whether H3D3 of 

our text {num. particip. Niph.: "to perish, be 
swept away") or ^qj in 2 Samuel, must remain 

doubtful. On the contrary, the following sini 
njw'*;"' <P21Ki "and the sword of thy foes to 
overtake" (=so that the sword of thy foes over- 
take thee), is certaiuly to be preferred to the 
reading rj^lT XlDI in 2 Samuel. — Tltnt tin angel 

of the Lord destroy in ail the border of Israel. 
This enforcing addition to the third question is 
wanting in 2 Samuel, but must be no less original 
than that parallel addition to the second question. 
And the nendiadyoin: "the sword of the Lord 
and pestilence," for the simple pestilence ("Ql) 

in 2 Samuel, can scarcely be regarded as an arbi- 
trary addition of the Chronist. Comp., moreover, 
with respect to the triad of divine judgments — 
famine, sword, and pestilence — the parallels, Lev. 
\\vi. 25 f. ; 1 Kings viii. 37 ; 2 Chron. xx. 9; Jer. 
xxv. 12tf., xxi. 7-9, xxiv. 10, xxvii. 8, 13. xxix. 
17 f., xxxii. 24-36, xxxiv. 17, xxxviii. 2, xlii. 
17. 22, xliv. 13; Ezek. v. 12, vi. 11 f., vii 15, 
zi: 16 ; also Ezek. xxi. 19, where this woful 

triad is indicated by the figure of three swords ; 
likewise Kzek. v. 17, xiv. 13-19, Rev. vi. 8, win re 
th.- tri id is extended to a quatrain by the addition 
of beasts of prey (comp. still other appropriate 
parallels in my Theol. natural is, i. p. 637). 

3. TheJudgm nt, and Davids Repentant En- 
treaty for its Removal: ver-,. 14-17. — And the 
Lord s< nt pestilence upon Israel, That this 
pestilence continued "from the morning even to 
the time appointed" is stated in tile precise 
account in 2 Samuel; that it affected 
all the people "from Dan even to Beel . ■> 
Wellh. tp. 220) defends, perhaps not unjustly, 
tic extended form of our hist vcise-mernber, 
which the Sept. presents, as original: "And 
David chose the pestilence; and when tic days 
of wheat harvest came (comp. ver. 20), the 
plague began among the people." — Ver. 15. And 
Ood sent an angel to Jerusalem. The 7]xi>.0 

without the article, "an angel," is strange, as the 
angel in question, ver. 12, was named before. 
Berth, gives the preference to the text 2 Sam. 
xxiv. 16: " And the angel stretched out his hand 
to Jerusalem," whereas .Movers tp. ;ili defends 
our text as original. Perhaps neither text now 
contains exactly and fully the original, whether 
we amend, with Keil: "And the angel of Col 
stretched out his hand toward Jerusalem," or de- 
clare the restoration of the original now impos- 
sible (with Wellh.). — And as he was destroying, 
the Lord beheld, and repented of the evil ; that is, 
as soon as the angel had begun to destroy, 
Jehovah considered, and repented that He had 
decreed the heavy stroke. On this repentance of 
God, comp. Gen. vi. 16 ; Ex. xxxii. 14 : Jer. xlii. 
10 ; Jon. iii. 10; l J s. cvi. 23. — It is enough »""', 
stay thy hand. Notwithstanding the ace, dis 
tinct. over 31, this word is to be connected with 

the following DDJ), aud taken in the sense of 

" enough " (aufficU) ; comp. Deut. i. 6 ; 1 Kings 
xix. 4. Against Berth., who in 2 Sam. xxi . 
16 connects 3-1 with Qj;3. and regards this "a 

great mass of people" as the original reading, 
see not only Keil, but also Wellh. — And the 
angel of the Lord stood by the floor of Oman the. 
Jebmite. That this Oman (or Araunah, as the 
Keri writes his name in 2 Samuel ; comp. frit. 
Note here) had been king of the Jebusites 
cannot be inferred from 2 Sam. xxiv. 23, as the 
word '•pon there is either to be erased, with 

Then., or (with Bbttcher and Wellh.) to be re- 
ferred by emendation to David (there addressed 
by Araunah). That the floor of Oman was on 
.Mount Moriah, the subsequent site of the temple, 
north-east of Zion, is stated in the sequel ; see 
ver. 28 ff. — Ver. 16. And David . . . saw the 
angel of the Lord standing between tin earth and 
the heavens. This whole verse, as also ver. 'Jo, 
with the statement of the hiding of Oman and 
his four sons before the angel, and ver. 26, with 
the mention of the fire coming dnwn from Ood 
on David's offering, are wanting in the shorter 
and simpler account in 2 Samuel. These may be 
called embellishments of tradition, but they are 
not to be regarded as inventions of our historian 
(against Berth., etc.). — And David ,ind the elders 
. . . fell on their faces. The mention of the 
elders is wanting in 2 Samuel, but is not the 
least strange, as it was a solemn act of ex| iatioi 



aud penitence on behalf of the whole nation. 
Comp. also the mention, 2 Sara. xxiv. 20, of the 
retinue of servants accompanying the king when 
lie went to Oman. — Ver. 17. Have not I com- 
manded to number the people? In 2 Samuel the 
prayer of David is much briefer. But for this 
very reason the attempt of Bertheau to show that 
our text here and in the sequel arises from the 
effort to explain and improve the other text is 
altogether unjustified. Neither are the present 

words Dj/3 m:oi> M11QM "'JS N^n corrupted 

from those in Samuel : nSDH 1l6orrnK fflK"Q 

□jn, nor is Tlijlin jnni to be changed into a 

supposed original »rfjnn njjin "33X1. " and I, 

the shepherd, have done wrong ; " for the ques- 
tion : " but these sheep, what have they done ? " 
is easily understood without the previous men- 
tion of the shepherd ; comp. Ps. xcv. 7, c. 3, 

4. The Purchase of Oman's Floor, and the 
Offering of the Burnt-Sacrifice there ; vers. 18- 
27. — Ver. 20. And Oman turned. So 3B»l 

is certainly to be translated (comp. 2 Kings xx. 
5 ; Isa. xxxviii. 5 ; and such New Testament 
passages as Luke xxii. 61, etc.), not "returned," 
as Bertheau does against the context, at the same 
time defending the conjecture that 3tJ"l ' s cor- 
rupted from npt,' ;, V — And Oman was threshing 

wheat, a clause wanting in 2 Samuel, but cer- 
tainly original, which is confirmed by the notice 
of the Sept. already mentioned on ver. 15 con- 
cerning the wheat harvest as the time when the 
pestilence began — Ver. 22 Give rue the place of 
this floor. So it is to be translated, not as in 
Luther: "Give me space in this floor." The 
whole floor was necessary for the king's object ; 
it is also all bought by him. The history of this 
purchase recalls in general the similar incident in 
the life of Abraham, Gen. xxiii., but does not 
necessitate the assumption that the recollection 
of Gen. xxiii. 9 affected the forms of the text, 

nor in particular that the twofold ^p>; C1D32 

was taken thence. — Ver. 23. Lo, I give the oxm 
for burnt-offerings. Along with D , 3'HiG.'"ll stands 

also 2 Samuel : "ip3n v31, "and the harness of 

the oxen," their wooden yokes, a certainly 
original phrase, that has only fallen out of otir 
text by a mistake. The other text also requires 
the mention of "the wheat for the meat offer- 
ing," which can be no late addition. — Ver. 24. 
Sor offer burnt-offerings without cost, that is, 
without having paid the full price for them. 

ihe infiu. flvl'ni after the finite verb as a con- 
tinuation is not surprising ; comp. Ew. § 851, c. 
Here also Bertheau's emendations are superfluous. 
— Ver. 25. Ami David gave to Oman for the 
place six hundred shekels of gold l>y freight. 
Otherwise 2 Samuel xxiv. 24, where David pur- 
chases the floor with the oxen for fifty shekels of 

silver. The one of these two contradictory state- 
ments is certainly corrupt, and more probably 
that in 2 Samuel, as fifty shekels of silver is too 
low a price ; comp. Abraham's 400 shekels oj 
silver for the cave of Machpelah, Gen. xxiii. 15. 
The sum of 600 shekels of i;old appears, indeed, 
tuo high ; but an over-payment corresponds bettei 
with the crisis than a much smaller price, which 
might have been interpreted as an act of mean 
covetousness. That the Chronist has "inten- 
tionally exaggerated " (Then.) is a conjecture as 
little to be justified as the different harmonizing 
attempts of the ancients ; for example, that each 
of the twelve tribes must have given fifty shekels, 
whereby the 600 shekels mentioned by the 
Chronist were raised (Rasehi), or that the 600 
shekels are to be reckoned as silver, but to be 
paid in gold, and with fifty pieces of gold, of 
which each was = twelve silver shekels (Noldius, 
ad concord. Part. not. 719), etc. — Ver. 26. And 
David . . . offered bumt-offerings and peaci - 
offerings. After the sentence corresponding t) 
these words in 2 Sam. xxiv. 25 is found in the 
Sept. an addition that anticipates in brief the 
■contents of xxii. 1-6. — And he called upon the 
Lord, and He answered him by fire (or heard 
him with 'Live) from heaven on the altar of burnt- 
offering. For these words, to be understood 
according to Lev. ix. 24, 1 Kings xviii. 24, 38, 
2 Kings i. 12, and 2 Chron. vii. 1, 2 Samuel has 
simply: "and the Lord was entreated for the 
land" (comp. on ver. 16) ; likewise for our ver. 
27, with its mention of the angel's sword returned 
hito its sheath, the plainer and less poetical : 
"and the plague was stayed from Israel." 

5. David's repeated Offering on the Floor of 
Oman, with the Beaton: vers. 28-30. — At that 
time . . . he nacrificed there ; that is, repeatedly, 
frequently: Luther lightly: " was wont to offer 
there." Only this sense of Qt;> DSJ'l agrees with 
the sequel, especially with xxii. 1. — Vers. 29, 30 
explain this selection of Oman's floor foi the 
regular place of sacrifice for the king more pre- 
cisely, by referring to the older sanctuary at 
Gibeon, and to the apparent neglect of it ; cornp. 
on eh. xv. 1, xvi. 39 f. — And David could not go 
before it, the tabernacle at Gibeon, and the altar 

there ; comp. for 133^ in this connection, xvi. 4, 

137, 39. — For he was afraid before the sword oj 
the angel of the Lord ; the appearance of the 
angel, with its desolating effects, had left in his 
mind an awfully strong impression of the holi- 
ness of the place, so that he did not venture to 
sacrifice in any other place. This interpretation 
only (comp. Berth.) suits the fact and the con 
text, not that of various recent expositors, who 
wish to extract strange motives out of the words ; 
forexainp e, J. H. Mich.- " quia ex terrore visicmU 
angelica' infirmitatem corporis contraxerat," or 
' '. v. Gerlach : " because Gibeon was too far 
away," or Keil : " because Gibeon, notwithstand- 
ing the sanctuary existing there with the Mosaic 
altar, was not spsred by the plague," etc. 

C p., moreover, fur the variout details of the 

present account, the evangelical and ethical refkv 
tions at the close of tile exposition of this book. 



Oaviu's Arrangements for the Building of the Temple ; other Spiritual add 
Temporal Regulations; last Will and Death. — Ch. xxn.-xxix. 

for the Building of the Temple: ch. xxi 

md this is the 

Ch. xxii. 1. Ami David said. This is the house of the Lukd God, 
altar of burnt-offering for Israel. 

2 Ami David commanded to gather the strangers that were in the land of 
Israel ; and he appointed masons to hew square stones to build the house of 

3 God. And David prepared iron in abundance for the nails for the doors of 

4 the gates, and for braces ; and brass in abundance without weight. Ami 
cedar-trees without number; for the Zidonians and Tyrians brought much 

5 cedar-wood to David. And David said, Solomon my son is young and 
tender, and the house to be builded for the Lord must be highly magnifies] 
for name and glory in all countries: I will now prepare for it : and David 
prepared abundantly before his death. 

G And he called for Solomon his son, and charged him to build a house for 

7 the Loud God of Israel. And David said to Solomon, My son, 1 I had it in 

8 mind to build a house unto the name of the Lord my God. But the word or 
the Lord came unto me, saying, Thou hast shed much blood, and made great 
wars; thou shalt not build a house unto my name, because thou hast shed 

9 much blood on the earth iu my sight. Behold, a son shall be born to thee, 
who shall be a man of rest ; and I will give him rest from all his enemies 
around ; for Solomon shall be his name, and I will give peace and rest unto 

10 Israel in his days. He shall build a house to my name ; and he shall be my 
son, and I will be his father ; and I will establish the throne of his kingdom 

11 over LsraeJ for ever. Now, my son, the Lord be with thee; and prosper 

12 thou, and build the house of the Lord thy God, as He hath said of thee. Also 
the Lord will give thee wisdom and understanding, and ordain thee over 

13 Israel, that thou mayest keep the law of the Lord thy God. Then shalt thou 
prosper, if thou takest heed to fulfil the statutes and judgments which the 
Lord commanded Moses concerning Israel : be firm and strong ; fear not, nor 

14 be dismayed. And, behold, in my trouble I have prepared for the house of 
the Lord a hundred thousand talents of gold, and a thousand thousand 
talents of silver, and of brass and of iron without weight ; for it is in abun- 
dance : ami I have prepared timber and stone, and thou shalt add thereto. 

15 And with thee are workers in abundance, hewers and carvers of stone and of 

16 timber, and all skilful men in all work. Of the gold, the silver, and the brass, 
and the iron there is no number : arise and do, and the Lord be with thee. 

17 And David commanded all the princes of Israel to help Solomon his son : 
IS Is not the LORD your God with you? and hath He not given you rest on 

every side 1 For He hath given the inhabitants of the land into my hand ;- 
19 and the land is subdued before the Lord, and before His people. Now give 
your heart and your soul to seek the Lord your God ; and arise and build 
the sanctuary of the Lord God, to bring the ark of the covenant of the Loud. 
and the holy vessels of God, into the house that is to be built to the name "1 
the Lord. 

1 '33, according to the Keri; the Ketlub has 1J3. " unto Soloraun his sou ; " but it scarcely deserve* the preterenae, 

»* fa3 might easily arise from fa3 HD^wy, ver - <>• 

1 So the Masoretic text and a part of the MS3. of the Sepl. (A- F X: in x ufi itov). But the Sept, coil. Vnt , \ u'_ 
Luther, etc.: " into your hands." 


1, Connection n-ith the Foregoing Section: ver. 

t. — The present chapter, which opens the second 

half of David's history referring to the inner side 
of his government, is", by its introductory verse, 
closely connected with the foregoing account ol 
the pestilence, and the consequent deration of 



the floor of Oman to be the place of sacrifice for 
the king. The further accounts, relating directly 
or indirectly to the security of David's kingdom 
for his successor, to the end of the book, are thus 
in a suitable way connected with the last-men- 
tioned important event in the external history of 
the government of David. — This is the house of 
the Lord God, or : "shall be a house of the Lord 
God." David gives this determination to the 
former threshing-floor on the same ground that 
moved Jacob to consecrate his resting-place at 
Luz to be a Bethel (Gen. xxviii. 17), because 
Jehovah had there revealed to him His saving 

2. The Preparation of Materials for the future 
Temple: vers. 2-5. — Ami David commanded to 
gather the strangers that were in the land of 
Israel, the descendants of the Canaauites sub- 
dued in the conquest of the land, who lived as 
bondmen under his government ; comp. 2 Chron. 
viii. 7-10 and ch. ii. 16, 17, where the number 
of these bondmen under Solomon is stated to be 
150,000, whom he employed as bearers and work- 
men in building the temple. — Masons to hew 
square stones. Comp. 1 Kings v. 17, 31 ; also 
the simple rvT3, square stones, 1 Kings vi. 36, 

vii. 9 tf. ; Ex. xx. 25; Isa. ix. 9.— Ver. 3. For 
the nails for the doors of the gates, and for braces. 

n1"l3PIO^, properly, "for joining things " (Sept. 

TTftpiTs ; more correctly Vulg. commissural atque 
juncturai) ; comp. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 11, where, 
however, braces of wood are meant. — Ver. 4. For 
the Zidonians and Tyrians ( = Phenicians ; 
comp. Ezra iii. 7) brought much cedar-wood to 
David; this at first naturally, as an article of 
trade for the exports of Palestine, corn, wine, 
fruit, etc., not yet by a contract of supply for 
building the temple, such as Solomon afterwards 
made with Hiram, 1 Kings v. 15 ff. — Ver. 5. 
Solomon my son is young and tender. So (-iy; 

;pi, panndus el delicatus, Vulg.) David names 

Solomon also, ch. xxix. 1, in one of his last 
speeches to the people, although, born shortly 
after the Syrian Ammonite wars (2 Sam. xii. 24), 
he must have been at this time, shortly before 
David's end, above twenty years of age. But 
even shortly after the beginning of his reign, 
Solomon calls himself pop 1JV}, 1 Kings iii. 7 ; 

comp., for example, also Benjamin, Gen. xliii. 44; 
Joshua, Ex. xxxiii. 11 ; Eehoboam, 2 Chron. xiii. 
7, etc. — And the house to be budded for the Lord 
must be highly magnificat (properly, "great to 

make"). i"6j?£7, properly, "upward," "above 

measure great;" comp. on xiv. 2.— For name 
and glory in all countries, that it tend to the 
glory of the Lord in all countries ; comp. xiv. 
17. — / will nolo prepare for it. The meaning of 
this cheerful offering is somewhat weakened, if, 
with the Vulg. (prceparabo ergo, etc.) and Luther 
("therefore will 1 make preparation"), we take 
({J as a particle of inference. 

3. The Chanje to Solomon to build the Temple: 
vers. 6-16. This charge is obviously to be re- 
garded as given to Solomon shortly before the 

4eath of David; see the V")iC *}sh ' lt tue c ' ose °f 

ver. 5. The whole address on to ver. 16, besidft. 
being a legacy of the predecessor to his successor, 
is therefore to be regarded in some measure as 
parallel to 1 Kings ii. 2-9, and as essentially con- 
temporary with the contents of ch. xxviii. and 
xxix. of our book. On its perhaps not strictly 
historical but ideal character, which is common 
to it with those addresses of David in ch. xxviii. 
and xxix., see Introd. § 6, No. 6. — Ver. 7. On 
the Ktri »J3 to be preferred to the Kethib 133, see 

Crit. Note. — 1 had it in mind, literally, " I, itwas 
in my heart ; " quite so (with the same emphatic 

position of 'jx before '33? DJW a l so c "- xxviii. 2. 

The phrase : " it is or was in my heart," for: " I 
have (had) in mind," appears also in 2 Chron. i. 
11, vi. 7 f., ix. 1, xxiv. 4, xxix. 10, as in other 
historical books, Josh. xiv. 7; 1 Kings viii. 17 f. , 
x. 2. — Ver. 8. But the word of the Lord came 
unto me, saying. What was a historical necessity 
in the course of David's government is by this 
concrete description referred to a definite word of 
the Lord communicated somewhere and sometime 
to David, as in ch. xxviii. 3 (comp. 1 Kings v. 
17). It is not necessary to seek a definite place, 
where such a divine command was at least inti- 
mated to him. What Nathan says, xvii. 4 ff., of 
David's wars, concerns only the help which God 
gave him in these, but does not give prominence 
to the circumstance that he was by those frequent 
wars unfitted for building the temple. Comp. 
also Hengstenb. Gesch. des Seiches Gottes, iii. 
124. — Ver. 9. Behold, a son shall be born to thee. 

The participle ("pij) is here in the sense of the 

future ; comp. ver. 19 and 1 Kings xiii. 2. — 
I(7(o shall be a man of rest, not a man who makes 
rest (Jer. Ii. 59 ; comp. Hitzig on this passage), 
but, as the sequel shows, a man who enjoys rest, 
who has the blessings of peace, and therefore 

rightly bears his name flb^C'- Comp. the de- 
scription of the profound peace during the reign 
of Solomon, 1 Kings v. 4 f. — On ver. 10, comp. 
ch. xvii. 12 f., which prediction of Nathan is 
briefly repeated in our passage. — Ver. 11. The 
Lord bewith thee (comp. vers. 16, IS); and prosper 
thou; comp. ver. 13; Josh. i. S; and lastly, on "13* 

->jj, to charge any one, ver. 8 ('PJ') and x4. 10. — 

Ver. 12. Also the Lord will give 'hee wisdom, and 
understanding ; the same terms are so connected 
in 2 Chron. ii. 11. Tin- fulfilment of this pro- 
phecy, as of the similar one of Nathan (2 Sam. 
vii. 11), see in 1 Kings iii. 5 ff. — That thou maytsi 
keep the laic of the Lord, properly, "and to keep 
the law, "etc. Comp., on this continuation of the 

verb fin. by the infn. with p, Ew. § 351, c. — 

Ver. 13. If thou takest heed to fulfil ("to do") 
the statutes and judgments. The language here 
frequently coincides with the prescriptions and 
promises of Deuteronomy : comp. Deut. iv. 1, 
v. 1, vii. 4, 11, xi. 32 ; and respecting the closing 
admonition: "be firm and strong," Deut. xxxi. 
6, 8; Josh. i. 7, etc. — Ver. 14. And behold, in 
my trouble, etc. So is "JJJ3 to he taken here 

(comp. Gen. xxxi. 42, and the parallel meaning, 
ch. xxix. 2), not "in my labour, " as the Sept., 

CHAP. XXII. 16-19. 


Vulg., and Luther have misunderstood the phrase. 
The following numbers, 100,000 talents ol gold 

and 1,000,01)0 talents ol ' silwr, are only live from 
the suspicion of wilful exaggeration by thel 'hronist 
or an error of transcription, if we are permitted 
to introduce ft reckoning according to other, that 
is, smaller units than those customary in the 
O. T. (comp. Introd. § 6, No. 5). If we reckon 
the talent (133) of silver a1 3000 shekels of silver, 

according to the usual Mosaic or sacred value of 
about 2s. 3fd. each, it would amount to £342, 
and therefore 1,000,000 such silver talents would 
make the large sum of £312,000,000 : and ln.i.nou 
talents of gold, if the gold shekel be sixteen times 
that of silver, would reach the still higher sum of 
£547,500,000. The gold and Bilver thus gathered 
by David would amount to £889,500,000, a sum 
incredibly high for the requirements of worship 
at that time. On the contrary, if we assume, with 
Keil, that the present shekel is not the sacred 
(Mosaic) but the civil so-called shekel, after tic- 
king's weight, and that these royal shekels \\ ere 
only half as weighty as the others, and so equal 
in weight and value to the bekah or Mosaic half- 
shekel (Ex. xxxviii, 26), — an assumption that 
seems to be corroborated by the comparison of 
1 Kings x. 17 with 2 Chron. ix. 16,' the sum 
named is reduced by at least a half. That so 
large a sum gathered and saved by David is not 
inconceivable, but has its parallel in other high 
sums ol oriental antiquity, Movers \Die Phdnizier, 
ii. 3, p. 45 If.) and Keil (p. 1S-2 f. of his Comment.) 
have rendered probable by examples from the 
history of Persia and Syria, those exceedingly 
rich countries adjacent to the kingdom of David; 
comp. the £34,000 of gold and 500,000 talents 
of silver which Cyrus seized in the conquest of 
Athens (Varro, in l'lin. Hist. Nat. xxxii. 15), the 
40,000 talents of uncoined gold and silver and 
90u0 talents of coined silver which Alexander 
seized in Susa alone, the 120,000 talents which 
the same conqueror acquired in Persepolis ; like- 
wise the colossal treasures of Syria, with its idols of solid gold, its gold shields 
for the servants of Hadadezer, 2 Sam. viii. 7 11'., its 
gold pins as ornaments of the hoots of the common 
soldiers of an Antiochus the Great, etc. At all 
events, it is hasty in liertheau, who, besides, com- 
mits a great error in asserting that 5000 millions 
of thalers (about £750,000,000) would suffice to 
pay off the debt of all European states, to deny 
the credibility of the present high numbers, and 
suppose that they could be "nothing but the 
first circumlocution of the notion, 'great, exceed- 
ingly great,' — a circumlocution that may still be 
heard in the mouth of those who have not re- 
dected on the value and import of the numbers, 
and therefore deal quite freely with thousands 
end hundred thousands. " Neither the fact that 
Solomon's annual revenue amounted only to 666 
talents of gold, nor that the queen of Sheba made 
him a present of 120 talents of gold (comp. 
1 Kings x. 10, 14; 2 Chron. ix. 9), is sufficient to 
.onfirm this suspicion of a boastful exaggeration 

1 See Mosis Maimon Constitutwnei dt siclis. — quas illu.\- 
.ravit, Jo Eseers, Linrd. Hat. 1718, p 19. and eomp the 
.vmarks on 2 Chron iii. 3 concerning the relation of the older 
(saered or Mosaic) cubit to the shorter civil cubit of later 
rimes. (In the text, English money has been substituted for 
foreign. J 

as the ground of the present statements. For, 
besides the 666 talents in gold expressly mt utioned 

in those passages, Solomon must have bad Still 
other revenues considerably higher in then tot il 
amount (especially from tolls and tributes of the 
subject nations); but the value of a single gift in 
money and precious metals cannot in itseli be 
compared with that of a great treasure amassed 
during several years. And should not David have 
actually contemplated the foundation of a temple 
treasure, oi which the surplus remaining alt. i 
defraying the cost of building should be kept in 
the sanctuary, and saved for covering the future 
expenses ol' it (as Solomon actually .lid alter the 
building was finished with the money remaining 
over, 2 Chron. v. 1; 1 Kings vii. 51), and there- 
fore have accumulated so vast a sum' Comp. 
that which is expressly reported to this effect, 
and see Keil's full discussion of all questions and 
opinions on this matter (pp. 181-184). — And thou 
shall udil thereto. That Solomon followed this 
advice of his father, to add to the buildiiiL; 
materials, is clear from 2 Chron. ii., where also 
the activity of the here (ver. 15, and in vei. 2) 
mentioned workers in stone and wood, as well as 
the "skilful men in all work" (con, to denote 

the ingenious mastery in the crafts of building 
and figuring, as in Bezaleel, Ex. xxxi. 3), is again 
mentioned. — Ver 16. Ofthegold, the silver, and 
tlie brass, and the iron, there is no number, pro- 
perly, " for gold," etc. The $> before the several 

words serves to make more prominent that which 
is hitherto enumerated (Ew. § 310, a). On the 
following HC'VI Dip, "arise and do,"cornp. Ezra 
x. 4. 

4. Invitation to the Princes of Israel to aid in 
the building of the Temple: vers. 17-19. — Is not 
the Lord your God with you ? The remembrance 
of God's former grace toward the people is a 
ground for the invitation. That the words com- 
municated here and in ver. 19 are David's words 
to the princes, is sufficiently clear even without 

ibN? from the foregoing ivi ; comp. the same 

immediate introduction of the address in xxiii. 4. 
He hath given the inhabitants of th< land into my 
hand, the Canaanites, Jebusites, Philistines ; 
comp. xiv. 10 f., Josh. ii. 24, as on the following; 
"the land is subdued," Josh, xviii. 1, Num. 
xxxii. 22, 29.— Ver. 19. Now give your heart and 
soul to seek the Lord your God ; comp. 2 Chron. 
xvii. 4, Ezra iv. 2, where the same construction 

°f BHT with •> is found, whereas elsewhere it 

usually has the simple ace. of the object after it 
(xvi. 12, xxi. 30, etc.). — To bring the ark of the 
covenant (xv. 1; 2 Chron. v. 2) . . . into the hiuse, 

etc. 'j in jvab stands (as in Josh. iv. 5) for 

7X. and is not perhaps nota accusative ■ Perth, i. as 

X'Qn is never constructed with the ace loci, but 

with ^{<i or with the ace. and n local. For the 

future sense of Dj33n, comp. od ver. 9. 


fi. Distribution of the Levites and Priests, and Order of their Service: ch. xxiii.-xxvi. 

Ch. xxiii. 1. And David was old and full of days, and he made his son Solomon 
king over Israel. 

1. Enumeration of the Levites, and Arrangement of their Work: vers. 2—5. 

2 And he gathered all the princes of Israel, and the priests and the Levites. 

3 And the Levites were numbered from the age of thirty years and upwards ; 

4 and their ljumber by their polls in men was thirty and eight thousand. Of 
these, twenty and four thousand were to oversee the work of the house of the 

5 Lord, and six thousand were to be officers and judges. And four thousand 
porters ; and four thousand praising the Lord with instruments which I have 
made 1 for praise. 

2. The Twenty-four Houses of the Levites: vers. 6-23. 

6 And David divided them 2 into courses for the sons of Levi, for Gershon, 
Kohath, and Merari. 

7, 8 Of the Gershonites were Ladan and Shimi. The sons of Ladan were the 

9 chief Jehiel, and Zetham, and Joel, three. The sons of Shimi were Shelomith, 8 

and Haziel, and Haran, three : these were the chiefs of the fathers for Ladan- 

10 And the sons of Shimi were Jahath, Zina, and Jeush, and Beriah : these four 

11 were Shimi's sons. And Jahath was the chief, and Zizah the second; and 
Jeush and Beriah had not many sons ; and they formed one father-house and 
one class. 

12, 13 The sons of Kohath : Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel, four. The sons 
of Amram : Aaron and Moses ; and Aaron was separated to sanctify him as 
most holy, he and his sons for ever, to burn incense before the Lord, to 

14 minister to Him, and to bless in His name for ever. And Moses, the man of 

15 God, his sons were called after the tribe of Levi. The sons of Moses were 
IC, 17 Gershom and Eliezer. Of the sons of Gershom, Shebuel was the chief. And 

the sons of Eliezer were Rehabiah the chief: and Eliezer had no other sons ; 

18 but the sons of Rehabiah were very many. The sons of Izhar, Shelomith the 

19 chief. The sons of Hebron : Jeriah the first, Amariah the second, Jahaziel 

20 the third, Jekamam the fourth. The sons of Uzziel : Micah the first, and 
Jesiah the second. 

21 The sons of Merari : Mahli and Mushi ; the sons of Mahli : Eleazar and 

22 Kish. And Eleazar died, and had no sons, but only daughters ; and their 

23 brethren, the sons of Kish, took them. The sons of Mushi : Mahli, and 
Eder, and Jeremoth, three 

3. Closing Remarks on the Levites: vers. 24-32. 

24 These are the sons of Levi after their father-nouses ; the chief of the 
fathers for those mustered by the number of the names for their polls, doing 
the work for the service of the house of the Lord from twenty years old and 

25 upwards. For David said, The L>rd God of Israel hath given rest to His 

26 people, and He dwelleth in Jerusalem for ever. And also the Levites have 

27 no more to carry the tabernacle, with all its vessels for its service. For, by 
the last words of David, these were the number of the Levites from twenty 

28 years old and upward. For their post was at the hand of the sons of Aaron, 
for the service of the house of the Lord, for the courts, and for the chambers, 
and for the purifying of everything holy, and the work of the service o the 

29 house of God. And for the shew-bread, and the tine Hour for meat-otfering, 
and the unleavened cakes, and pancakes, and that which is fried, and all 

30 measures of capacity and length. And to stand every morning to thank and 

31 praise the LORD, and so in the evening. And to offer all burnt-offerings to 
the Lord for the Sabbaths, tor the new moons, and the set feasts by number, 


32 after the order of them, continually before the Lord. And they shall kee"p 
the charge of the tent of meeting, and the charge of the sanctuary, and the 
charge of the sons of Aaron their brethren, for the service of the house of the 

4. The Twenty-four Classes of Priests: ch. xxiv. 1-19. 

Ch. xxiv. 1. And for the sons of Aaron, these are the divisions: the sons of Aaron : 

2 Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar. But Nadab and Ahihu died before 

3 their fathers, and had no sons ; and Eleazar and Ithamar became priests. And 
David distributed them, so that Zadok of tin' sons of Eleazar and Ahimelech 

4 of the sons of Ithamar were for their office in their service. And the sons of 
Eleazar were found more numerous in chief men than the sons of Ithamar; 
and they were thus divided : for the sons of Eleazar sixteen chiefs of father- 

5 houses ; and eight of father-houses for the sons of Ithamar. And they 
divided them by lot, one with the other; for the holy princes and the princes 

6 of God were of the sons of Eleazar, and of the sons of Ithamar. Ami 
Shemaiah son of Nethaneel, the scribe of the Levites, wrote them before the 
king and the princes, and Zadok the priest, and Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, 
and the chiefs of the fathers for the priests and for the Levites : one father- 
house being taken for Eleazar, and one 4 taken for Ithamar. 

7, 8 And the first lot came out to Jehoiarib, the second to Jedaiah. The third 

9 to Harim, the fourth to Seorim, The fifth to Malchijah, the sixth to 

10,11 Mijamin. The seventh to Hakkoz, the eighth to Abijah. The ninth to 

12 Jeshuah, the tenth to Shecaniah. The eleventh to Eliashib, the twelfth to 

13, 14 Jakim. The thirteenth to Huppah, the fourteenth to Jeshebab. The 

15 fifteenth to Bilgah, the sixteenth to limner. The seventeenth to Hezir, the 

16 eighteenth to Hapizez. The nineteenth to Pethahiah, the twentieth to 

17 Jehezkel. The one and twentieth to Jachin, the two and twentieth to Gamul. 

18 The three and twentieth to Delaiah, the four and twentieth to Maaziah. 

19 These are their offices for their service, to go into the house of the LORD 
according to their order by Aaron their father, as the Lord God of Israel had 
commanded him. 

5. The Classes of the Levites: vers. 20-31. 

20 And for the remaining sons of Le\ i : for the sons of Amram, Shubael ; for 

21 the sons of Shubael, Jehdeiah. For Rehabiah : for the sons of Rehabiah, the 

22 chief was Isshiah. For the Izharites, Shelomoth ; for the sons of Shelomoth, 

23 Jahath. And the sons [..f Heimn]* : Jesiah [the first], Amariah the second, 

24 Jahaziel the third, Jekamam the fourth. The sons of Uzziel, Micah ; for the 

25 sons of Micah, Shamir. 6 The brother of Micah was Isshiah ; for the sons of 

26 Isshiah, Zechariah. The sons of Merari were Mahli and Mushi : the sons of 

27 Jazziah, Beno. r The sons of Merari, by Jaaziah his son : Shoham, 8 and 
28,29 Zaccur, and Ibri. To Mahli belonged Eleazar; 8 and he had no sons. Con 

30 cerning Kish, the sons of Kish, Jerahmeel. And the sons of Mushi : Mahli, 
and Eder, ami Jerimoth : these were the sons of the Levites after their 

31 father-houses. And these also east lots like their brethren the sons of Aaron, 
before David the king, and Zadok. and Ahimelech, and the chiefs of the 
fathers for the priests and for the Levites : the fathers, the chief like his 
younger brother. 

6. The Twenty-four Classes of Singers: ch. xxv. 

Ch. xxv. 1 And David and the captains of the host separated for service the sons 
of Asaph, and Heman, and Jeduthun, who prophesied 10 with harps, with 
psalteries', and with cymbals : and the number of the workmen for the service 

2 was. For the sons of Asaph : Zaccur, and Joseph, and Nethaniah, and 

3 Asharelah sons of Asaph, under Asaph, who prophesied under the king. For 
Jeduthun : the sons of Jeduthun were Gedaliah, and Zeri, and Jeshaiah, 
Hashabiah, and Mattithiah, six, under their father Jeduthun, on the harp who 


4 prophesied to thank and praise the Lord. For Heman : the sons of Heman 
Bukkiah, Mattaniah, Uzziel, Shebuel, and Jerimoth, Hananiah, Hanani, 
Eliathah, Giddalti, and Romamti-ezer, Joshbekashah, Mallothi, Hothir, 

5 Mahazioth. All these were the sons of Heman, the king's seer in the words 
of God, to lift up the horn : and God gave Heman fourteen sons and three 

6 daughters. All these were under their father for song in the house of the 
Lord, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps for the service of the house of God 

7 under the king, with Asaph, and Jeduthun, and Heman. And their number 
with their brethren that were instructed in singing to the Lord, all that 

8 were cunning were two hundred eighty and eight. And they cast lots for the 
charge, the small as the great, the teacher with the scholar. 

9 And the first lot came forth for Asaph to Joseph: 11 the second to 
] Gedaliah ; he and his sons and his brethren were twelve. The third to 

1 1 Zaccur, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fourth to Izri, his sons and 

12 his brethren, twelve. The fifth to Nethaniah, his sons and his brethren, 
13, 14 twelve. The sixth to Bukkiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The 

15 seventh to Je.sharelah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The eighth to 

16 Jeshaiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The ninth to Mattaniah, his 

17 sons and his brethren, twelve. The tenth to Shimei, his sons and his 

18 brethren, twelve. The eleventh to Azarel, his sons and his brethren, twelve. 
19, 20 The twelfth to Hashabiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The thirteenth 

21 to Shubael, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fourteenth to Mattithiah, 

22 his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fifteenth to Jerimoth, his sons and 

23 his brethren, twelve. The sixteenth to Hananiah, his sons and his brethren, 

24 twelve. The seventeenth to Joshbekashah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. 
25, 26 The eighteenth to Hanani, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The nineteenth 

27 to Mallothi, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The twentieth to Eliathah, 

28 his sons and his brethren, twelve. The one and twentieth to Hothir, bis sons 

29 and his brethren, twelve. The two and twentieth to Giddalti, his sons and 

30 his brethren, twelve. The three and twentieth to Mahazioth, his sons and 

31 his brethren, twelve. The four and twentieth to Romamti-ezer, his sons and 
his brethren, twelve. 

7. The Classes of Purlers: eh. xxvi. 1-19. 

Ch. xxvi. I. Concerning the divisions of the porters : to the Korhites was Meshele- 

2 miah son of Korah, of the sons of Asaph. 12 And Meshelemiah had sons : 

Zechariah the first-born. Jediael the second, Zebadiah the third, Jathniel the 

3, 4 fourth. Elam the fifth, Jehohanan the sixth, Elioenai the seventh. And 

Obed-edom had sons : Shemaiah the first-born, Jehozabad the second, Joah 

5 the third, and Sacar the fourth, and Nathaneel the fifth. Ammiel the sixth, 

6 Issachar the seventh, Peulthai the eighth ; for God blessed him. And to 
Shemaiah his son were born sons, that ruled in the house of their father ; for 

7 they were valiant men. The sons of Shemaiah : Othni, and Rephael, and 

8 Obed, Elzabad, — his brethren, strong men, — Elihu, and Semachiah. All these 
of the sons of Obed-edom, they and their sons and their brethren, strong men 

9 of ability for service, were sixty and two of Obed-edom. And Meshelemiah 

10 had sons and brethren, strong men, eighteen. And Hosah, of the sons of 
Merari, bad sons: Shimri the chief; for he was not thi. first-born, but his 

11 father made him chief. Hilkiah the second, Tebaliah the third, Zechariah 
the fourth : all the sons and brethren of Hosah were thirteen. 

12 To these divisions of the porters, to the chiefs of the men, were the wards 
1.3 like their brethren, to minister in the house of the Lord. And they cast 

14 lots, the small as the great, after their father-houses, for every gate. Ami 
the lot eastward fell to Shelemiah : and for Zechariah his son, a wise coun- 

15 sellor, they cast lots, and his lot came out northward. To Obed-edom south- 

16 ward ; and to his sons the house of Asuppim. To Shuppim 13 and to Hosah 
westward, at the gate Shallecheth, by the causeway of ascent, one ward like 

17 another. Eastward were six Levites, northward four a day, southward four 


18 a day, and towards Asuppim two and two. At Parbar westward, four on 

19 the causeway, and two at Parbav. These were the divisions of the porters 
for the sons of Kore, and for the sons of Merari 

3. The Administrators of the Treasures of the Sanctuary, with the Officer* for the 
External Business: vers. 20-32. 

2 And the Levites their brethren '» were over the treasures of the house of 

21 God, and over the treasures of the holy things. The sons of Ladan, the, sons 
of the Gershonite of Ladan, chiefs of the father-houses of Ladan the Ger 

22 shonite, Jehieli. The sons of Jehieli : Zetham, and Joel Lis brother, over the 

23 treasures of the house of the Loud. Of the Amramites, the Izharites, the 

24 Hebronites, and the Uzzielite-. Shebuel son of Gershom, the son of Moses, 

25 was ruler of the treasures. And his brethren by Eliezer were Rehabiah his 
son, and Jeshaiah his son, and Joram his son. and Ziehri his son, and Shelo- 

2C moth ls his son. This Shelomoth and his brethren were over the treasures ot 
the holy things, which David the king had dedicated, and the chiefs of the 
fathers, and 16 the captains of thousands and hundreds, and the captains of 

27 the host. Out of the wars and of the spoil they dedicated to maintain the 

28 house of the LORD. And all that Samuel the seer, and Saul the son of Kish, 
and Abner the son of Ner, and Joab the son of Zeruiah, had dedicated ; every- 
thing dedicated was under Shelomoth and his brethren. 

29 Of the Izharites was Chenaniah with his sons, for the outer business over 

30 Israel, for officers and judges. Of the Hebronites were Hashabiah and his 
brethren, valiant men, a thousand and seven hundred, for the oversight of 
Israel on this side Jordan westward, for all the business of the Lord, and for 

31 the service of the king. Of the Hebronites was Jeriah the chief; for the 
Hebronites, in their generations for the fathers, in the fortieth year of the 
reign ot David, they were sought, and there were found among them men of 

32 valour in Jazer of Gilead. And his brethren, valiant men, two thousand and 
seven hundred fathers of tamilies ; and David the king appointed them over 
the Reubenites, the Gadite.s, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, for every matter 
of God, and of the king. 

1 For VPC'V the Sept. (amnrraO and Vulg. (fecerat) have the 3d person. But see Exeg. Expl. 
■' For Dppn'l rend (here and xxiv. 3) DpPlTV See Exeg. Expl. 

8 So the Keri: in the Kel/tib the name is Shelomoth. The same difference appears in another Shelnmith, xxvi. 2o. 

4 For TrlXI is p. rhaps to he read TflSO (with L. Cappell., H Grotius, Gesen., etc.), as some lute and unimportant 
rnss. in de Rossi exhibit in the rnr. led. 

5 The insertion of P"Qn alter *33 (Luther., Berth., ami most moderns) is certainly confirmed neither by the 

Hebrew Cod. nor by the old translations (Sept., Vulg, etc.), but appears necessary from xxiii. In. 
• So the Keri' the Kethib has Shamnt : ihe old Vers (Sept. 'Zv.u.i.p Vulg. Samir) as th • Keri. 
7 Before 133 a name seems tc have fallen out. The text in vers. 26 and 27 is corrupt. See the Exeg. Expl. 
Properly "and Shoham " (DHC'l) 

9 After the name of Eleazar the Sept. y cod Vat ) ndds xai 'lOapitp, xoe) i.v'i8a.*iv 'EA£asa/>, a g'o>s which is wanting 
in A EFX 

10 The Kethib D^S^Zl^H is an error of transcription fir the c rtainly correct Keri D^NZSH (p irlic. Niph.) ; eonip. the 

sing. N23H in vers. 2 and 3. and see Exeg. Expl. 

11 After P]D1 V, the notice constantly recurring in the following verses: " his sons and his brethren, twelve." sppefcri 

tc have fallen out by an oversight. Yet it is to be obseived that this notice in ver. 96, after ^^'H inv~l3- is iliffel ' 

from that in at", subsequent cases, namely, "he and his brethren and his sons" (VHiS before, not VJ2. as afterwards) 

whence it is probable th^t the writer did not mention with the first singer the . loven conip inions, w h on he precede I a* 
the twelfth. 

12 For CjDX* according to ch. ix. 19, PjD^X appears to have been read though no external evidence i onfti-ms this 



u B*S~V (Sept. tZ Scfiifr; but cod. Vat. tk UiiTtpon appears to have come into the text by the repetition of the 
ast two svllables of the foregoing B^BDXH, which was perhaps aided by an obscure remembrance of the root 
B'Sy', vii. 14. 

14 So according to the Sept. (K«) oi AvjTtki aSeX^ei xvtvv), which has here certainly the right text; comp Qin^ 

BiTTIX, 2 Chron. xxix. 31 If the HTIK of the Masoretic text be original, E'VHO must have stood in place of 
D'vni (comp. the Vulg, which lias wholly omitted that CviTO- 

14 Ketfiib: T\\ -7w'; Keri: JVDSkr (comp. xxiii 9). The Kethib is proved by ver. '-'6 to be more coirect, thcngn 
the name recurs, ver. 28, as JVD^C without variation. 

18 For B^DPXiV^bv should apparently be read 'iV*"1E>1 ; comp. xxU. 6. 


Pkeuminatcy Remark, especially regarding 
the introductory notice, eh. xxiii. 1. — Tlie con- 
nected survey of the condition, distribution, and 
ministerial functions of the tribe of Levi at the 
end of the reign of David, which tills the four ch. 
xxiii. -xxvi. (and falls into eight subdivisions, as 
is noted in the superscriptions of the above trans- 
lation), is introduced by the statement, ch. xxiii. 
1, that the aged and life-weary King David ap- 
pointed his son Solomon to lie king over Israel, 
formally appointed him his successor on the 
throne, and regularly delivered over the kingdom 
to him. The numbering and classification of 
the Levites, and the order of their service in the 
sanctuary, appears accordingly to be the principal 
measure by which David introduces the trans- 
ference of the kingdom to his successor. A 
survey of the state of his army and of his mili- 
tary and civil officers (ch. xxvii.) is appended as 
the second of these measures, after which the 
final arrangements committed in solemn assembly 
to Solomon and the heads of the people, referring 
chiefly to the building of the temple (ch. xxviii,, 
xxix.), form the close of these measures, and the 
immediate transition to the death of the king (ch. 
xxix. 26 ff. ). As sources in communicating these 
accounts of the order of the Levitts anil their 
service, the Chronist had no doubt liturgical 
precepts and statistical notes proceeding (me- 
diately or immediately) from David, that 3H3 

1H, which he mentions, 2 Chron. xxxv. 4, along 

with a ribSt" 3ri3D, and which we may regard 

either as part of the royal annals of this king or 
as an independent document. Comp. Introd. § 5. 
—And David was old and full of days, jpf is 

here not an adjective, but 3d p. perf. of the verb, 
as in Gen. xviii. 12 ; and so jnt" with its accusa- 

of restriction n«v, for which elsewhere 


usually the adj. B'C jQjp (Ren. xxxv. 29 ; 

Job xii. 17), or even yzfc' alone (Gen. xxv. Si. 

— He made his son Solomon king over Israel. 
This notice does not perhaps forestall the mole 
precise and definite statement ol the appointment 
of Solomon to be king in ch. xxix. 22 (which 
reports also the mode of appointment, by the 
anointing of the successor), but forms a general 
introduction to all that follows to the end of our 
book (comp. the similar general but not forestal- 

ling statement in ch. xxii. 7), and serves to place 
all that is here related of the Levites, the military 
and civil officers, under the head of the last will 
and concluding acts of the king. A statement 
in many respects similar occurs in John xiii. 1, 
which characterizes all that follows to the end of 
this Gospel as a "loving of his own unto the 
end." Against the opinion of Bertheau, that the 
Chronist has in our verse given briefly the con- 
tents of the narrative 1 Kings i. , the remarks of 
Keil suffice ; comp. also our exegetical exposition 
of ch. xxix. 22. 

1. Enumeration i>f tin Levites, and Arrange- 
ment of their Work': ch. xxiii. 2-5. — And he 
gathered all the princes of Israel. These, the 
representatives of the tribes, had to co-operate in 
this mustering and regulation of the Levites, 
because this was a general concern of the king- 
dom. The present account concerning the hold- 
ing of a great census Levitarum in a solemn 
assembly of the spiritual and temporal chiefs ol 
the people, shortly before the end of David, is 
confirmed by the passage xxvi. 30 f., which 
speaks specially of the result of this muster "in 
the fortieth year of the reign of David" with 
regard to the family of Hebronites in Gilead. — 
Ver. 3. And the Levites m re numbered from the 
age of thirty years and upwards This accords 
with the proceeding of Moses, who, Num. iv. 3, 
23, 30, 39 tf., likewise numbers the Levites from 
thirty years of age (to fifty) for service in the 
sanctuary. But as he had already included 
younger men, namely, from twenty-hie years of 
age (Num. viii. 23-26), David's muster may also 
have extended not merely to those of thirty years 
and upwards, but rather, according to the express 
statement of ver. 24, reached the Levites of twenty 
years and upwards. That this iater statement 
does not contradict the present one, and that it is 
not necessary to amend our passage by inserting 

CMC'JJ for D'Cvti' (Keil), see on ver. 24. — By 

their polls in men, thus excluding women and 

children ; the B'-QJ^ defining more exactly the 

3n^ry?;6- — Ver. 4 f. contain the words of the 
king, as appears from the 1st perf. TPtfJ) at 

the end of ver. 5, for which the Sept. and Vulg. 
have unnecessarily, and only from ignorance of 
the true state of the matter, substituted the third 
person. — Of ' UiAxe, twenty and four thousand un n 
to oversee the work of the house of the Lord, the 
duties of the Levitieal temple service in general, 
to which belonged not — a. the proper priestly 

CHA1'. XXIII. 6-28. 


functions (xxiv. 1-19) ; b. those of the Levitical 
civil and judicial officers (the Q'lti"' ftl 'd 
S'BSC'. ver. 46; comp. xxvi. 29-32); c. those 
of the porters (ver. 5a; comp. xxvi.) ; </. those 
of the singers ami musicians (ver. 5 ; comp. 
xxv.). — With instruments, which I have madi for 
praise, which 1 have introduced to accompany 
the sacred singing in t lie service of God ; comp. 
2 Chron. xxix. 26 ; Neh. xii. 36 ; also Amos vi. 
5, where David is mentioned as inventor of sacred 
musical instruments. 

2. The Twenty -four Houses of the Levites : 
eli. xxiii. 6-23. — And David divided them into 
courses for the sons of Levi. In his new muster 
and order of the Levitieal houses he thus founded 
upon the three old well-known branches of this 
tribe (comp. v. 27-vi. 15). Qp^rPV for which, 
here and xxiv. 3, R. D. Kimchi would read 
rather Dp^lTI (see L'rit. Note), stands for Dp^lTl 

(comp. ch. xxiv. 4, 5), and is merely a by-form of 
the imp, if Kn!, not Piel, as Ges. and Ew. think. 
Bertheau asserts that not all the Levites, but 
only the 24, nun specially appointed for the service 
in the house of the Lord, are to be regarded as the 
object of Dp^rH; and, in fact, ver. 24 appears 
to favour this, as well as the circumstance that 
a great part of the names here enumerated recur 
in xxiv. 20-31 and xxvi. 20-28; whereas in 
the enumeration of the twenty-four classes of 
singers (xxv.), porters (xxvi. 1-19), and officers, 
and judges (xxvi. 29-32), quite other names 
occur. What Keil ad. lines against this (p. 18S) 
is by no means sufficient to invalidate it. — a. 
The Houses of the Gershonites : vers. 7-11. — Of 
Die Gershonites wi re Ladan and slit mi. In ch. 
vi. 2, as already in Ex. vi. 17, Num. iii. 18, these 
two sons and founders of the two chief brandies 
of the Gershonites are called Libni and Shimi. 
Our Ladan appears not to be identical with Libni, 
but rather to have been a descendant of this son 
of Gershon, after whom, in David's time, a greater 
branch of the family was named. Vers. 8, 9 
analyze this branch of the Ladanites as falling 
into the two chief stems of the sons of Ladan and 
the sons of Shimi, a descendant of Libni, by 
name Shimi, not the brother of Ladan or Libni 
named in ver. 7, whose branch is more fully 
described in vers. 10, 11. Those belonging to 
the branch of Ladan fall altogether into six 
houses, namely, three of the sons of Ladan 
(ver. 8) and three of the sons of Shimi (ver. 
9). On the contrary, the descendants of the 
other Shimi (brother of Ladan, ver. 10) form 
only four, or rather only three, houses, as 
the two youngest of the families belonging to 
them, Jeush and Beriah, from their iiiiiin rical 
weakness, are included in one house, and also 
in one class trnpa, ver. 11). The Gershonites, 

therefore, in David's time counted in all nine 
houses. — b. The Houses of the Kohathites : vers. 
12-20. — Amram, Izhar, Hebron, ami Uzziel. So 
are the four sons of Kohath named also in v. 28, 
vi. 3, and previously in Ex. vi. 18; Num. iii. 27. 
— Aaron was separated to sancti y him as most 

hob). So is D'Khp BHp iB>«1pni> to be under- 
stood of Aaron's choice and anointment to be the 
most holy person of a high priest, not from his 

ministering in the most holy place (Vulg. ut 
ministraret in sancto sanctorum; likewise the 

Peschito), nor from his appointment t osecrate 

the most holy utensils (ClericUS, against which 
see Hengsten, Chrietol. ii. 50, and Keil on the 
passage). — And to bless in His name for ever, ;.;, 
Jehovah's name, t . . pronounce the blessing on the 
community (after the prescription of Moses, Xmn 
vi. 23, xvi. 2; Deut, xxi. 5); nol to bless the 
name of Jehovah, or call upon Mini, as Ges. am' 
Berth, think. — Ver. 14. And Moses the man of 
Hod, A is sons were called after the tribe of Levi, 
were reckoned among the simple Levites, and not 
among the priests. On ^y S")pJ, comp. Gen. 

xlviii. 6; Ezra ii. 61; Neh. vii. 63. — Ver. 15. Of 
the sons of Qershom, Skebnel was the chief, pro- 
perly, "Gershom's sons, Shebuel the chief;" 

comp. the numerous cases in which "sons" are 
announced, and yet only one. follows, as ch. ii. 
31, etc. That, moreover, Gershom had other 
sons, who were reckoned with the house of 
Shebuel (or Shnhael, as he is called in ch. xxiv. 
20), appears to follow from ver. 17, where it is 
expressly said of Eliezer that he had no sons 
besides Rehabiah. Shebuel and Rehabiah there- 
fore were the names of the houses of the family of 
Amram that sprang from Moses. To these two 
non-sacerdotal houses of the Kohathites are to be 
added, according to vers. 18-20, of the family of 
Izhar, the house of Shelomith (or Shelomoth, ch. 
xxiv. 22); of the family of Hebron four houses, 
Jeriah, Amariah, Jahaziel, and Jekamam ; of the 
family of Uzziel two, Micah and Jesiah, — in all, 
nine Levitical houses of Kohathite origin. — c. 
The Houses of the Merarites ; vers. 21-23 — The 
sons of Merari : Mahli and- Atushi. So are 
called the two sons of Merari also, vi. 4; Ex. vi. 
19; Num. iii. 33; whereas in xxiv. 27 a third 
son of Merari is named, Jaaziah, the founder of 
the three houses of Shoham, Zaccur and Ibn. 
The conjecture is obvious, that the name of this 
Jaaziah with his three sons has fallen out of our 
passage by an old oversight, as Bertheau assumes 
when he supplements the text of our passage from 
ch. xxiv. 26, 27. But, 1. The Sept., Vulg., and 
Syr. present our text, that gives only two sons 
of Merari ; 2. The books of Moses, and indeed 
the whole of the Old Testament elsewhere, know 
nothing of a third son of Merari and his descend- 
ants ; 3. The passage xxiv. 26, 27 bears manifest 
traces of an interpolation in itself, by which the 
name Jaaziah must have come into the text ; 4. 
The names of the supposed sons of Jaaziah occur 
nowhere else, with the exception of Zaccur alone 
(See xxv. 2); 5. The only gain that the assump- 
tion of the names in question into our text could 
be, — that, namely, the number of the Merarite 
houses should be brought up to six, and so a total 
of twenty four houses of Levites should be shown 
in our section (nine Gershonite, nine Kohathite, 
and six .Merarite), analogous to the number of 
twenty-four houses and classes of priests (ch. 
xxiv.), and of twenty-four classes of singers (eh. 
xxv.), and corresponding with the press inser- 
tion of .losephus (Antiq. vii. 14. 7), that David 
divided the Levites into twenty-four classes, — this 
single gain is lost by this, that there should be 
not twenty-four but twenty-live houses resulting 
from the addition of the three sons of Jaaziah, as 
our passage (vers. 21-23 1 derives not three but 
four houses from Merari : one from Mahli (named 



after Eleazar the father of the heiress, or after 
his brother Kish, and then after Jerahmeel, chief 
son of this Kish; see xxiv. 29), and three Iron, 
Mushi, namely, Mahli, Eder, and Jeren.o.h 
Now of these three sons of Mushi, Bertheau will 
certainly from the text the first Mahh, 
on account of his identity of name with Manli 
the brother of Mushi, to obtain the desired result 
of six Merarite houses ; but the arbitrariness of 
this procedure is obviously greater and more un- 
justifiable than the badness of our condemnation 
of the vers. 26 and 27 in eh. xxiv. as interpolated, 
that has sufficient ground ill tire clearly CO rrup 
text of this verse. It necessarily follows that oui 
section yields onlv four Merarite, and therefore in 
all only twenty-two Levitical houses. 

3 Closing Remarks respecting the Lewies: ch. 
xxiii. 24-32 —These are the son* of Levi . . ■ for 
those mustered, arPTpd? (c°™P- Kx. xxx. 14, 

Num i. 21 ft'., as on the following words: "by 
the number of the names," Num. l. 18, ill. if). 
—Doing the work/or the service oj the home of the 

Lord. rotten ntfjl is, as als ° in 2 Chron - 

xxxiv. 10, 13, Ezra iii. 9, Neb. ii. 16, not sing, but 
plur . = S Qn <l"5>, and dilfering only in writing 

from this regular form (that occurs, for example, 
2 Chvon xxiv. 13); comp. Ew. s 16, b.—trom 
twenty years old and upwards. This statement, 
that the twentieth year is fixed a.s the starting- 
point for the entrance of the Levites on their 
official duties, is more exactly exnained n the 
following words, by reference to the hghter laboul 
which fell upon the Levites when the wandering 
life of the wilderness ceased, -a conclusion that is 
not fully expressed, but indicated clearly enough 
bv vers 25,26. -Ver. 27. For by the last words 
of David these were, etc. Thus it is obvious we 
are to understand the orders of David issued 
shortly before his end by the words Tp ^213 
D^iinsn (with the Vulg. : juxta praxepta David 
novissinm, and so CTericus, J. H. Mich Keil, etc j, 
not "in the later histories of David (kimchi 
Berth ) —a conception which imports into the text 
a thought quite foreign to the context, and by 
no means justified by referring to ch. xxix. 29 
Even because a last arrangement of David is now 
expressly named as the ground of the introduc- 
tion of Levites of twenty years into the sacred 
service it is to be assumed that that statement 
in ver' 3 respecting the entrants at the age of 
thirtv years refers to an earlier numeration, in 
which David had adhered to the legal determina- 
tion in Num. iii. 23, 30 (so Kimchi, J. H. Midi., 
rod others), though the words and the connection 
of that passage, especially the circumstance that 
there the number 38,000 is given as the result 
of the muster, and that here no grea:ei number 
takes its place, may not appear to favour such a 
distinction between an earlier and a later muster. 
It is conceivable, though not indicated by our 
author, that David may have established a dis- 
tinction of classes, in such a way that lie intro- 
duced the Levites of twenty years to the lower 
and easier duties, and those of thirty years to the 
higher and holier functions. At all events, any 
mole of harmonizing the two accounts appears 
more reasonable than the expedient of Bertheau, 

that the Chronist placed side by side two differ- 
ent accounts, the one giving twenty, the other 
thirty, years, without explanation as they were 
found iii his sources, or than the emendation of 
Keil, who changes D'tr^r, ver. 3, into On&% 

—Vers. 2S-31. Here follows an enumeration of 
the duties to be performed by the Levites, rising 
from the lower and more external (referring to 
the court and its chambers, to purification and 
the like) to the higher, and closing with the 
assistance given in the sacrifices of the great 
fe as ts. — And for the shew -bread, that is, the 
preparation, not the presentation of it, which 
belonged exclusively to the priests (Lev. xxiv. 
8 ft'.). —And pancakes, properly, "the pan, 
comp. Lev. ii. 5.— And that which is fried (Ley. 
vi. 14), and all measures of capacity and length, 
for measuring flour, oil, and wine, which were 
added to the sacrifices, which the Levites had to 
clean and keep (comp. Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 24; 
Lev xix. 35).— And to stand every morning I" 
thank and praise the Lord. This naturally refers 
to the duties of the 4000 Levitical singers and 
musicians (ver. 5; comp. ch. xxv.); for here are 
enumerated the offices of all classes of the Levites, 
not merely of the 24,000 (against Berth.).— And 
to off r all burnt-offerings to the Lord. " Hereby 
the Levites were obliged to prepare the requisite 
number of victims, to examine the fitness of them, 
to slav the animals, to Hay them, etc." (LeiU- 
By number after the order of them contmuaUf, 
before tie Lord, that is, by number as they are 
to be presented continually before the Lord, 
according to the prescriptions of the law regard- 
ing them. The TOT continually refers to " the 

offering" (mb'V m^n) as a business recurring 
regularly on the appointed day : comp. nfrj) 
TOT. Num. xxvii. 6, etc.— Ver. 32. And they 
shall keep the charge of the tent of meeting ("the 
temple," comp. Num. xviii. 4), and the charge 
of the sanctuary (of all holy things connected 
with worship, Num. xviii. 5), and the charge of 
the sons of Aaron (the care of all that the priests 
enjoin upon them, all the help given to the 
priests) On this particular recapitulation of all 
the functions of the Levites, comp. the similar 
passage. Num. xviii. 3 ff. . 

4 The Twenty-four Classes of Priests: ch. xxiv. 
i_iq —The enumerationof these follows quite suit- 
ably after the foregoing passage, particularly alter 
ch ' xxiii. 32 ; comp. the " sons of Aaron with 
that ill ver. 1 of our chapter.— Me sons of Aaron ■ 
tfadab and Abihu, etc. Comp. on this introduc- 
tion to the Davidic regulations referring to the 
Mosaic time in vers. 1 and 2, ch. v. 29, and Ex. 
vi 23- Lev. x. 1; Num. iii. 4.— Ver. 3. And 
David distributed them, so that Zadok of the sons 
of Eleazar. For DpbrH. com]., on xxiii. 6 ; for 
Zadok and Abiathar, on v. 30, xvi. 39, xvm. 16; 
for nipB- official class, on xxm. 11.— Ver. 4. 
And r the sons of Eteazar were found more 
numerous in chief men. These " men (jn3S)i 

of whom Eleazar had twice as many in heads or 
chiefs (D'CWl) as Ithamar, are the chiefs, not ot 
the neat complex of families or houses (Berth.), 
but of the several families, the fathers, ch.ofs of 

CHAP. XXIV. 5-25. 


the several priestly homes. — Vcr. 5. And they 
divvied them. The subject is David, Z idok, and 
Ahimelech, to whom naturally this matter be- 
longed. — One with the other, literally, "these 
with those," those of Eleazar with those ol 
Ithamar ; eomp. xxv. 8. — For tin- holy princes 
ant tin' princes of God. On the former phrase, 
eomp. Isa. xliii. 28, and the parallel phrase: 
"princes of the priests, " Q^nbn 'lb'. '- CliTOn. 

xxxvi. 14 ; on the second (Sept. ij^im: *.vp'nu\ 
the equivalent: "high priests, upper priests." 
For the princes of priests and high priests from 
Ithamar, who were far behind those of the line 
of Eleazar in number and importance, eomp. 
on v. 80. — Vcr. 6. Wrote them, namely, the 
classes, as the lot determined. — One father-house 
being taken for Eleazar and one for Ithamar, 
that is. alternately, from the urn containing 
the lots for Eleazar, and then from that contain- 
ing the lots tor Ithamar (so jnx signifies ; eomp. 

Num. xxxi. 30, 4"), that none might seem pre- 
ferred before the other. And, indeed, this alter- 
nation in dtawing the lots might have been so 
managed, that, on account of the double num- 
ber of the families of Eleazar, two lots for 
Eleaza* might be drawn for every one for Ithamar 
(eomp. BertJi. ). Whether this mode of drawing 
lots be indicated by the doubling of the friS 

in the second place (-|orVxi> tnx fHStl), as 

Berth, thinks, is more than doubtful. Notwith- 
standing the almost universal agreement of the 
mss. respecting this double jnx. and the fact 

that the old translators and the Rabbis did 
not understand the passage, the alteration of 
the first jnx into -[|-][< (see Crit. Note) appears 

to be the only means of obtaining a correct con- 
ception of these otherwise dark words. — Ver. 7 ff. 
The names of the twenty-four classes are now 
given in order, as they were settled by lot. — And 
the first lot came out of the urn ; eomp. for {{a' , 
in this sense, Josh. xvi. 1, xix. 1. Jehoiarib and 
Jedaiah, the names of the first two classes, are so 
named together in eh. ix. 10. For Jedaiah, eomp., 
besides Ezra ii. 36, Neh. vii. 39 ; for Jehoiarib, 
as vhe class from which Mattathias and the Mac- 
cabees sprang. 1 Mace. ii. 1 ; for Abijah, as the 
class of Zaeharias the father of John the Baptist. 
Luke i. 5 ; fur the classes of Immer (ver. 14) and 
Jachiu (ver. 17), ch. ix. 10, 12. Some of the 
twenty-four lasses never occur again, namely, 
Senrim (ver. 8), Jeshebab (ver. IS),' and Hapizez 
(ver. 15), some at least not among the priests, as 
Mijamin (ver. 9), Huppah (ver. 13), and Gamul 
(vcr. 17). With respect to the name Pethahiah 
;ver. 16), Holzhausen (Die Weissagungen des Joel 
hitrs. mid erklart, GBtt 1829) has propounded 
the quite arbitrary conjecture that it is identical 

with Pethuel (rrnns = ^Sins) the father of the 

prophet Joel, — a conjecture which is of almost as 
much value as that of Kaschi, who would identify 
Pethuel the father of Joel with Samuel (eomp. 
K. Wiinsche, Die Weissagungen des Joel, 1872, 
p. 1). — Ver. 19. According to their order by 
Aaron their father, as the Lord . . . had com- 
manded him, Comp. the words occurring so often 
in rhe law : " And the Lord said unto Moses and 
Aaron" (for example, Num. iv. 1, 17), and 

similar Pentateuchic testimonies for the rcgula- 

ti"u of the priestly sen according to the 

divine command. — The credibility of the present 
statements of the Chronist regarding the origin 
ot the twenty-four classes of priests, and their 
order in the service by David, is attested by Ezek. 
viii. 16-18 (see the exposition of the passage), 
Neh. xii. 1-7, 12-21, ami by Josephus, Antiq. 

vii. 14. 7 : "biif*.ltvsv ovt'-s fj.lpirft.i}$ a-^Oi r»i; enu-iott 

tipipas. Against the assertion made by de Wette 
and Gramberg, and defended by Herzberg (';..<.■/). 
,/es V. Ixr.ul, i. 381 If.), that the twenty-four 
classes origina'ed alter the exile, see Movers, 
Chromk, y. 279 II', and Oehler in Herzog's Real- 
Encycl. xii. 185 II. 

5.' The Classes of the Levites : eh. xxiv. 20-31. 
— And for the remaining sons of Levi, after the 
enumeration of the priests. By this might be 
unders'ood all the Levites except the family of 
Aaron or the priests ; but as in the two following 
chapters the twenty-four orders of singers and the 
divisions of the porters and of those charged with 
external duties are enumerated apart, it seems 
necessary to suppose that the present section 
speaks only of the Levites employed in worship, 
and not of the whole body. They are "the 
brethren of Aaron," the Levites specially assigned 
to the priests as assistants in divine service, 
whose division into classes is here described. 
Only on this assumption is explained the other- 
wise very surprising, indeed inconceivable, in- 
completeness of the present list of Levitical 
classes, compared with that of the Levitical 
houses named in xxiii. 6-23, which embraces all 
the three families, the Kohathites, the Merarites, 
and the Gershonitcs, whereas the Gershonites are 
wholly excluded from the present list. This ex- 
clusion seems tohave its ground in this, that, xxvi. 

20 tf., several Gershonite houses had the charge 
over the treasures of the sanctuary, and also the 
duties of officers and judges (although this is not 
expressly stated) were partly discharged by the 
Gershonites. So at least Reil, whereas others 
certainly, as Berth., regard our list as laid out 
for a full enumeration of all the Levitical classes 
or houses, but from some cause (perhaps "because 
the author was not able to make out all the 
names of the classes") no longer fully preserved. 
The list, for the at least often defective character 
of which the elucidation of the details will afford 
more than one proof, begins after omitting the 
Gershonites, ver. 20, at once with the classes of 
the Kohathites.— For the sons ofAmram, Shubael 
was the chief or head of a class ; obviously the 
son of Gershom son of Moses, therefore grand- 
son of Amram, who is called Shehue! xxiii. 16. 
The same double spelling of this name is found 
also xxv. 4, 20, in a family of singers of the 
house of Henian. As chief of the class springing 
from Shubael was, in David's time, Jehdeiah, a 
person otherwise unknown, whose name, xxvii. 
30, is also borne by an officer of David. — Ver. 

21 ff. Other chiefs of classes are now named — 
1. For the Amramite class, Isshiah (different from 
the nil" named ver. 25). 2. For the Izharite 
class, Jahath (ver. 22). 3. For the Uzzielite 
class of Mieah, Shamir (ver. 24). 4. For the 
[Jzzielite class of Isshiah, Zechariah (ver. 25). 
In this kind of enumeration, it is strange that in 
ver. 23, where we should expect to find the chiefs 
of some classes of the great Hebronite family 
(xxiii. 19), only the names of the four chiefs or 



founders of the Hebronite houses, Jeriah, 
Amariah, Jahaziel, and Jekamam, are mentioned, 
quite as in xxiii. 19, and indeed introduced by a 
mere <33i before the name of the first in , T | . 

There can be no doubt that the text is here de- 
tective. It is probable that not merely the name 
|i"Qn is t° De inserted after 133^ (see Grit. Note), 

but that also the names of the four chiefs in 
David's time have fallen out after those of the 
four classes. — Vers. 26, 27 bear still clearer 
marks of the corruption of the present text, per- 
haps even of its complete spuriousness, than ver. 
23 (comp. partly the Crit. Notes and partly the 
Kxeg. Expl. of xxiii. 21-23). Especially strange 
is — 1. The in'ty '33 in ver. 266, detached from 

that which goes before (instead of "1 *33!|). 2. 

The 132 in tIle same place, that cannot possibly 

he taken for a proper name (with some older 
exegetes), but rather indicates that a proper name 
had fallen out before it. 3. The repetition of 
'TIO '33 a t the beginning of ver. 27, which ap- 
pears to presume a wholly different mode of 
enumeration from that which is usual from ver. 
20 on. 4. The copula 1 before cn'l". as first of 

the sons of Jaaziah, in ver. 276. To all this are 
to be added the reasons which make improbable 
the existence of a Jaaziah as third son of Merari 
along with Mahli and Mushi ; see on xxiiL 21 f. 
The spurious character of the two verses appears 
therefore almost certain, though they are attested 
by the Sept., Syr., and the Vulg. — For vers. 28, 
29, comp. likewise the remark on xxiii. 21 ff. — 
Ver. 30. And the sons ofMushi: Mahli, and 
Eder, and Jerimoth. As in ver. 23, so here it is 
strange to name the houses without stating the 
chiefs of th° classes taken from them. The text 
appears here also to be defective. — Ver. 81. And 
these also cast lots like their brethren the sons of 
Aaron. From this manifestation of the quite 
analogous character of the allotment of the 
Levites and the priests (vers. 1-19), it is highly 
probable that the number of the Levitical classes 
(as also that of the singers in the following 
chapter) was likewise twenty-four, although in 
the present text, the partial defectiveness of 
which is obvious, and needs no further proof, 
only fifteen chiefs of classes are expressly named. 
— The fathers, the chief Wet his younger brother ; 
that is, the eldest brother representing the house, 
as well as his younger brother (fur C'NIH, in ap- 
position with the father-house, comp. on xxiii. 
17,18). Quite correct in sense the Vulg. : "turn 
minores, quam majores ; omnes sors cequaliter 
dividebat." That nothing is communicated to us 
if the order of the several classes, as they were 
settled by lot, completes the impression of the 
p-eat defectiveness which characterizes this sec- 

6. The Twenty-four Classes of Singers': ch. 
xxv. — And Ihirhl ami the captains of the host 
separated. "Captains of the host" (K3VJ1 *"lfeO 
are those partakers in the legislative and judicial 
government of David who were designated, xxiv. 
6, merely as "princes," xxiii. 2, as "princes of 
Israel " The designation explains itself from the 
conception of Israel as the host of the Lord (Ex. 

xii. 17, 41), not from that of the Levites as an 
army, or their doings as a military service (Num. 
iv. 23). — The sons of Asaph, and Neman, and 

Jeduthun. The ^ before ppx is here nota at- 

cusativi; comp. Ezra viii. 24. For the genealogy 
of the three song-masters, of whom Asaph was a 
Oershonite, Heman a Kohathite, and Jeduthun a 
Merarite, see vi. 18, 24, 29 tf. — Who prophesied 
with harps, or showed themselves inspired with 
harps ; for "the really artificial play is, like every 
art, an expression of inspiration or enthusiasm " 
(Berth.); comp. Ex. xxxi. 3, and for the A'eri 
D^BSn as alone admissible, the Crit. Note. — 

And the number of the workmen for the service 
was. For the position of the genitive '131 <{J>3JJ 

after the governing "1300 with suffix, comp. the 
similar construction pjjj; it; ; £3, "his the slug- 
gard's soul," Prov. xiii. 4 (Ew. § 309, c-). That 
statements are actually made in the sequel con- 
cerning the number of the Levitical musicians 
appears from vers. 3-5, where the families ol 
them are referred to : four sons of Asaph (ver. 2, 
without express mention of the number four), six 
sons of Jeduthun, and fourteen sons of Heman ; 
and also from ver. 7, where the sum of all the 
singers of these families is stated to be 2S8. — Ver. 
2. Sons of Asaph under Asaph, literally, " by 
the hand," or "at the hand," of Asaph, that is, 

led by him. TvJ? ' iere means the same as in 

the vers. 3 and 6, 'T-^y, "at the hands," under 

the guidance or order. — Ver. 3. For Jeduthun, 
the sons of Jeduthun were Gedaliah, or, "as tc 
Jeduthun (the family of Jeduthun), the sons of 
Jeduthun," etc. As the number of these "sons 
of Jeduthun" (perhaps disciples trained by him ; 
comp., for this figurative import of the term 
"sons" in our section, on ver. 7) is expressly 
stated to he six, and yet ouly live are here 
named, hence one name must have fallen out, 
and. indeed, according to ver. 17, that of Shimi, 
the only one that is wanting in our verses, while 
all the other twenty-three names recur (vers. 
9-31 ). — Under tin ir father Jeduthun on the harp, 
or "under the guidance of their father Jeduthun 
on the harp ;" 11333 belungs to pnvv. F01 

the following: "who prophesied (or 'was in- 
spired") to thank and praise the Lord,' com]., 
xvi. 4 ; 2 C'hron. v. 13. — Ver. 4. Giddalti ami 
Bomamti-ezer. The genitive -|}JJ probably be- 
longs also to 'PTtSi s0 * ua t tne full „.ime if 

this son of Heman is Giddalti-ezer (though in 
ver. 9 this is not expressly stated). — Ver. 5. All 
these were the sons of Heman, the king's $• • r tti 
the words of God. Heman is so called a* 
mediator of divine revelations for the king ; 
comp. 2 Chron. xxxv. 15, where the same pre- 
dicate is applied to Jeduthun, ami ch. xxi. 9, 
where Gad is introduced as David's seer. — To 
lift up the horn; and God gave to Heman fourteen 
sons and three daughters. The rich hlessing of 
descendants is here, as elsewhere (for example. 
Job xlii. 13 ; Ps. exxvii. 3 f. ; also ch. xxvi. 5), 
represented as a lifting up of the horn, that is, 
the might and consequence of the person eon- 

CHAP. xxv. 6-xxvr. 


cerned : comp. for r-\p D ,- in (which does not 

mean to "sound the horn," as Berth., misled by 
the certainly erroneous Jfasoretic accentuation, 
supposes) in this figurative sense, for example, 

1 Sam. ii. 10 (Luke i. 78) ; Lam. ii. 17 ; l's. 
lxxxix. IS, xrii. 11. cxlviii. Ii.— Ver. 0. All 
these were under their father, literally, "under 
1he guidance of their lather." The genitive 
DrPSN is distributive, and does not refer 

specially to Heruan (Berth.); for by "all these" 
our verse clearly points to all enumerated from 
ver. 2, and not merely to Heman's sons, vers. 4, 
5. — Under the king, with Asaph, and Jeduthun, 

and Neman. That here, by the H , "?5? referring 

t° '■ten and the three following names, David 

appears co-ordinated with the three song-masters, 
is explained by liis having co-operated with them 
in the first arrangement and institution of the 
service of song. — Ver. 7. Ami their number . . . 
all that were cunning, were two hundred eighty 
am! eight. This total of 288, or 24 x 12, as the 
sequel (ver. 9 If.) shows, is explained by this, 
that each of the twenty-four (4 + 6 + 14) sons of 
Asaph, Jednthuu, and Heman, with his eleven 
"brethren," not his nearest kindred, but rather 
his companions in calling, was incorporated into 
one class or choir of twelve musicians, so that thus 
then- were twenty-four such dodecades. These 
288 musicians were designated "all the cunning" 

(piKH'Ss). ;,s D y instruction and practice they 

were intrusted with the art of sacred singing, 
and were able to train the great body of singers 
(the 4000 who, ver. 8, are distinguished from 

them as "scholars," Q'TdWm 1 - — Ver. 8. And 

they cast lots for the charge, m'-L'TD Jiv"tf3i 

properly, "lots of service" (xXvp^s \f»/i:pii", 
Sept.). — The small as the great, tin teacher with 

the scholar. To riDl)? belongs ?nj3 ;b[53 as 

genitive, "in the way of as the small so the 
great" (conip. Eccl. v. 15 and Ew. § 360, a. ). The 

repetition of a fflDB'O after rif3l6> which some 

mss. present, and some Rabbinical expositors, as 
Raschi and Kimchi, demand, is an unnei 
attempt to amend and interpret. The passage 
says that the whole of the Levites destined for 
the service of song, the leaders as well as the 
choristers, the 288 Q'O'OO as well as the 3712 

Q'TDTTl- were chosen by lot ; and so the regu- 
larly exchanging classes, or ifn/uplxi, included 
both kinds of singers. — Vers. 9-81. The Result 
of the Lot. — And thefirst lot came out fur Asaph 
to Joseph, literally, •'for Asaph, (namely) lor 

Joseph" his son. The •>, "for" or "on," is 

usually omitted in the following. For the ques- 
tion whethi r the words " his son and his brethren 
twelve" lor. " he and his sons and his brethren " 
— together— "twelve"), which stand after the fol- 
lowing twenty-three names, have fallen out after 

t]Dlv. <> r were intentionally omitted, see Ci it. 

Note. — Ver. 11. The fourth to Izri, his sons. 
This Izri is called Zeri in ver. 3, as several other 

names in this li-t vary in spelling and form from 
those in vers, 2 I, namely, Nethaniahu and 
Hananjahu, vers. 12, 2:; (foi Nethaniah, Hana- 
niuh, vers. 2, -li; Hasbabiah, ver. 1!' (foi Ha- 
shabjahu, ver. 8); Jesharelah, ver. 14 (for 
Asharelah, ver. 2) ; Azarcl, ver. 18 (for Uzzirl, 
v.-r. 4 ; comp. the various forms of the loyal 
name fJzziah-Azariah, 1 Chron. iii 12: 2 Chroi 
xxvi. l); Shubael, ver. 20 (for Shebuel, ver. 4) 
Jeremoth, ver. 22 (for Jerimoth, ver. 4); Eiija- 
thah, ver. 27 (l"i- Eliathah, ver. i). For the 
absence of Shimi, ver. 17, in the former list, «ee 
on ver. 3. The various deviations in the spelling 
and formation of the names deepen the impression 
of the historical character, for which the whole 
account of singing-classes vouches. That of the 
twenty-four names of the leaders only one, that 
of Mattithiah, ver. 21, occurs elsewhere xv. 18, 
21, in the account of the removal of the ark), 
proves nothing against the credibility of the 
present double list, the arbitrary invention of 
which would be far more difficult to conceive 
than the assumption of its resting on ancient and 
genuine documents. 

With regard to the series of names in vers. 
9-31, what is remarked by Keil suffices for its 
explanation: — "The series is so determined by 
Int. that the four sous of Asaph hold the first, 
third, fifth, and seventh places; the six sm^ of 
Jeduthun, the second, fourth, eighth, tenth. 
twelfth, and fourteenth places : lastly, the four 
sons of Heman mentioned in ver. 4, the sixth, 
ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth places; and the 
remaining places, 15-24, fall to the remaining 
sons of Heman. Hence it follows that the hits 
of the sons of the three song-masters were not 
put in separate urns, and one lot drawn from 
each urn in succession, hut all the lots were 
united in one urn, and, in drawing, the lots of 
Asaph and Jeduthun so came out, that after the 
fourteenth drawing only the sons of Heman re- 
mained." This simple explanation of the order 
of the names is certainly preferable to the arti- 
ficial assumption of Bertheau, that "two series 
of seven each were first put in the urns, and one 
drawn from eacli of these alternately, and then 
the remaining ten sons of Heman were put in." 

7. The Classes of Porters : ch. xxvi. 1-19. — 
To the Korhites was Meshelemiah. Comp. ver. 
14, where the name is Shelemiah. On the patio 
nymic DTTlbn, "the Korhites," comp. ix. 19, 

where also the names Kore and Abiasaph occurred. 
That "Asaph" is a slip of the pen appears from 
this, that, vi. 24 ft, Asaph belongs to the de- 
scendants of Oershon, not, as the Korhites, to 
that of Kohath. — Ver. 2. ZecTiariah tfu first- 
born. This son of Meshelemiah occurs also ix. 21 
and in ver. 11. — Vers. 4-8. Obed-edom and his 
Descendants. — And Obed-edom hod sons. This 
1 Ibed-edom, already occurring xv. 15, 24, and xvi. 
38, is called in the latter place a son oi Jeduthun, 
not of the well-known song-master of the house of 
Merari, for the account of the Merarite porten 
begins in ver. 1", but of some other unknown 
Korhite of the same name, as appears from ver. 
1 comp. with ver. 19. — Ver. 1'.. And t,> Shemaiah 
. . . were burn sons that ruled in the hovsi of 

their father, properly, "the lordships (D'Ptt'CBri, 

abstr. pro concr. for E^TJSn : comp. Ew. § 1G0,&) 

of the house of their father. "—Ver. 7 And Obed, 



Elzabad, his brethren. The missing copula l is 

to be supplied before "|3PX as before VP1N- Then 

the strong men, Elihu and Semachiah, are named 
'as Elzabad's brethren. That the names of the 
brethren are not stated (Berth.) is less probable. 
— Ver. S. Strong men of ability for service. The 

sing. J^rrC^S is i» apposition with the ^3 stand- 
ing at the beginning of the verse (or such a "(3 

is to be supplied before it). — Ver. 9. And Meshe- 
lemiah . . . eighteen. By this appended statement 
of the number of Meshelemiah's family, the sum 
OS Che Korhite porters is fixed at eighty. — Vers. 
10,11. And Hosah, of the sons of Merari. This 
Hosah occurred before, xvi. 3S, along with Obed- 
edom as porter. — Shimri tine thief ; for he was not 
the first-born, that is, because none of the families 
springing from Hosah possessed the birthright 
(perhaps because the eldest son had died without 
male heirs), the father named Shimri, the strong- 
est anil cleverest of his sons, chief of the family. 
— Ver. 11. All the sons and brethren of Hosah 
were thirteen. Hence the whole number of all the 
porters here named is ninety-three (62+ 18 + 13). 
On the relation of this number to the statement 
in ix. 22, that the porters were in all 212, see 
on the passage ; comp. also xvi. 38. — Vers. 
12-19. The Division of Porters according to the 
several Stations at which they were to serve. — 
To these divisions of the porters, to the chiefs of 

the men. For this explicative D'-njn , !."Nll'. 

comp. on xxiv. 4; for the following statement 
respecting the division of the stations by lot, 
xxv. 8. — For every gate, literally, "for gate 
and gate." These are the gates of the four-sided 
temple, faring the four quarters of heaven. — 
Ver. ] 4. Ami for Zechariah his son, a wise 
counsellor, literally, " one counselling with pru- 
dence ; " on what this strange predicate rests is 

unknown. Before in^3T we are to repeat (j. — 

Ver. 15. To Ohtd-edom . . . and to his son.? the 
house of Asuppim, namely, to guard. This -JV3 

D^DXH, "house of collections" (comp. Neh. 

xii. 25), must have been a place for keeping the 
sacred stores for the temple service, a temple 
magazine, situated in the court near the south 
gate, and, as appears from ver. 17, had two 
entrances to guard. No particulars of it are 
known. "The translation of the Vnlg. : in qua 
parte erat seniorum concilium, appears to rest 
upon the explanation of the word CSDN by 
'assembly of men'" (Berth.). — Ver. 16. ToShup- 
pim and to Hosah. On the probable spurious- 
Eess of ■'Shuppim," see Grit. Note. The "gate 
Shallecheth by the causeway of ascent," the keep- 
ing of which was committed to Hosah, is to be 
regarded as turned, because toward the west, also 
to the lower city (east of which lay the temple 
mount). Thus, "the causeway of ascent," by 
this gate is the way that led from the lower city 
up to the higher temple mount. The name 
"gate Shallecheth" is perhaps to be explained, 
with Bbtteher and Thenius, by "refuse gate." — 
One ward like another, literally, "ward beside 

ward" (noyp as in ver. 12 and xxv. 8), not 

"ward over against ward," as Berth, thinks, 

who, on the ground of this precarious interpre- 
tation, assumes a diversity of the west gate and 
the Shallecheth gate as two entrances placed 
over against each other. Even ver. 18 does not 
confirm this interpretation, as here the guard 
stationed on the west side is represented certainly 
as double, consisting of four guards standing at 
"Par bar,'' and two on the causeway, but not as 
a guard divided between two gates. Far-fetched 
and contrary to the Masoretic division is the 
attempt of Clericus to refer the words "irvjis 

"lOU'D J"IBlv to a " tne stations, and so t" the 

contraposition of the four temple gates. — Ver. 17. 
Eastward were six Levites, northward four a 
day. These (6 + 4) ten daily guards the house of 
Meshelemiah(with hiseighteen sons and brothers), 
ver. 14, had to set, as the (4 + 2 + 2) eight guards 
stationed southward, ver. 15, belonged to the 
house of Obed-edom (with his sixty-two sons and 
brothers), and on Hosah (with his thirteen sons 
and brothers) was imposed the setting of the 
(4 + 2) six guards for the west side ; comp. ver. 
16 with ver. 18. A uniform and systematic 
division we cannot discover; probably it was 
arranged by lot. Moreover, not (6 + 4 + 8 + 6) 
twenty-four single men are meant, but so many 
leaders or guarding officers; for the strength of 
the several stations was certainly greater, as the 
sum total of all the porters is said in eh. xxiii. 6 
to be 4000 men. There is nothing in the text to 
show that the number twenty-four points to a 
division of the whole body of porters into twenty- 
lour classes, analogous to the twenty-four classes 
of priests and singers. — Ver. 18. At Parbar west- 
ward, four on the causeway, and two at Parbar. 
This -\2~iQ (= D'inB, - Kings xxiii. 11) is, as 

the statement of its situation to the west shows, 
to be regarded as a part of the temple buildings, 
near the Shallecheth gate, an addition with cells 
for depositing the stores and utensils of the 
temple, similar to the house of Asuppim, ver. 15, 
on the south side. The "causeway" is naturally 
the "causeway of ascent," ver. 16. 

8. The Administrators of the Treasures of 
the Sanctuary, with the Officers for the Ex- 
ternal Business : vers. 20 - 32. a. The Lord 
Treasurers (Stewards): vers. 20-28. — And the 
Levites their brethren. That instead of the un- 
meaning n ! nX D'l^ni °f the Masoretes we are 

to read thus (after the Sept. and the analogy of 
such passages as 1 Chron. vi. 29, 2 Chron. xxix. 
34), is maintained by most modern expositors 
since J. D. Mich. — Were over the treasures of 
the house of God, and over the treasures of the 
holy things. — This general statement is special- 
ized by the following passage in this way. that 
the sons of the Gershonite Ladan were placed 
over the treasures of the house of God, that is, 
in a strict sense the temple treasures (ver. 22 ff.), 
but the sons of Shelomoth over the treasures of 
the holy things, that is, the spoils consecrated by 
David (ver. 26 ff.).— Ver. 22. Jehieli, the sons of 
Jehieli: Zetham, and Joel his brother. The sense 
is, as appears from xxiii. 7 f. , that Zetham and 
Joel, the heads of the house :f Jehieli (or Jehiel), 
belonging to the Gershonite line of Ladan, had to 
administer the treasures of the house of God (the 
proper treasures of the temple, vei. 20).— Ver. 
23 f. Of the Amramites, the Izharites, the Hebron- 

CliAl'. XXVI. 25-82. 


ites, and the UsaeUtes, the four branches of the 

family of the Kohat bites, xxiii. 15 If. — 3hebael 
. . . ruler over the treasures (l before ^XlXiy eon - 

turning the sentence). As "sou of Gershom son 
of Moses,'' this Shcbuel (or Shubael, us in xxiv. 
20) belongs to the Amramites. And indeed this 
Amramite Shebuel appears, as the general phrase: 
"ruler (TJJ) of the treasures," shows, to be chief 

superintendent or administrator of all the sacred 
treasures, the president or administrator of the two 
departments of these treasures mentioned in ver. 
20 (not merely as superintendent of such sums as 
Unwed regularly into the sanctuary, as Berth., 
limiting the word rvnViX- thinks). — Ver. 25. And 

his bretltren by Eliezer were Behabiali hi* son 
(Eliezer's), and Jeshaiah his son, etc. These are 
called brethren of Shebuel, because they sprang 
from Moses by Eliezer, as this by his brother 
Gershom (xxiii. 16).— Ver. 26. This Shelomoth 
and his brethren. As a descendant of Eliezer, 
and therefore an Amramite, this Shelomoth (or 
Shelomith ; see Grit. Note) is different from the 
two Shelomiths of eh. xxiii., the Gershonite (ver. 
9) and the Izharite (ver. 18; comp. xxiv. 22). 
As he with his brethren has charge over the 
treasures of the holy things of David (that is, 
over the consecrated gifts from the spoils of the 
wars of this king), he appears co-ordinate with 
the Jehielites Zetham and Joel, but subordinate 
to the ruler Shebuel. — And the captains. These 
last-named jJ2Xri *"W are the field-officers or 

generals of David's army, as Joab, Ainasa, as 
distinct from the before-mentioned captains of 
thousands and hundreds, or officers in general. — 
Ver. 27. Out of the wars and of the spoil they 
dedicated to maintain the house of tlu? Lard, not 
to keep it in good condition or to repair it 
(according to the meaning which p^n has in 

2 Kings xii. 7; Neb., iii. 7 ff), but "to make it 
great" (comp. xxix. 12, where p^r\ stands by 

Stij, and is synonymous with it). Only this view 

agrees with the circumstance that the temple, at 
the time now in question, was not built, but only 
about to be built. For ^ in JV2? as nota accus., 

comp. xxix. 12. — Ver. 28a belongs still to the 
parenthetical explication of the dedicated gifts 
which began with ver. 27. — And all that Samuel 
. . . had dedicated. The article in tjrwipnn stands 

for the relative "|{5?t{, as ln xxix. 17; 2 Chron. 

xxix. 36; Ezra viii. 25, x. 14, 17.— Everything 
dedicated, literally, every one who had dedicated 
,C' , 1p , 3^"!?3). w ho placed that which was dedi- 
cated by him under Shelomoth. and his brethren. 
The enumeration of the several gifts derived from 
war, which began with ver. 27, or properly with 
ver. 266, is here concluded, and referred to ver. 
26a. T"?J>. properly, "on the hand," entrusted 

for keeping, committed to the charge of any one. 
o. Officers for the External Business: vers. 29-32. 
Only one Izharite and two Hebronite families ore 
mentioned in this category, consequently only 
those belonging to two lines of the family of 
Kohalh, and no Gershonites or Mcr.ii it s (as also 
ver 3 . 20-28, to the treasurers belon ; no Keratites 
and the Gershonites play only a subordinate paiti 
— Of the Izluirites was Ch'iianiah . . . fur t/u 
outer business. In what this outer business con- 
sisted the more definite addition shows: "for 
officers (scribes) and judges. " Although, xxiii. 4, 
the whole number of the Levites assigned to these 
functions is stated to be 600U, a number so high 
that all the situations of this kind in Israel might 
apparently be filled by them, yet we should in- 
clude, according to Neh. xi. 16, the administra- 
tion of the external business specially for the 
temple and its servants, the exaction of the taxes 
for the temple, the collection of tithes, etc. — Ver. 
30. Of llut Ilehronites . . . for the oversight of 
Israel on this side the Jordan westward, of the 
west-land of Israel ; comp. Josh. v. 1, xxii. 7. 
rnp2 ?U the Sept. correctly renders: Iri rii 

Wurxi^ia; tou '\trpxri\ (ad inspectionem Israel). 
The view of Berth.: "were over the gifts," that 
is, the taxes, is unsupported by the usage, and 
scarcely reconcilable with the explanation of tho 
contents of the foregoing verses on such taxes. 

Comp. also pj; TPSH in ver. 32, which signifies 

nothing but "appoint as overseers," give the 
oversight. — Ver. 31. Of the Hebronites icas Jeriah 
tin chief . This Jeriah occurred in xxiii. 19, but 
not in his present character as chief of the Hebron- 
ite family appointed over the land east of the 
Jordan. — For the Hebronites. This parenthesis, 
extending to the end of the verse, explains the 
surprising circumstance that the oversight of 
both sides of the Jordan was committed to the 
Hebronites. Why Jazer of Gilead, according to 
Josh. xxi. 39, a Merarite city, served as a chief 
residence to these Hebronites, remains obscure in 
the brevity of the present notice. — Ver. 32. And 
his brethren, valiant men, tiro thousand and si a n 
hundred fathers of families. So in the sense of 
house or family fathers is niQXH 'C'NI here 

without doubt to be understood, as the very great 
number 2700 teaches (not "heads of father- 
houses"). The phrase is essentially equivalent 
to the shorter r,13X. "fathers," in ver. 31. 

Moreover, the conjecture is natural, that as the 
Hebronite family of Hashabiah numbered 1700, 
and the Hebronite family of Jeriah 2700, house- 
fathers, so to the Izharite family of Chenaidah 
(ver. 29) belonged the 1600 still wanting to the 
sum total of 6000 (xxiii. 4), and that this number 
has fallen out by some oversight. The present 
list of officers for the outer business appears not 
to have been preserved entire (comp. Keil, p. 

y. Division of '.hi Military Officers 

Order of the Service awl of the Royal Househould : 
ch. xxvii. 

1. The Tirelve Divisions of the Army: vers. 1-15. 

Cn. xxvn. I. And the sons of Israel after their number, the heads of the houses 
ami the captains of thousands and hundreds, and their officers that served the 


king in any matter of the courses, that which came in and that which went 
out month by month for all the months of the year, the one course was 

2 twenty and four thousand. Over the first course, for the first month, was 
Jashobam son of Zabdiel ; and in his course were twenty and four thousand 

3 Of the sons of Perez, the chief of all the captains of the host for the first 

4 month. And over the course of the second month was Dodai 1 the Ahohite, 
and his course, and Mikloth the commander ; and in his course were twenty 

5 and four thousand. The third captain of the host, for the third month, was 
Benaiah son of Jehoiada the priest as chief ; and in his course were twenty 

6 and four thousand. This is Benaiah the hero of the thirty, and above the 

7 thirty; and his course was for Ammizabad his son. The fourth, for the fourth 
month, was Asahel Joab's brother, and Zebadiah his son after him ; and in 

8 his course were twenty and four thousand. The fifth, for the fifth month, was 
the captain Shamhuth the Izharite ; and in his course were twenty and four 

thousand. The sixth, for the sixth month, was Ira son of Ikkesh the Tekoite; 

1(1 and in his course were twenty and four thousand. The seventh, for the 

seventh month, was Helez the Pelonite, of the sons of Ephraim ; and in his 

1 1 course were twenty and four thousand. And the eighth, for the eighth month, 
was Sibbechai the Hushathite, of the Zarhites ; and in his course were twenty 

12 and four thousand. And the ninth, for the ninth month, was Abiezer the 
Anthothite, of the Benjamites; and in his course were twenty and four 

13 thousand. The tenth, for the tenth month, was Maharai the Netophathite, of 

14 the Zarhites ; and in his course were twenty and four thousand. The eleventh, 
for the eleventh month, was Benaiah the Pirathonite, of the sons of Ephraim ; 

15 and .in his course were twenty and four thousand. The twelfth, for the twelfth 
month, Heldai the Netophathite, of Othniel ; and in his course were twenty 
and four thousand. 

2. The Princes of the Twelve Tribes: vers. 16-24. 

16 And over the tribes of Israel : of the Eeubenites, Eliezer son of Zichri was 

17 ruler: of the Simeonites, Shephatiah son of Maachah. Of Levi, Hasbabiah 

18 son of Kemuel : of Aaron, Zadok. Of Judali. Elihu. 2 of the brethren of 

19 David : of Issachar, Omri son of Michael. Of Zebulun, Ishmaiah sun of 

20 Obadiah : of Naphtali, Jerimoth son of Azriel. Of the sons of Ephraim, 
Hoshea son of Azariah : of the half-tribe of Manasseh, Joel son of Pedaiah. 

21 Of the half-tribe of Manasseh in Gilead, Iddo son of Zechariah : of Benjamin, 

22 Jaasiel son of Abner. Of Dan, Azarel son of Jeroham : these are the princes 

23 of the tribes of Israel. But David took not their number from twenty years 
old and under, because the LoKU had promised to increase Israel as the stars 

24 of heaven. Joab the son of Zeruiah began to number, but did not finish, 
because for this there was wrath against Israel ; and the number was not put 
in the account of the chronicles of King David. 

t The Lorch if tin Treasures and Possessions of David : vers. 25-31. 

25 And over the king's treasures was Azmaveth son of Adiel : and over tne 
stores in the country, in the cities, and the villages, and the towers, was 

26 Jonathan son of Uzziah. And over the field-labourers for tillage of the ground 

27 was Ezri son of Chelub. And over the vineyards was Shimi the Bamathite ; 
and over that which was in the vineyards of stores in wine was Zabdi the 

28 Shiphmite. And over the olive-trees and the sycamores which were in the 
Shephelah was Baal hanan the Gederite : and over the cellars of oil was 

29 Joash. And over the herds that fed in Sharon was Shitrai s the Sharonite : 

30 and over the herds in the valleys was Shaphat son of Adlai. And over the 
camels was Obil the Ishmaelite : and over the asses was Jehdeiah the 

31 Meronothite. 4 And over the flocks Jaziz the Hagrite : all these were rulers 
of the substance which belonged to King David. 

CHAP. XXVII. 1-15. 


4. The State Counsellors of David : vers. 32-34. 

32 And Jonathan, David's kinsman, was a counsellor, a wise man, and a 

33 scribe; and Jehiel son of Hachmoni was with the king's sons. And Ahithophel 
was the king's counsellor; and Hushai the Archite was the king's friend. 

34 And after Ahithophel was Jehoiada son of Benaiah, and Abiathar ; and the 
general of the king's army was Joab. 

1 For Hil. according to xi. V2, is to be read '"IVVp "IJJ,vN. 

2 For ^PP^X the Sepr., in accordance with li. 13 and 1 Sam. xvi. U, xvii. L3, exhibits 'E/itkfi. 
■ So the Ktilnli: the Keri has Shlrtal ("D"1C')- 

' Sspt, i ix M<f*di»» ; but ni^lD occurs also, Neh. in. 17, as the name of a place near Mi/pah; a pmD nowhere. 


Preliminary Remark. — In this list of the 
military and civil officers of David, the collocation 
of ministers and associates of the army, domains, 
and kingdom of this king is connected with the 
survey contained in eh. xxiii. -xxvi. of the Levites 
and priests in his reign, and also with the account 
of the census of the people in ch. xxi. To the 
latter vers. 23, 21 distinctly refer, which show 
the fore-mentioned captains of the military divi- 
sions and princes of the tribes as included in that 
census, ami thereby indicate the political and 
military import of that measure (comp. on xxi. 
1, 6). With the registers of Levites and priests in 
ell. xxiii.-xxvi., however, our section is connected 
partly by its position and the similarity of its 
contents, partly by the circumstance that both the 
spiritual (Levitieal) and the temporal hierarchy 
of officers had obtained their more permanent 
regulation and organization hi the last year of his 
government, and, indeed, in connection with the 
census of the people, as appears again from 
ver. 23. 

1. The Twelve Divisions of the Army: vers. 
1-15. — And the sons of Israel after their number. 
Ver. 1 forms the full superscription to the follow- 
ing list. As this contains only the twelve divi- 
sions of the army of 24,000 men each, with the 
names of their commanders, this circumstantial 
superscription seems to promise too much ; the 
detailed description of the army divisions an- 
nounced in it, and of their officers, appears in 
vers. 2-15 to be no longer complete, but only 
preserved in tin form of an abstract (Berth, i. 
But the chief stress rests on "after their number " 

(□"ISDOT), as the determination of the monthly 

changing military courses at the strength of 
24,000 each, immediately after the close of this 
s iperscription, clearly shows. Hence all else 
that is here indicated, the mention of the captains 
of the thousands and hundreds, the officers, etc., 
is to be regarded as of mere secondary account. — ■ 
That which came in and that which went out 
mouth by month, properly, " the coming in and 
outgoing, " namely, the course going in and out 
of service at the beginning of every month ; 
crmp. 2 Kings xi. 5, 7, 9, and 2 Chron. xxiii. 
4, S. Here naturally only the monthly attend- 
ance of each of the twelve divisions or corps is 
spjken of, not that they had changed places every 
month, ami were stationed one after another in 
Jerusalem, which would have been quite impos- 
sible for so large a corps. — The one course; nnsn. 

taken distributively, as Num. xvii. IS; Judg. viii. 
18. — Ver. 2. Over the first course . . . Jasho- 
bam. Concerning this Jashobam (perhaps "lsh- 
bosheth") son uf Zabdiel, see on xi. 11. And in 
lus course were twenty and four thousand, liter- 
ally, "on (^y) his course went 24,om> men."— 

Ver. 3. Of the sons of Perez: he was descended 
from that distinguished Jewish family from 
which David sprang j comp. ii. 4 li. — The chief 
of all the captains of the host for the fist month, 
stood as hist in the series of twelve commanders 
relieving each other monthly, but was still subor- 
dinate to the commander of the whole army 
(generalissimo I, namely, to Joab (ver. 34 1. — Ver. 
4. Dodai tin Ahokite. On the omission of 
" Eleazar son of " before Dodai, see i hi- < i it. Note. 
— And his course, and MVcloth the commander. } 
before nibpD appears to introduce the consequent, 

and seems to be superfluous, as it is wanting before 
"DfEy, ver - 6, in a similar connection. At all 

events, Slikloth is a proper name, as viii. 32, 
ix. 37 f. prove ; whether the there named Benja- 
mite be identical with the present Mikloth must 
remain doubtful. — Ver. 5. The third captain . . . 
was Benaiah . . . as chief. [_"N"1. predicate to 
Benaiah, not attribute to [nan. Com eniing this 

Benaiah and his distinguished position as " hero of 
the thirty, and above the thirty" (more honoured 
than all of them), see xi. 22, 2.3 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 
23. For the construction in ver. 66, comp. on 
ver. 4h. — Ver. 7. Asahel . . . and Zebadiah 7iis 
son after him. This form of expression contains 
a plain reference to the early death of Asahel 
(xi. 26), his tragic end, which Abner prepared for 
him, 2 Sam. ii. 18-23. The fourth course would 
thus, at least for the late time now in question, 
have to be designated properly after Asain I's Bon 
Zebadiah, its then living leader. But it is called 
[honoris causa) de patris defuncti nomine, as 
Clericus well remarks, just as the family of the 
Maccabees is distinguished by the name Asmo- 
nseans. — Ver. 8 If. The following names Shamhuth 
(earlier, xi. 27, Shammoth; 2 Sam. xxiii. 11, 
Shammah), Ira, Helez, Sibbechai, Abiezer, Malia- 
rai, Benaiah, and Heldai occurred together already, 
though in a somewhat different order, in the list ot 
heroes in xi. 27-31. — Shamhuth the Izrahite, the 
descendant of Zerah son of Judah, ch. ii. 4,6; mTTI 

stands for <m|3n, and this is equivalent to 

<m?n. vers - H au(i 13 - — Ver. 15. Heldai tht 



Xetcphathiie, ofOthniel, belonging to the family 
t>f hniel, incorporated by his connection with 
Caleb into the tribe of Judah, Josh. xv. 17; Judg. 
i. 12-15. The name Heldai is besides in XL BO 
Heled, and in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29, by an error of the 
pen, Heleb. 

2. The Princes of the Twelve Tribes : vers. 
16-24. — In this list the twelve tribes are 
enumerated in quite a different order from that 
in Genesis, and even that in iv.-vii. of our book. 
A fundamental ground for the order here ex- 
hibited — Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, 
Zebulun, Naphtali, Ephraim, Manasseh, Benja- 
min, Dan — can the less be ascertained, because 
the names of two tribes (Gad and Asher) have 
fallen out probably by an old corruption of the 
text ; and there is no means even of conjecturing 
what was their original place in the list. There 
remains, therefore, only an uncertain surmise 
that Dan has been assigned the last place on 
account of his fall into idolatry ; comp. evangeli- 
cal anil ethical reflections on ch. i.-ix., No. 3. — 
Ver. 17. Of Aaron, Zadok. Whether this 
naming of a prince of the Aaronites, namely, the 
high priest Zadok, of the line of Eleazar, along 
with that of the Levite was to make amends for 
the omitted princes of Gad and Asher is uncer- 
tain.— Ver. 18. Of Judah, Elihu. That "Eliab" 
(ii. 13) is to be read, with the Sept., for " Elihu " 
is most probable, even for this reason, that Eliab 
was the lirst-born of Jesse, to whom the dignity 
of prince must have naturally fallen. — Ver. 21. 
Of the half . . . in Gilead, literally, "toward 

Gilead " (m>',>a), a suitable designation of the 

east half of Manasseh. — Vers. 23, 21. Closing 
Remark on the Two Lists referring to the Army of 
Israel, vers. 2-15 and vers. 16-22. — But David 
took not their number from twenty years old and 
under : he had only those above twenty years 
numbered. On IjJDIO Nl"j, to take, determine, 

a number, comp. Num. iii. 10, and Ex. xxx. 12 ; 
Num. i. 49. — Because t/ie Lord had promised to 
increase Israel as the stars of heaven. This 
ground for the remark that David included only 
those above twenty years in his census of the 
people obviously means that to number the 
whole mass of the people, which God's promise 
to the patriarchs (Gen. xxii. 17, etc.) had de- 
signated as innumerable, was not intended by 
David ; he had only wished to ascertain the num- 
ber of those able to bear arms for the organization 
of his army. On ver. 24a, comp. xxi. 6. — And 
the number was not put in the account of the 
chronicles of Kimj David., literally, " and the 

number went not up," etc. ; comp. -\^o by HPyn, 
2 Chron. xx. 34, on account of which parallel, 
noreover, "13D3 is not to be read for -|3DD2> 

especially as the phrase D'D'H "QT "I3D <l*es 
not occur in Chronicles. The second "13DD is 

lather to be understood in the sense of " reckon- 
ing, register of numbers," and therefore we are 
to think of the statistical section of the annals 
of David's reign (Berth., Kamph., etc.). In 
these the result of that great census of the people 
had no place according to our passage ; and if, 
xxi. 5, a communication regaiding this result is 
made, it must have been derived from some other 

3. The Lords of the Treasures and Possessions 
of David: vets. 25-31. — And over the king's 
treasures was Azmaveth. These first-mentioned 
treasures in general (ntlVX; comp. xxvi. 20 ; Job 

xxxviii. 22 1 were perhaps, as the contrast with 
the "treasures in the country " teaches, the 
stores or spoils of war preserved in Jerusalem, s< 
far as they were crown and not temple propertj 
(xxvi. 22); thus rightly Luther: "over the 
treasure of the king." — And over the stores in 
the country, in the cities, and the villages, and tht 
towers, that is, in the forts or keeps ; comp. the 
notice of such towers in 2 Chron. xxvi. 10 ; Jlic. 
iv. 8 ; Song iv. 4. — Ver. 26. And over the f eld- 
labourers for tillage of the ground was -Ezri. 
Here begins the specification of the stores in the 
field, with the royal domains or fields (nTi." nere 
in the strict or proper sense, not as in ver. 25). — 
Ver. 27. And over the vineyards was Shimi the 
Ramathite, of Ramah in the tribe of Benjamin, 
Josh, xviii. 25. The next following officer, Zabdi, 
the manager of the wine-stores in the vineyards, 
is called <t03EiV"l, "the Shiphmite," coming per- 
haps from D3{^, a place mentioned in Num. 

xxxiv. 10 f., on the north border of Canaan. 
But perhaps it is more natural to refer to niDSt;' 

in the south of Judah (1 Sam. xxx. 28), as the 
south produced the most wine, and of course the 
most vineyards and vine cultivators. — Ver. 28. 
And over the olive-trees and the sycamores in the 
S/iephelah, in the lowlands of the fruitful plain, 
between the hills of Judah and the Mediterranean, 
Josh. xv. 53. O'JTT, olive plantations and gar- 
dens ; comp. Deut. vi. 11, 1 Kings v. 25 ; and sc 
the following LVDpC'. How important the pro- 
duce of the sycamores must have been in the 
times of David and Solomon appears from the 
proverbial expression, 1 Kings x. 27, 2 Chron. i. 
15: "Cedar-wood as plentiful as the sycamores 
that grew in the Shephelah." Comp. C. HoBmanu, 
Blicke in die fruhere Geschichte des yelobten 
Landes, p. 171 : " None of the plants adorning 
the country in that time is so fallen as those oft- 
mentioned sycamores, of which only a few still 
stand in the gardens of Jaffa as tokens of by- 
gone beaut}-. On the coast, on the hot soil, 
moistened by under water, stood in broad planta- 
tions these mighty, shady, leafy crowns, the 
native land of which is Egypt. Tiny are men- 
tioned at Jericho in the time of Christ (Luke 
xix. 4). Did they, as the herdsman Amos, who 
plucked their figs, intimates Amos vi . 14, extend 
to the now so cool and dry valleys of Tekoa, 
about the Frank Mountains, that now bear 
among the Arabs the name of paradise, as a 
monument of vanished glories I At all events, 
they were proverbially common in Solomon's 
time ; and this leads to one of those numerous in- 
dications of a former abundance of water," etc. — 
Bnal-hanan the Gederite, of Geder or Gederah, 
situated in the lowlands south-east of Jabneh 
(comp. Josh. xii. 13, xv. 36, and our remark on 
Beth-geder, ii. 51) ; man i« thus not really 

different from Tynan, xn - *• Keil would derive 
'man rather from Gedor (nyia), on the hills 
of Judah, Josh. xv. 58 ; but the form of the 



Qentilicium is against this. — And over the herd* 
in llu' oalleys, namely, those in the 1 1 1 1 1 country 
of Juddh towards the Dead Sea ami the Jordan ; 
comp. xii. 15. — Ver. 30. And over the camels 
wot <>'iii the hhmaetite. As the riches of the king 
consisted in camels (comp. Job i. 3 ; Jadg. vii. 
12) ji the south country, where the Ishmaelites 
formerly wandered, a descendant of this race was 
ippointed overseer of them. So it might be with 
the Sag&rite Jaziz, who was placed over the hocks 
(comp. V. 10, 19; I's. lxxxiii. 7). For Jehdeiah 
the Mcrouothite, see frit. Note. — Ver. 31. All 
these if re rulers of the property which belonged to 
King David. C'lj "I. " property," a wider notion 

than that of the "treasures of the king," ver. 25, 
including these (the treasures in Jerusalem) ami 
" the treasures in the country." The total num- 
ber of the officers appointed to take charge of all 
this property, as they are named above, is twelve, 
namely, the two head officers, ver. 25 (for the city. 
Aziuaveth ; for the country, Jonathan), and the 
ten overseers of the tillage and pasturage, the 
latter of whom were to give a yearly account of 
the produce of the stock under their charge to 
the former. The number twelve can scarcely be 
accidental here, though it is not expressly noticed. 
A. The State Counsellors of' David : vers. 
32-34 ; comp. the similar lists of the chief officers 
of state in xviii. 15-17 (2 Sam. viii. 15-1S) and 
in 2 Sam. xx. 23—26, with which, however, the 
present has only Joab the commander-in-chief in 
common, whereas, otherwise, here partly other 
persons, partly other functions, appear ; and, 
indeed, its chief aim is to name the counsellors 
(D'Sy*) of the kiug : it is a list of the chief 

counsellors of David (as it were his private 
council of state or cabinet). — And Jonathan 
David's kinsman was a counsellor ; "|yn (pro- 
perly favourite, friend, Song i. 13, etc) may 
signify the father's brother, Jer. xxxii. 7, in which 
sense it appears to be taken by the Sept. 
(Mp«£Stxp«s) and Vulg. {patriots). Yet it 
signifies also (Jer. xxxii. 12) " kinsman, cousin" 
ill general, and appears here also to convey this 
wider ense, where scarcely any other Jonathan 
than the son of Shima is meant, and therefore a 
nephew of David. On J'jvp, counsellor, comp. 

xxvi. 14; on the following attribute, "wise," 
xv, 22 ; on a "scribe" OSID, here not a name 

of office, as in xviii. 16), ii. 55 ; Ezra vii. 6. — 
And Jrli'ul .... was with thi hing's sons, as 
their instructor or tutor, „■< office mentioned only 
here. Whether llachmoni the father of tb.s 
Jehiel be the same with the ll;i limoni father 
of Jashotam mentioned xi. 11 must remain un- 
certain. — Ver. 33. And AhWiophel was coun- 
sellor of the king, without doubt tin same who 
became notorious from the history of the revolt 
of Absalom — comp. 2 Sam. xv. 31, xvi. 23, 
xvii. 1 If. ; Ps. xii. 10— as Hushai the Architc 
is the well-known opponent of this Ahith<<plie1, 
'J Sam. xv. 32, 87, xvi. 16.— Ver. 34. And after 
AhWiophel was Jehoiada son of Benaiali and 
Abiathar. That by the latter the well-kncwn 
high priest of the family of Ithamar iv. 27 1 is 
meant cannot well be doubted ; whether with 
regard to the previous name we ale to think of 
the Benaiah named ver. 5, captain of the third 
division, son of Jehoiada the priest, so that 
here a transposition of the names has taken 
place (Berth.), appears doubtful. It is perhaps 
simpler to take the Jehoiada named as successor 
to Ahithophel in the privy council of the king 
for a son of that Benaiah who, after the well- 
known Hebrew custom, bore the name of his 
grandfather. We may observe, moreover, how 
clearly the Chronist here again (as in ver. 7) 
betrays his acquaintance with certain episodes in 
the history of David, the special course of which 
it does not lie within the scope of his plan ta 
narrate. — And the general of the king's army 
was Joab; as such generalissimo, at the same 
time in some sense minister of war, and there- 
fore eo ipso belonging to the rank of king's < oun- 
sellors. Accordingly he appears, xxi. 2 ff., in the 
exercise of his office of counsellor in regard to the 
census of the people. 

In an apologetic respect, it is worthy of remark, 
in regard to this list of the counsellors of David, 
that, with the exception of Jehiel, names of 
persons about David occurring also in the books 
of Samuel and elsewhere in our books are con- 
tained in it, but that it cannot be compiled by 
the Chronist from the other accounts of the 
history of this king, because it exhibits some- 
thing peculiar, not elsewhere occurring, in its 
statements of the functions of these men. " We 
must therefore assume that this list comes from 
the same source from which our historian has 
drawn the previous lists (xxiii.-xxvi. and axvii. 
1-31)" (Berth.). 

o. The Lust Directions of David concerning the building of the Temple and the Succession oj 
Solomon, and his own Death : cb. xxviii., xxix. 

1. Directions to Solomon concerning the building of the Temple: ch. xxviii. 

Ca xxviii. 1. And David assembled all the princes of Israel, the princes of tho 
tribes, and the captains of the divisions, that served the king, and the 
captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and the stewards of all the 
property and cattle of the king and his sons, with the courtiers and the heroes, 

2 and all the valiant men in Jerusalem. And David the. king stood up on his 
feet, and said. Hear me, my brethren and my people. I had it in my heart 
to build a house of rest for the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and for the 

3 footstool of our God ; and I made ready for the building. But God said to 
me, Thou shalt not build a house for my name, because thou hast been a 

■4 man of war, and hast shed blood. And the LuKD God of Israel chose me out 


of all my father's house to be king over Israel for ever : for He hath chosen 
Judah to be the ruler, and in the house of Judah the house of my father ; and 
among the sons of my father He liked me. to make me king over all Israel. 

5 And of all my sons — for the Lord hath given me many sons — He hath chosen 
Solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the Loud over 

6 Israel. And He said unto me, Solomon thy son, he shall build my house and 
my courts ; for I have chosen him to be my son; and I will be his father. 

7 And I will establish his kingdom for ever, if lie be strong to do my com- 

8 mandnients and my judgments as at this day. And now in the eyes of all 
Israel, the congregation of the Lord, and in the ears of our God, keep and 
seek all the commandments of the Lord your God, that ye may possess 

9 the good land, and bequeath it to your sons after you for ever. And thou, 
Solomon my son, know the God of thy father, and serve Him with a whole 
heart, and with a willing mind ; for the Lord searcheth all hearts, and 
understand eth all the imagination of the thoughts : if thou seek Him, He 
will be found of thee ; and if thou forsake Him, He will cast thee oft' for ever. 

10 Take heed now; for the Lord hath chosen thee to build a house for the 
sanctuary : be strong, and do it. 

11 And David gave Solomon his son the pattern of the porch, and of its 
buildings and its treasuries, and its upper rooms, and its inner parlours, and 

12 the house of the mercy-seat. And the pattern of all that his spirit had in 
thought for the courts of the house of the Lord, and for all the chambers 
around for the treasures of the house of God, and for the treasures of the 

13 holy things. And for the courses of the priests and the Levites, and for all 
the work of the service of the house of the Lord, and for all the vessels of 

14 the service of the house of the Lord. For gold by weight, for gold for all 
instruments of every service ; and for all instruments of silver by weight, for 

15 all instruments of every service. And the weight for the golden candlesticks, 
and their lamps of gold ; by the weight of every candlestick and its lamps ; 
and for the silver candlesticks, by weight for the candlestick and its lamps, 

J 6 according 1 to the use of each candlestick. And the gold by weight for the 

17 tables of shew-bread for every table ; and silver for the tables of silver. And 
the forks, and the sprinkling bowls, and the cans of pure gold ; and for the 
golden tankards by weight for every tankard, and for the silver tankards by 

18 weight for every tankard. And for the altar of incense, refined gold by 
weight ; and for the pattern of the chariot ; the cherubim of gold that 
spread out (their wings) and cover 3 the ark of the covenant of the Lord. 

19 "All this has He taught me in writing from the hand of the Lord upon me, 
even all the works of the pattern." 

20 And David said to Solomon his son, Be strong and active, and do it : 
fear not, nor be dismayed, for the Lord God, my God, is with thee ; He will 
not fail thee, nor forsake thee, till all the work of the service of the house of 

21 the Lord is completed. And, behold, the courses of the priests and the 

Levites for all the service of the house of God ; and with thee is in every 

work ever}' willing man of wisdom for all service ; and the princes and all 

the people for all thy matters. 


2. Contributions of the assembled Princes for building the Temple: oh. xxix. 1-9. 

Off XXIX. 1. And David the king said unto all the congregation, Solomon my son, 
whom alone God hath chosen, is young and tender, and the work is great ; 

2 for the palace is not for man, but for the Lord God. And with all my 
might I have prepared for the house of my God, gold for golden things, and 
silver for silver, and brass for brazen, and iron for iron, and wood for wooden ; 
onyx-stones and set stones, rubies and mottled stones, and all kinds of pre- 

3 cious stones, and marble stones in abundance. And, moreover, because 1 
delight in the house of God, 1 have a treasure of gold and silver which I have 
given to the house of my God over and above all that I have prepared for 


4 the holy bouse. Three thousand talents of gold, of the gold of Ophir, and 
seven thousand talents of refined silver, to overlay the walls of the hous ss. 

5 The gold for golden, and the silver for .silver, and for all work by the baud ol 
artificers ; and who is willing to fill his hand this day unto the LORD 1 

And tin- princes oi the bouses, and the princes of the tribes of Israel, and 
the captains of thousands and of hundreds, with the rulers of the king's work, 

7 showed themselves willing. And gave, for the service of the house of God, 
of gold, five thousand talents and ten thousand darics ; and of silver, ten 
thousand talents; and of brass, eighteen thousand talents; and of iron, a 

8 hundred thousand talents. And they with whom stones were found gave 
them for the treasure of the house of the LORD, by the band of Jebiel the 

9 Gershonite. And the people were glad, because they were willing, because 
with a perfect heart they offered willingly to the Lord ; and David the king 
also was exceedingly glad. 

3. Da aid's Thaukfgioing : vers. 10—19. 

10 And David blessed the Lord in the eyes of all the congregation ; and 
David said, Blessed bo Thou, Loud God of Israel our father, for ever and 

11 ever. Thine, LORD, is the greatness, and the power, and the beauty, and 
the lustre, and the majesty ; for all in the heaven and in the earth is Thine : 

12 Thine, Lord, is the kingdom, and Thou art exalted as head over all. And 
the riches and the glory come of Thee, and Thou rulest over all ; and in Thy 
hand is might and power ; and in Thy hand it is to make all great and strong. 

13, 14 And now, our God. we thank Thee, and praise Thy glorious name. For who 
am I, and what is my people, that we should be able to offer so willingly in 

15 this way ] for all comes of Thee, and of Thy hand have we given Thee. For 
we are strangers before Thee, and sojourners, as all our fathers : our days on 

16 the earth are as a shadow, and there is no hope. Lord our God, all this 
store that we have prepared to build Thee a house for Thy holy name, it 3 

17 cometh of Thy band, and is all Thine own. And I know, my God, that 
Thou triest the heart, and hast pleasure in uprightness : I, in the integrity of 
my heart, have willingly offered all these things : and now Thy people who 

18 are present I have seen with gladness to offer willingly unto Thee. Lord 
God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, our fathers, keep this for ever in the 
imagination of the thoughts of the heart of Thy people, and stablisb their 

19 heart unto Thee. And give to Solomon my son a perfect heart, to keep Thy 
commandments, Thy testimonies, and Thy statutes, and to do all, and to 
build the palace which I have prepared. 

4. Clost of the Public Issembly ; Sohmon's Elevation to the Throne: vers. 20-25. 

20 And David said to all the congregation, Bless now the Lord your God : 
and all the congregation blessed the Lord God of their fathers ; and they 

21 bent and bowed down to the Loud, and to the king. And they killed sacri- 
fices unto the Lord, and ottered burnt-offerings unto the LORD, on the morrow 
of that day, a thousand bullocks, a thousand rams, a thousand lambs, with 

22 their drink-offerings, and sacrifices in abundance for all Israel. Anil they 
ate and drank before the Lord on that day with great gladness, and the 
second time made Solomon the son of David king, and anointed him unto 

23 the Lord to be ruler, and Zadok to be priest. And Solomon sat on the 
throne of the Lord as, king, instead of David his father; and he prospered, 

24 and all Israel obeyed him. And all the princes, and the heroes, and also all 

25 the sons of King David, submitted to Solomon the king. And the Lord 
magnified Solomon exceedingly in the eyes of all Israel,, and bestowed on him 
the majesty of the kingdom, which bad not been on any king over Israel 
before him. 

5. Close of the HLtory of David: vers. 20-30. 
26, 27 And David the son of Jesse reigned over all Israel. And the time that 



he reigned over all Israel was forty years ; in Hebron he reigned seven years, 

28 and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty and three. And he died in a good old 
age, full of days, riches, and glory ; and Solomon his son reigned in his stead. 

29 And the acts of David the king, first and last, behold, they are written in the 
words of Samuel the seer, and in the words of Nathan the prophet, and in 

30 the words of Gad the seer. With all his reign and his might, and the times 
that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the kingdoms of the 

' For mi3y3 a number of mss. and old editions read mi3J!3 '" f " r tlle «nrlc« "). 

« For D'Mbl D'Enb^ 'he Sept. and Vulg. read D'SiDm D'EHSH; comp. Exeg. Elpl 

• So the Kelhib ({On) ; the Keri has S^H, referring to |ioni"|. 


1. Directions to Solomon concerning the build- 
ing of the Temple : ch. xxviii. 1-21. — These 
directions for building the temple David an- 
nounces in a solemn assembly of the states or 
representatives of the people, or as they are de- 
signated in general: "all the princes of Israel" 
(Qi-lb')- The several classes of these representa- 
tives of the kingdom are there specified : — 1. "the 
princes of the tribes " (see their enumeration in 
xxvii. 16-22) ; 2. " the captains of the divisions 
that served the king ;" see xxvii. 1-15 ; 3. "the 
captains of thousands and captains of hundreds, " 
the officers of the army, and those captains of 
divisions, the commanders and chiefs of the 
twelve corps of the army (xxvii. 1); 4. "the 
stewards of all the property and cattle of the 
king and his sons," the officers of the royal 
domains (xxvii. 25-31), who are here extended 
by the addition (misunderstood by the Vulg.) 

V337I to the royal princes and their possessions ; 
5. 'the courtiers," D'D'ID, properly, eunuchs (so 

the Sept. and Vulg. in our passage), but here 
obviously in a wider sense, of officers of the, royal 
court, or chamberlains in general ; comp. 1 Sam. 
viii. 15; 1 Kings xxii. 19; 6. the "heroes," 
that is, the distinguished champions enumerated 
in xi. 10 11'., so far as they not merely (as captains 
of the divisions or over the thousands, etc.) be- 
longed to the active service, but perhaps as 
occasional counsellors of the king, or otherwise 
influential persons, were entitled to a prominent 
position in the kingdom (hence the Sept. not 
unsuitably ; rout Ivxtora;) ; 7. all " the valiant 

men" 6>n "li33"^3^ with *p as nota ace), 

every other person of note or importance, — a wide 
phrase reverting to the general notion of the 
"princes of Israel." — Ver. 2. And David the 
king stood up on his feet, in order to speak ; for 
before he was sitting from the weakness of age 
(not reclining, as the Rabbinical expositors would 
infer from 1 Kings i. ). For the kindly humble 
address, "my brethren," in the king's mouth, 
comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 23 ; 2 Sam. xix. 13. — / had , 
it in my heart to build, literally, "I, in my heart | 
it was to build ;" comp. xxii. 7. — A home of\ 
rest, a house where the ark might abide at rest, i 
Along with the ark, on account of its special i 
holiness, is mentioned the mercy-seat (ver. 11), | 
Uid, indeed, described in a figurative way as I 

"the footstool of our God." as Jehovah is re- 
garded as sitting on the cherubim of the cap- 
poreth. — And I made ready for the building, I 
prepared workmen and materials for it ; comp. 
xxii. 2 ff., 14 ff. ; as for the following verse xxii. 
8, and for ver. 4, ch. xi. 2, v. 2.— Ver. 5. To sit 
upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over 
Israel, the theocratic kingdom ; comp. the equiva- 
lent briefer phrase: "to sit on Jehovah's throne," 
xxix. 23 and Ps. xlv. 7, where the correctly 
interpreted D'D^N 1XD3, "thy God's throne," 

yields practically the same notion (see Moll, Der 
Psalter, p. 237). God is the proper king of 
Israel; but David, Solomon, ett;., are only the 
earthly representatives of His royalty. — Ver. 7. 
And 1 will establish His kingdom. Comp. in 
general xxii. 10 and xvii. 11 f., and for the con- 
dition : "if he be strong," etc., the quite similar 
conditions which God, 1 Kings iii. 14, ix. 4, im- 
poses on Solomon ; also 1 Kings viii. 61 (where also 
the nin Di s 3)- — Ver. 8. Keep and seek all the 

commandments, keep them earnestly, seek to keep 
them with zeal. — That ye may possess the good 
land. Comp. Deut. iv. 21; Lev. xxv. 46; Jer. 
iii. 18. — Ver. 9. And thou, Solomon my son, 
know the God of thy father, the God who so truly 
helped me, thy father, in all troubles ; comp. the 
emphatic "my God," ver. 20 and Ps. xviii. 3, 
and similar passages. — And serve Him with a 
whole heart, with an undivided mind, without 
i^v^lx ; comp. xxix. 9 ; also xxix. 19 and 1 Kings 
viii. 61. — Understandeth all the imagination oj 
the thoughts. The phrase: "imagination of the 
thoughts," as in Gen. vi. 5; the reference to the 
omniscience of God, as in 1 Sam. xvi. 7; Ps. vii. 
10, exxx x. 1 ff. — If thou seek Him, He will be 
found of thee; comp. Deut. iv. 29; lsa. Iv. 6; Jer. 
xxix. 13 f. On the following strong expression- 
" He will cast thee off" (r|rP3P), comp. 2 Chron, 
xi. 14, xxix. 19, and Lam. iii. 17. — Ver. 10. Be 
strong, and'lo it. In essentially the same words, 
ver. 20, David again addresses Solomon, after the 
interruption, vers. 11-19, occasioned by deliver- 
ing the draft and plan of the holv buildings. — 
Vers. 11-19. The Details of the Outline and Plan 
for the Temple, as David laid it before his Son in 
the public Assembly. We may imagine the 
architects and other craftsmen, by whose help he 
had this outline and plan drawn out, present in 
the assembly, and explaining it at the king's 
order. — And David gave . . . the pattern of the. 
court. rP33P, pattern, model, as Ex. xxv. 40 ; 

CHAP. XXVIII. 11-19. 


O^INn, the porch before the sanctuary, 2 Chron. 

iii. 4: 1 Kings vi. 3. — And of its buildings, those 
of the temple. The suffix must refer, not to the 

□SlS. but only to n<3n. "the temple, the house," 

to be supplied from the context. The buildings 
of the house are the holy place ami the most 
lo'.y. — And its treasuries (P3T33. cognate with 

H32. Ezra vii. 20, Esth. iii. 9, iv. 7, occurs only 

here), and its upper rooms (above the most holy 
place, _ Chron. iii. '.", and its imcr parlours, 
namely, t lie porch and the holy place; for only 
to these can the phrase refer, as immediately after 
follows the special mention of the most holy 
place, designated as the "house of the merry- 
seat" or "abode of the capporeth. " — Ver. 12. 
Ami the pattern of all that his spirit hail in 
thought (or what was before his mind) for the 
courts . . . and ill! the chambers around, the cells 
or rooms on the four sides of the court, that 
served to keep "the treasures of the house of 
God," that is, the treasure of the temple and the 
"treasures of holy things, " the stores of dedicated 
tilings collected from the spoils of war (the same 
distinction as in xxvi. 20). — Ver. 13 continues 
the statement of that for which the chambers or 
cells of the court were designed. — And for tin- 
courses of the priests and the Levites, for their 
sojourn during their service, likewise for tin- 
works belonging to this service (cooking of flesh, 
preparing of shew-bread, etc.), and for the keep- 
ing of the requisite utensils, which last are enu- 
merated in detail from ver. 14 on. — Ver. 14. For 
gold. The ? in 3np corresponds to that in 

ni3i."^n"P37, ver. 12 ; the sentence begun in 

ver. 11 thus extends to the close of this verse. 
A new construction begins first in ver. 15, which 
may be regarded as a continuation of that begun 

in ver. 11. As to the object ppC'OI, a tri'l must 

be supplied from ver. 11, but not certainly in the 
same sense of giving, but in that of stating or 
defining. Thus: "And (he stated) the weight 
for the golden candlesticks and their lamps of 
gold;" 3n* i s freely subordinated to QnVri-Ol 

(comp. 2 Chron. ix. 15). For the gold n candle- 
sticks of the sanctuary, comp. Ex. xxv. 31 f. ; 2 
Chron. iv. 7. — According to the use of each candle- 
stick, according to its set service, its import for 
the holy service. For the var. : " for the service of 
everyone" (muj'3), see Crit. Note. — Ver. 16. 

And the ijold by weight; pp^'D, accus. of free 

subordination. — For the tables of shew-bread for 
*■>■< rii table ■ mid silver for the tables of silver. 
Whereas elsewhere (Ex. xxv. 23 ff. ; 1 Kings vii. 
48; and 2 Chron. xxix. 18) only one table ol 
shew-bread is spoken of, here several tables of 
this kind are mentioned. As also, 2 Chron. iv. 
8, a greater number of golden tables, namely, ten, 
destined as it appears for the ten golden candle- 
sticks, is spoken of, so in our passage (as in 2 
Chron. iv. 19) a synecdoche appears to be used, 
and the one golden table of shew-bread to be 
included with the tables for the golden candle- 
sticks. Silver tables (as silver candlesticks, ver. 
15) are only here expressly mentioned : such may 

be understcod as included among the silver 
articles mentioned on the occasion of the repair 
of tin' temple by .loash (2 Chron. xxiv. 14; comp. 
also 2 Kings xxv. 15). The statements of the 
Rabbis, that the silver tables stood in '.he court, 
and the silver candlesticks in the chambers of 
the priests, may rest on an old tradition. — Ver. 
17. And (gave him in pattern : the same supple- 
ment as in ver. 15) the forks, namely, the flesh- 
forks used in cooking the pieces of the sacrifices ; 
comp. Ex. xxvii. 3; 1 Kings vii. 50. For the 
sprinkling-bowls (jTiplfO). comp. also 2 Chron. 

iv. 11, 22; for the "cans" or "cups" (ryiL"p. 

rTnhix) that were used in libations, Ex. xxv. 29, 
xxxvii. 16; Num. iv. 7. — Of pure gold; accus. 
of live subordination, as in vers. 15, 16. — And 
for the i/olden tankards. D'llDS, from 123, 

cover, are covered vessels, and so tankards (not 
■ups) ; comp. Ezra i. 10, viii. 27, the only other 
passages in which it occurs. — Ver. 18. The putt' rn 
of the chariot, the cherubim of ijold. The term 
pattern, jyjan, recurs here, near the close of the 

whole enumeration, from vers. 11 and 12, but 
with ■> as nota accusat. The mercy-seat with its 

cherubim appears here symbolized as the chariot 
on which Jehovah sits or moves (comp. Ex. xxv. 
22; Ps. xviii. 11, xcix. 1), — a very important 
passage for the right understanding of Ez<k. i 
15 ff. The cherubim themselves, though only 
two in number, according to the present descrip- 
tion, which represents the older and simpler idea, 
exhibit as it were a chariot (observe that D'DllSn 

is not subordinate to n22"H2 as a genitive, but 

co-ordinate with it, as in apposition) ; of a wheel- 
work connected with it, an external exhibition of 
tin- chariot idea, as Ezekiel depicts it, nothing ij 
indicated in the passage; the Sept. and Vulg. 
only, by taking D'Onsn as a genitive {clf/i* t*i 

\'.:m./ii t u: quadriga cherubim), have introduced 
this foreign element. — That spread out (their 
wings) and cover the ark of the covenant of the 
Lord, literally, "for spreading and covering," that 
is, they are represented spreading and covering 

with their wings. Comp. for this use of p in the 
sense of becoming something, or appearing as 
somewhat, ch. xxix. 33 CnpC?. " as kinf; "), also 
Gen. ix. 5, Job xxxix. 16, and other passages, in 
Ew. § 217, d (p. 553). The change of Q<b"lb? 
D'33*D1 into D'MBrfl D'fcnBiT (Sept., Vulg., and 

recent expositors, as Berth., Kamph., etc.) is 
therefore unnecessary. J. H. Mich, correctly: 

vt essent expandentes, etc. To D'C'IS? it is easy 

to supply D*B'3n, " the wings," as object ; 

comp. Ex. xxv. 20, and 1 Kings viii. 7; 2 Chron. 
v. 8. — Ver. 19 contains again words of I'avid, as 

the 'yj, "upon me," and the whole sense and 

contents teach. — All this has Me taught me in 
writing from the hand of the Lord ujton me. So 
it seems the difficult and perhaps corrupt words 



?3tr, <$y rriiT ""C 3fl33 7bn must be taken. 
To ^3 ; C'n we are to understand niiT as subject, 
and " me" (or perhaps "us") as object. Possibly 
also <?J? might be connected with 7>3C'n (comp. 

Prov. xxii. 11) ; but it is easier, on account of the 
collocation, to connect it either with miV "I'D or 
with 3)133. Now, as the grammatically (Ps. xl. 
8 : ^JJ 3ins) admissible connection of the words 
•ffy — 3H33 into one notion, " by a writing from 

the hand of Jehovah given me as a rule" (Berth.), 
yields a very harsh and obscure sense, and as, 
moreover, the position of nW TD between 3D33 
and V'J renders this connection extremely diffi- 
cult, nothing remains but the connection of 
*?S? niiT TDi " a writing from the hand of 

Jehovah being or coming upon me," by which 
is designated a writing springing from divine 
revelation, an immediate effect of divine inspira- 
tion (comp. the known phrase: "the hand of 
Jehovah came upon me," 2 Kings iii. 15; Ezek. 
i. 3, iii. 14, etc.). This naturally refers, not to 
the law of Moses, as the Rabbinical expositors 
think, but to the proposed building plan, draft, 
etc., which David refers to divine teaching, in so 
far as he did not conceive it arbitrarily, but 
designed it under the influence of the Divine 
Spirit (which, however, must have been effected 
in this case not directly by vision, as with Moses 
on Sinai). Comp. moreover, on the transition 
into the address without an introductory formula, 
eh. xxii. 18 f., xxiii. 4 f.— Vers. 20, 21. Closing 
Admonition and Promise to Solomon. — Be strong 
and active; comp. ver. 10 and ch. xxii. 13. — For 
the Lord God, my God, is with tliee ; comp. on 
ver. 9. For the following promise: "He will 
not fail thee (properly, 'withdraw from thee,' 
namely, His hand) nor forsake thee," comp. 
Deut. xxxi. 6,' 8 ; Ps. cxxxviii. 8 ; Josh. i. 5 ; 
Heb. xiii. 5. — And behold the courses of the 
priests. Personal attendance of the priests and 
Levites, or only of a majority of representatives 
of their order in the public assembly, can scarcely 
be inferred from this 'ui njni, just as the ?|Bjn, 

"and with thee," does not necessitate the assump- 
tion that the willing craftsmen stood by Solomon, 
or were assembled around him. — Every milling 
man of wisdom for all service, properly, "with 

regard to every willing man." The p here is not 
nolo accits. (as ver. 1, xxvi. 26, xxix. 6), but yet 
serves to give emphasis to 3»TJ"73 (Ew. §310, o), 

which, though it cannot be translated, is yet not 
to be erased (against Berth. ). For the notion of 

free-will (yv = 3? 3H3, 2 Chron. xxix. 31), to 

designate the higher wisdom and skill of a crafts- 
man, comp. Ex. xxxv. 5, 22, and Latin phrases, 
ris artes ingennce, liberates. We are to think, 
moreover, of the same craftsmen as those named, 
xxii. 15; 2 Chron. ii. 6. — For all thy m>iti<rx: 

? ! , 13" r r?3? to he. explained according to xxvi. 

32 (concerns, matters) scarcely: "for all thy 

words or commands " (as J. H. Mich., Starke, 
Keil, etc., think). 

2. Contributions of the assembled Princes for 
building the Temple : ch. xxix. 1-9. — Unto all 
the congregation, which consisted, ch. xxviii. 1, 
merely of the "princes" or more eminent repre- 
sentatives (notables) of the people. — Solomon, my 
son, whom alone God hath chosen, properly a 
parenthesis: "as the one (inK) hath God chosen 

him." For "young and tender," comp. xxii. 5. 
— For the palace is not for man. Only here and 
ver. 19 stands the later word m'SH, to denote 

the temple (with regard to its fort like size and 
strength) ; elsewhere either of the Persian royal 
castle (Esth. i. 2, 5, ii. 3 ; Neh. i. 1) or of the 
castle in the temple at Jerusalem. — Ver. 2. On a, 
comp. xxiii. 15. — Onyx-stones and set stones. For 
Dnb'i on yx (sardonyx, etc.), or perhaps beryl, 

comp. Gen. ii. 12; Ex. xxviii. 9, 20; Job xxviii. 
18; on Q'SI^D '33N. "stones of settings," Ex. 

xxv. 7, xxxv. 9, where also onyx-stones, designed 
for the high priest's ephod and hoshen, are men- 
tioned. — Bubies and mottled stones, ami all kinds 
of precious stones, and marble stones in abund- 
ance. SpEr^R, properly stones of paint or 

lead-glance (comp. 2 Kings ix. 35; Isa. liv. 11), 
perhaps precious stones of very dark glancing 
colour, of dark purple, as carbuncle or ruby (71QJ, 

perhaps radically connected with 'tis). The >33S 

nDp"l, stones of various colours, striped with 

veins (agate?), as mp" 1 |3S, "precious costly 

stones," in general, {y*B> 'x, white marble (the 

Sept. and Vulg. explain it by an anachronism of 
Parian marble); comp. the contracted form t,"jj>, 

Song v. 15; Esth. i. 6. — Ver. 3. Over and above 
all that I hare prepared for the holy house, liter- 
ally, "upwards of all, out above all. " On 'flfa'DHi 

without a relative particle connecting it with the 
foregoing p3, comp. xv. 12. — Ver. 4. Three 

thousand talents of gold of the gold of Ophir, ot 
the finest and best gold; comp. the excursus 
after 2 Chron. ix. Three thousand talents of 
gold, reckoned after the holy or Mosaic shekel, 
would amount to ninety million thalers (about 
£13,500,000), reckoned after the royal shekel to 
half as much ; and the 7000 talents of silver woidd 
amount in the first case to fifteen million thalers 
(about £2,250,000), in the second case to half 
that sum. The greatness of this sum shows, at 
all events, that this includes the whole of David's 
private property ; comp. on xxii. 14 ii'. — To over- 
lay the walls of the houses, the proper temple 
buildings (DT.3, as in xxviii. 11), the holy place 

and the most holy, with the court and the upper 
chambers, the inner walls of which, 2 Chron. iii. 
4-9, were all hung with gold. — Ver. 5. The gold 
for golden, or literally, "for the gold, for the 
gold," etc.; comp. ver. 2.- — And for all work by 
the hand of artificers, for all works to be made by 
the hand of craftsmen. — And who is willing 
(S'Hinn, show oneself willing, as ver. ti; Ezra ii. 

CHAP. XXIX. 6-17. 


68) to fill his hand this day unto tin Lord, to 
provide himself with free-will offerings for Him 
jump. Ex. xxviii. 41, xxxii. 29, and 2 Chron. 

xiii. 9. The infinitive niS'TD (along with 


US >, 


j^)C, 2 Chron. xiii. 9), also Dun. ix. 2 

xxxi. 5. — Vcr. 6. The princes of tiu h 
properly, "of the fathers;" nijNH for 

n'DSn; comp. xxiv. 31. xxvii. 1, etc. — Willi tiu 

rulers of the king's work, literally, "and with 

regard to the rulers;" before 'on 113500 ^"lL" 

the same superfluous untranslatable p as in 

xxviii. 21. These are "the stewards of all the 
property and cattle of the king," xxviii. 1, the 
officers of the royal domains. — Ver. 7. Awl gave, 
for the service of the house of God, of gold five 
thousand talents. We must suppose a partial 
"signing" or guaranteeing of the sums named, 
not an immediate bare paying down, especially as 
the bulkv contributions in the baser metals, the 
13,000 talents of brass and the 100,000 talents 
of iron, could not possiblv be present in natura. 
Even David's gifts of 3000 talents of gold of 
Ophir and 7000 talents of silver may be regarded 
as not a proper direct delivery of these large 
quantities of metals. Moreover, what the princes, 
according to our passage, contributed was about a 
half more than that given by David from his 
private means, namely — 1. 5000 talents of gold = 
150 million thalers (about £22,500,000), or by 
the other mode of reckoning, half that sum ; 

2. 10,000 darics=75,000 thalers (about £11,250); 

3. 10,000 talents of silver = twenty -four million 
thalers (about £3,000,000); 4. 18,000 talents of 
brass (copper), and 100,000 talents of iron ; 5. 
Precious stones amounting to an indefinite sum. 
p2"nx, with N prosthetic here and Ezra viii. 27, 

along with ]i03"H, Ezra ii. 69, Neh. vii. 70ff., 

is not a Hebrew designation of the drachma (as 
Ew. Gesch. i. 254 still thinks), but of the daric, 
a Persian coin, containing H ducats, or 7 A thalers 
(about 22s. (id.) ; comp. Eckhell, Doctr. numm. i. 
vol. iii. p. 551; J. Brandis, Das Mwnz*, Maass-, 
and Gewichtssystem in Vorderasien (1866), p. 
244; see also Introd. <3 3, a. In darics, the gold 
coin most current in his time (it is not meant by 
our author that it existed in David's time), the 
Chronist states a smaller part of the sum contri- 
buted by the princes, and indeed that part which 
they gave in coined pieces, while be express s the 
amount of uncoined gold that was offered in 
talents. — Ver. 8. With whom stones were, found, 
the present possessors of precious stones. Agai nst 
fSertheau's rendering : "and what was found there- 
with in precious stones." is the fact that the sin;,'. 
lFN. that is certainly to be taken distributively 

(comp. Ew. § 319. a), cannot possibly refer to the 
sums or quantities in vers. 6, 7. For tin' flier- 
shonite Jehiel, comp. xxvi. 21 f. , where the name 
is Jehieli. — Ver. 9. Was exceedingly glad, liter- 
ally, " was glad with a great gladness;" comp. 
Zeeh. i. 14. 

3. David's Thanksgiving : vers. 10-19. — Bh SSt d 
be Thou, Lord '.'."/ <a Israel ourfatiier. Among 
the partriarchs, as whose well-tried tutelary God 
ind heavenly fountain of blessing Jehovah had 

now again proved Himself to David (by the opera- 
tion of so highly joyful an act "I faith as the 
live-will offering of the princes of the people), 
Israel is here specially set forth, because his life 
must resembled that of David, especially in this, 
that the cry, " Lord, I am not worthy of the least 
of all the mercies," etc. (Gen. xxxii. 10), might 
and must for him also (see ver. 14) be the funda- 
mental note of his prayer at the close of his tight 
of faith. At the end of his confession, where the 
expression is still more solemn, the address is 
more full : "Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Israel, our fathers." — Forever and ever; comp, 
Ps. eiii. 17. — Ver. 11. Thine, Lord, ix tin- great- 
ness ; comp. Ps. cxlv. 8: and on "power" (here 
and ver. 12), Ps. xxi. 14; on "beauty" (here 
and ver. 13), Ps. xcvi. 6; on "lustre" (nV3, 

less suitably rendered "victory" by Luther), 
I Sam. xv. 29; on "majesty" "(-)in, by Luther, 
ugainsf the text; "thanks"), xvi. 27, l's. xxi. 6. 
The whole doxology belongs to the apocalyptic in 
its main figures, as Rev. iv. II, v. 12, vii. 12, 
etc. — Thine, O Lord, is the kingdom, and- Thou 

art exalted as head over all. rD?OQ. " king- 
dom, sovereignty," as Ps. xlvii. 8 f. ; comp. Matt 
vi. 13. ilG'MID ' s n °t the participle, before 

which nnN, "Thou art," should be supplied 

(Berth.), but an infinitive noun, "the being 
exalted ;" comp. 2 Kings ii. 21 ; Ew. § 160, e. On 
" head over all," comp. *^«^» v*ip •raiTtt, Eph. 
i. 22. — Ver. 12. And the riches and the glory; 
the same connection, Prov. iii. 16; comp. also 
ver. 28; 2 Chron. xvii. 5; 1 Kings iii. 13. — Ver. 
13. And now, our God, we (haul.- Thee, properly, 
" now are we thanking and praising Thy name :' 
the participles express the constancy of the work ; 
comp. xxiii. 5. — Thy glorious name, literally, 
"the name of Thy glory," as Luther here renders. 
while hehas, ver. 3, put "holy house" for "house 
of holiness." — Ver. 14. For (literally, "and for;" 
"OV as Judg. x. 10) who am I, and what is my 

people, that we should be able ? nb "IVJ?, pro- 
perly, "to hold or retain strength," then ralere, 
be able; comp. 2 Chron. xiii. 20; Han. x. 8, 16, 
xi. 6. — In this wag, as our just completed collec- 
tion of free-will offerings for the temple (vers. 3-8) 
has proved. On J1N-13. comp. 2 Chron. xxxii. 15. 

— Ver. 15. For we are strangers before Tim. and 
sojourners; comp. Ps. xxxix. 13; Heb. xi. 13, 
xiii. 14. Even in this strong assertion of the 
vanity and uncertainty of earthly life (on /(, comp. 
Job viii. 9; Ps. xc. 9f., cii. 12; and Jer. xiv. S, 
appears, as in the foregoing verse, which recalls 
Gen. xxxii. 10, an allusion to that which Jacob 
confessed at the end of his earthly career ; comp. 
Gen. xlvii. 9. — Ver. 16. All this store. jioiT 

heap of money, wealth, as Eccl. v. 9. For the 
var. "it" (referring to "the heap") for "her," 
see Grit. Note. — Ver. 17. In the integrity of my 

la art. 22? "1U'\ «s Dent. ix. 5; comp. the fore- 
going Di"U»«o, "uprightness," Ps. xvii. 2. — Thy 

people who are present, "have found tho.niselveM 

here." On n for -ig'x, comp. xxvi. 28 and ver. 8; 



nn Soiling oneself=being present, comp. xxviii. 1 ; 
i Chron. v. 11. — Ver. 18. Keep this, the spirit of 
willingness, which expresses itself in these gifts. 
—Imagination of the thoughts, as xxviii. 9. — 
Stablish their heart (or "prepare"), as 1 Sam. 
rii. 3. — Ver. 19. On a, comp. ver. 9; on b 

(rnran), ver. i. 

4. Close of the public Assembly. Solomon's 
Elevation to the Throne : vers. 20-25. — And all 

the congregation blessed ; rp2 w-ith p, as ver. 
13: mil, and ^n with b- An <l i!te V ■ ■ ■ 

bowed down to the Lord, they did obeisance before 
God and the king as His earthly type and repre- 
sentative. For the combination of TTp and 

mnri"'n, denoting now divine, now human, 
respect, comp. Gen. xxiv. 26 , Ex. xii. 27, xxxiv. 
8; 1 Kings i. 16, 31; and Ps. xcv. 6, etc.— Ver. 21. 
And they killed sacrifices unto the Lord, and 
offered burnt-offerings. The same phrases are 
united, only in inverse order, 1 Sam. vi. 15. BTI3T 

denotes here animal sacrifices in general, but in 
6 it signifies, in contrast with the before-men- 
tioned burnt-offerings, peace-offerings (D'OpE'. 

Ex. xxiv. 5) in connection with the proper joy- 
ful feasts. — On the morrow of that da;/: comp. 
Lev. xxiii. 11; Jonah iv. 7. — Ver. 22. And they 
ate and drank. This describes the joyful feast, as 
rii 39 ; 1 Kings iv. 20 ; Dent. xii. 7, xvi. 10. 
— And the second time made . . . king. rvjC' 

distinct from xxiii. 1, where a first solemn ele- 
vation (proclamation) of Solomon to be the 
successor of his father was reported, with which, 
however, the ceremony of anointing was not con- 
nected. To the pres'nt second elevation corre- 
sponds that reported 1 Kings i. 32 ff. , as the 
mention there of Zadok as taking part in this 
solemn act of anointing shows. — Anointed, him 
unto the Lord (according to the will of the Lord) 

to be ruler, TJ37 ; this is here for the sharper 
contrast with the following pip ; comp. more- 
over, xxviii. 4 ; 1 Kings i. 35.— And Zadok to be 
priest. With this notice, peculiar to the Ohronist, 
began the degradation ot the other high priest, 
Abiathar, of the line of Ithamar, as Solomon 
formally completed it after his father's death 
(1 Kings ii. 26 ff.), already in the lifetime of 
David : it was prepared by Zadok alone being 
anointed in the presence of the states along with 
the young king. — Ver. 23. And Solomon sat on 
the throne of the Lord as king. For the anti- 
cipatory nature of this notice, comp. on xxiii. 1 : 
lor •' the throne of the Lord," on xxviii. 5. — And 
he prospered : and all Israel obeyed him, accord- 
ing to the hope of David expressed before, xxii. 

13, regarding him. For j>x J7DK' = obeyed, comp. 

Di-ut. xxxiv. 9. — Ver. 24. Also all the sons of 
King David submitted to Solomon the king, 
literally, "gave hand under" (comp. 2 Chron. 
xxx. 8 ; Lam. v. 6). We may ibserve the slight 
allusion to the soon suppressed attempt of 
Adonijah (1 Kings i. 5 ff. ) which is contained in 
this statement, quite after the manner of the 
Chronist (see Principles of History and Ethics, 

No. 1). — Ver. 25. Magnified . . . exceedingly .• 
comp. xxii. 5. — And bestowed upon him the 
majesty of the kingdom. pp mj , as Ps. viii. 2 ; 

~\\n, as ver. 11. — Which had not been on any king 
over Israel before him. The construction is as 
partly in Eccl. i. 16, partly in 1 Kings iii. 12. 
The phrase is somewhat hyperbolical, as there 
were only two kings of Israel before him (Isli- 
bosheth our author is wont to ignore, as ver. 27 

5. Close of the History of David ; vers. 26-30. 
— And the time that he reigned oner all Israel, 
inclusive of the seven years of his residence in 
Hebron (which is more exactly fixed, 2 Sam. v. ."., 
at seven and a half years). — Ver. 28. In a good 
old age; comp. Gen. xv. 15, xxv. 8. — Full 
(" satisfied " ; comp. Job xlii. 17) of days, 
riches, and glory. For the combination -\»<y 

11331. see on ver. 12. — Ver. 29. And the acts 

. . . first and last. The author here indicates 
the simple ord r which he laid down for his now 
finished representation of the life of David ; 
sec Evangelical and Ethical Reflections, No. 2. — ■ 
Behold, they are written in, properly "on " ; 
comp. ix. 1. For the sources now named, see 
Introd. § 5, II — Ver. 30. With all his reign and 
las might j 101133, here Ms "display of might," 

the power shown by him, his brave deeds : 
comp. 1 Kings xvi. 5. — And the times that went 
over him, the events that befell him. DVlJ)n, as 

Job xxiv. 1; Ps. xxxi. 16. — And over all the 
kingdoms of the countries, with which David 
came into friendly or hostile contact, as Phoenicia, 
Philistia, Edom, lloab, etc. For the phrase, 
comp. 2 Chron. xii. 8, xvii. 10, xx. 29. 


1. On the historical and practical point of 
view under which the Chronist regards the brief 
account of the downfall of Saul and his house, 
with which he opens his full description of the 
history of David, he explains himself very clearly 
in the two closing verses of ch. x. Saul's king- 
dom must, after a brief existence, make way for 
that of David, on the simple ground that it was 
not erected on the foundation of right faith in 
Jehovah the God of the covenant, and willing 
submission to Him ; that its possessor had not 
once only, but constantly, cast to the winds that 
earnest warning voice of the prophet, ' ' Obedience 
is better than sacrifice," 1 Sam. xv. 22, and 
neglected even in the last hour to return to such 
a course, which was alone pleasing to God. 
Comp. Bengel's appropriate note on those two 
verses (p. 16 of the " Beitrage zu J. A. Bengel's 
Schrifterklarnng, aus handschriftl. Aufzeiehnnn- 
gen mitgetheilt von Dr. Osk. Waehter," Leipz. 
1865) : " It is worthy of remark that Saul is not 
expressly charged, when he died in his sin, 
with his long hate of David, but rather with the 
unbelief in which lie kept not the word of God, 
and sought counsel at Endor. David indeed is 
out of the country a considerable time before 

Saul's death Even at the last Saul 

might have obtained pardon, if he had earnestly 
returned to God, and entreated Him. But he lost 
all." — Comp. also Schlier, " Kiinig Saul" (Bilirf 



ilimdeii, Nordlingen 1 8671, towards the end, and 
the homiletie notes of Erdmanu on 1 Sam. xxxi. 
(Bibelwerk, vi. 337). 

2. That our author aimed at no exhaustive 
treatment of the history of David in its external 
and internal course — that lie rather Laboured as 
partly an excerptor, partly a supplemented of 
earlier writers, and so wished to furnish some- 
thing regarding the history of David contained 
in the present books of Samuel and Kings, 
similar in many respects to that which John the 
Evangelist did for the evangelical history pre- 
sented by the synoptics, — this he himself indi- 
cates in the closing words just considered, when, 
xxix. 29, 30, he points for that which he may 
have omitted to the historical works of the pro- 
phets Samuel, Nathan, and Gad as his chief 
sources. But even before he repeatedly indicates 
his acquaintance with essential elements of the 
history of David, which, according to his plan, 
he does not report. Thus, in the notice prefixed 
as preface or introduction, concerning the down- 
fall of Saul and his house, where he certainly 
alludes to the incident of the necromancer of 
F.ndor, but does not report it (x. 13 f. ), and xx. 
5, where he names Goliath, but presumes the 
history of the slaughter by the youthful shepherd 
David as known ; likewise xii. 1, where he men- 
tions the times of the exile and proscription of 
David under Saul, without entering into the 
particulars at least of its well-known catastrophes 
and vicissitudes : xi. 1 and xii. 23, where he 
likewise points to the rival kingdom of Saul and 
Abner during the residence of David at Hebron ; 
xx. 1, where the proceedings at Jerusalem during 
the siege of Rabbath Amnion by Joab are slightly 
indicated ; xxvii. 23, 24, where, by the mention 
of Ahithophel ami Hushai, a similar reference is 
made to the rebellion of Absalom ; ami xxix. 24, 
where the attempt of Adonijah is in like manner 
touched upon. The omitted parts are, as must 
have been often manifest, almost always of such 
a nature as would have served, if brought into 
the field, to disturb and in some points obscure 
the lustre of the picture, and throw many a 
shadow on the otherwise almost uniform light. 
It is the first growing and youthful but arduously 
soaring aloft, further, the suffering and per- 
secuted David, not less the despised and derided 
by all bystanders far and near (but comp. xv. 
29) ; lastly, the deeply guilty and penitent one, 
whose picture the Chronist avoids to draw, while 
all the more earnestly he collects all that appears 
fitted to represent the hero king in his greatness, 
and the activity of his reign as an uninterrupted 
chain of splendid theocratic events. To finish a 
picture that presents David in the meridian 
height of his glory and mighty achievements is 
the obvious aim if all that our author adds in the 
way of supplement on the ground of his sources 
to the life-picture of the great king as given in 
the books of Samuel. Such arc the whole con- 
tents of ch. xii. (the brave men who stood by 
David even during the reign of Saul, and the 
number of the warriors out of all the tribes who 
made him king in Hebron i ; those of ch. xv. and 
xvi. (the full delineation of the preparatory, 
accompanying, and con. hiding solemnities in the 
introduction of the ark into iis new abode on 
Zion) ; finally, those of the closing ch. xxii.- 
xxix., on the internal history of ihe kingdom 
and the preparations for the building of the 

temple, which coincide only in subordinate points 
with the much more summary parallel sections r.f 
Samuel and 1 Kings, but on the whole exhibit 
the peculiarity and special tendency of our author 
in full force, and in so far, notwithstanding their 
dry statistical character and tedious lists of names 
und numbers, are of special interest (> inp. No. 
2). The prelerence of our author for the exhibi- 
tion of all the brilliant traits of the history ot 
David, nr, if you will, his panegyristic idealizing 
tendency and method, is shown also in the shor: 
remarks of a reflective kind at the close of the 
several sections, which almost always issue in the 
exhibition of some brilliant aspect of the reign 
of David, or of the state of the people and the 
theocracy under him ; for example, passages such 
as these : " And David became greater and 
greater, and Jehovah Zeba<th was with him," 
xi. 9 ; " Day by day they came to David to help 
him, until the camp was great, like a i amp of 
God," xii. 22; "His kingdom was lift up on 
high, because of His people Israel," xiv. 2 ; 
" And D ivid's fame went out into all lands ; and 
the Lord brought his fear upon all nations," 
xiv. 17; "And David reigned over all Israel, 
and executed judgment and justice for all his 
people," xviii. 14; "Is not the Lord your God 
with yon, and hath He not given you rest on 
every side? For He hath given the inhabit nits 
uf the land into my hand, and the land is sub- 
dued before the Loid and His people," xxii. 18 ; 
•' But David took nor. . . . because the Lord 
had promised to increase as the stars of heaven," 
xxvii. 23 ; "And he died in a good old age, 
full of days, riches, and glory," xxix. 28 ; "And 
the Lord magnified Solomon exceedingly in the 
eyes of all Israel, and bestowed on him the 
majesty of the kingdom, which had not been on 
any king over Israel before him," xxix. 25. And 
the enumerations and arrangements of the names 
of David's heroes, servants, spiritual and temporal 
officers (princes), counseilurs, etc, subserve the 
same optimist. c and id> alizing tendency as pre- 
sented by the author ; and the ever-recurring 
preference >n these enumerations for symbolic 
numbers, especially for three and thirty (see ch. 
xii.), seven (the supreme officers of the kingdom 
and the crown, xviii. 14 II'., and the counsellors 
of the king, xxvii. 32 ft'.), and twelve or twenty- 
four, which latter numbers appear as the prin- 
ciple regulating the whole spiritual (Levitical- 
priestly) and temporal hierarchy of officers in 
the kingdom of David (see especially ch. xxiii.- 
xxvii. I. 

3. Next to the selection of material, the ar- 
rangement of it, the order followed in the history 
of David, is characteristic for the author's con- 
ception of this brilliant period of the history of 
salvation before the exile. This order, however, 
is, as the same closing remark, xxix. 29, to which 
we owe the above explanation of the choice ot 
material by the author indicates, an extremely 
simple and elementary one. The author distin- 
guishes "the first and last acts of David;" lie 
divides his material between the two gnat heads 
of the earlier and later events of the nign ot 
David (or of the entrance and exit of David) 
But among the first acts he does not understand 
David's youth, with his persecutions by Saul, etc 
(so that the last acts would embrace the period of 
his reign, as in the present division of the books 
uf Samuel, the second of which treats of his 



reign), but the course of events till shortly before 
the end of his life, that is, until he took measures 
for tin- building of the temple, and the regular 
transit i once of the kingdom to his successor, 
which latter the author regards as the last acts. 
The point of division separating the last acts from 
the rust is to be sought neither in ch. x. 131'., for 
the narrative of the downfall of Saul closing with 
these verses is merely the preface or introduction 
to the acts of David; nor in xii. 40 or xiii. 1, for 
here, where the accounts of the elevation of David 
to the throne of all Israel, and the close of the 
seven years' reign at Hebron, come to an end, the 
author clearly intends no deeper section (against 
Kaniph. ). In truth, the transition from the first 
to the last acts takes place in xxii. 1, where, after 
representing tin- glorious external (military ami 
political) course of the forty years' reign of the 
king, his provisions for transferring as well the 
sovereignty as the still unsolved problem of the 
building of the temple to his son Solomon begins 
to be described — where, accordingly, as it is said 
in the further course of the narrative, xxiii. 1 : 
" David was old and full of days ; and he made 
his son Solomon king over Israel" (comp. the 
remarks made, p. 142, on the generalizing import 
of those words). It is a peculiar trait of the 
Chronist, distinguishing in a characteristic way 
Ins yiew and method of history from that of the 
author of the books of Samuel, that he draws a 
sharp line between the evening of David's life as 
his Jr^iTi, and the mid-day as his ^fZra. (or 
between tin- completion and continuance of his 
reign), and weaves into the representation of the 
evening cf ins life a full retrospect of the whole 
internal aspect of the nival household under 
David. The picture thus drawn of the Levitical 
and priestly, and of the military and civil, 
government and official hierarchy of the king 
i.xxiii.-xxvii.), forms, together with its frame of 
reports concerning the collections and prepara- 
tions "f David, and the chiefs of the people for 
tile temple to be built by Solomon (xxii. and 
xxviii., xxix.), as it were, the legacy of David to 
his son, the testament of one glorious kin;; to his 
no less glorious (according to the peculiar Levi- 
tical and hierarchical conception of our author 
indeed, xxix. 25, still more glorious) heir and 
successor. It is on account of Solomon, the 
temple-builder, that the author dwells so long 
mi this legacy of his father preparing and stipu- 
lating for the building, and that this part of his 
work rises to the importance of a second half of 
the history of his father, to an episode m the lit'' 
of David, comparable with the so-called report of 
navels by Luke in the third Gospel, or tin- fare- 
well addresses of our Lord in .lohn xiii.-xvi., 
bearing in a still higher degree the character of a 
retrospect and legacy. Beside this very minute 
representation of the close of David's life, that 
under the hands of our author, notwithstanding 
it-: comparatively brief duration, has assumed the 
form of an autumn almost equal in length with the 
preceding summer of life, the spring with its 
vicissitude of char sunshine and rough storm is 
quite cast into the shade ; it appears, indeed, by 
the merely occasional allusions to its incidents 
which are contained in ch. x.-xii., intentionally 

inl d to a vanishing point in the development 

of tin- whole. Yet, in the section relating to the 
catastrophe of Saul, ch. x., the author has fur- 
nished an independent preface or introduction to 

the chief object of his representation, and so has 
given to the whole a threefold arrangement, in 
which, however, by far the greatest importance 
belongs extensively and intensively to the second 
and third parts. 

4. The statement of the Chronist has suffered 
nothing in credibility by this peculiar arrange- 
ment and distribution, especially by his dwelling 
so long on the preparations for building the 
temple, and the measures taken for transferring 
the kingdom to Solomon, which are so briefly 
handled in the introduction to the books ol 
Kings. The solid walls of the old sources appeal 
through the cover corresponding to his individual 
view and bent, which he has imparted to The 
building he has erected. This holds as well of 
the sections on the external government, peculiar 
to his statement, as of the closing accounts of the 
king setting his house in order and handing it 
over to his successor.' It appears particularly 
fitted to awaken confidence in his statement, that 
no special preference for the wonderful is to be 
remarked in the sections peculiar to him ; that, in 
fact, some of these sections — for example, xii., 
xxiii. If., and xxvii. ff. — report only that which 
corresponds to the occurrences of every-day life, 
which might arise in the profane history of any 
kingdom or people. And even there, where his 
statement runs parallel with that of the older 
historical books, scarcely anywhere does any 
stronger preference appear for the wonderful or 
extraordinary than in those documents, except, 
pel haps, his account of the census and the plague, 
which has certainly a trace of the miraculous 
more than the older parallel text (xxi. 26). At 
the most, the suspicion of unhistorieal exaggera- 
tion might rest on some of the surprisingly high 
numbers, as they appear in the present text, xii. 
23-40, xxii , arid xxix. 4 If., unless partly the 
obvious possibility of occasional corruption, partly 
the almost inevitable necessity of the assumption 
that smaller values than those usually assumed 
are to be admitted, served very much to diminish 
the ground which these passages present for criti- 
cal assaults. Comp. that which is remarked on 
them in detail (xii. 23 ff., p. 106 f., and xxii. 
14, p. 137 f. 1, and see, moreover, the Apologetic 
Remarks on ch. xv. 16, p. 119 ff. 

5. Homiletic hints for the history of David in 
rich selection are to be found in Erdmann's ela- 
boration of the books of Samuel (vol. vi. of the 

1 Cump , with regard to the credibility of the statement 
concerning David's last directions to Salomon, especially 
the giving of the instructions for the building of the 
temple, the remark of Beitheau on xxviii. 11-19: "The 
« h ile section thus shows that David not only tmide pre- 
parations for hull ling the temple hy providing materials. 
hut also gave definite orders for the execution of the worl 
and ttie making of the vessels to Solomon, ana that he pro- 
ceeded, not according to his own invention and design, bur 
was directed by divine revelation. ... In the books of Kings. 
nothing of this occurs; but if we must gather from the 
accounts of Chronicles that David not only thought of the 
temple, but made preparations for it. which could not hare 
consisted in an uncertain collection of materials, we shall 
not he aide to avoid assuming that a communication was 

in ol, ac 'ding to which, even in David's time, the plan of 

the temp!'- was fixed. To execute the building itself was 
not permitted to David; but he had completed ttie prepara- 
" ii. -" far, that Solomon in the fourth \ear of his reign 
«». able i" proceed with the building, a: d to finish it in the 
eleventh (1 Kings vi). The report of David's preparation, 
■a tiie 1 1 .->. troded io the fixing ol i he plan for ifi- building, ii 
the hi-toi foundation fur the statement in our verses, in 
« hlch the free ha' dhng of the historical matei ml, aecording 
io modem views, is as obvious as in the ii Draining section! 
ot the last two chapters of the first honk of Chronicles." 

CHAP. I. 16Ji 

Bibtlio.). With respect to the sections peculiar I in Him, . . . At David's anointing was great joy ; 
to the Chronist, a small gleaning may here be j on all sides was provided store of eating and 
presented of some noteworthy practical hints drinking ; even so believers rejoiced at and after 
from older expositors: — Christ's ascension, and because they had all things 

On i'li. xii- 88-40, Starke, after Burmann, common." On ch. xvi. 27, eonip. the remark 
remarks : " What is here said of David is a fine (suitable also to the contents of xxiii.-xwi.) ol 
figure (type) of che Messiah. ... He also at first Bengel, p. 17 : "This is so fine in David ; he 
had only B small following ; but after He came has gone as nigh to the Levites as il was possible 
to His glory, the kingdom of God burst forth for him to do, as if he were one of them ; ami yet 
mightily, and subjects to Him were collected in j he has invaded no right. How finely devotion 
all the world. ... To David come even those of I and valour are combined! Something quite 
the tribe of Benjamin, the brethren of Saul, the ' peculiar has taken place in David's heart." On 
hitter enemy of David ; so had Christ disciples xxix. 30 he remarks : " How earnest is the dear 
from the Jews, even from the Pharisees, His David become in his old age! How he has 
deadly foes; and as we by nature are all His come as nigh as possible to the building of the 
foes, He vet converts us to His love and to faith temple ! " 

2. SOLOMON.—-.' Chron. i.-ix. 

a. His Solemn Sacrifice at Gibeon, and his Riches. — Ch. i. 

x. Tltc Sacrifice at Gibeon, and the Dream of Solomon: vers. 1-13. 

Ch. I. 1. And Solomon the son of David was strengthened in his kingdom, and 

2 the Lord his God was with him, and magnified him exceedingly. And 

Solomon said unto all Israel, to the captains of thousands, and of hundreds, 
and to the judges, and to every ruler in all Israel, the chiefs of houses. 

3 And Solomon, and all the congregation with him, went to the high place that 
was at Gibeon ; for there was the tent of meeting of God, which Moses the 

i servant of God had made in the wilderness. But the ark of God had David 
brought up from Kiriath-jearim to the place which David had prepared for 

5 it : for he had pitched a tent for it at Jerusalem. And the brazen altar, that 
Bezaleel the son of Uri, the son of Hur, had made, was there 1 before the 
tabernacle of the Lord ; and Solomon and the congregation sought him. 

G And Solomon offered there before the Lord, on the brazen altar which 
belonged to the tent of meeting ; and he offered upon it a thousand burnt- 

7 In that night did God appear unto Solomon, and said unto him, Ask 

8 what I shall give thee. And Solomon said unto God, Thou hast showed 
great mercy unto David my father, and hast made me king in his stead. 

9 Now, Lord God, Thy word unto David my father must be true ; for Thou 

10 hast made me king over a people numerous as the dust of the earth. Give 
me now wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and in before this people; 

11 for who can judge this Thy great people. And God said unto Solomon, 
Because this was in thy heart, and thou hast not asked riches, treasures, and 
glory, nor the life of thine enemies, neither hast thou asked long life; but 
hast asked wisdom and knowledge for thyself, that thou mayest judge my 

12 people, over whom I have made thee king. Wisdom and knowledge are 
given unto thee, and riches and treasures and glory will I give thee, such as 
none of the kings that were before thee have had, and none after thee shall 

13 have the like. And Solomon came from 2 the high place that was at Gibeon 
to Jerusalem, from before the tent of meeting ; and he reigned over Israel. 8 

/3. Solomon's Power anil Wealth: vers. 14—17. 

14 And Solomon gathered chariots and riders : and he had a thousand and 
four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand riders ; and lie placed them in 

15 the chariot cities, and with the king at Jerusalem. And the king made silver 
and gold in Jerusalem as stones ; and cedars he made as the sycamores that 

16 are in the Shephelah for abundance. And the export of horses for Solomon 
was out of Egypt ; and the company of the king's merchants fetched a troop 



17 for a certain price. And they brought up, and took out of Egypt a chariot 
for six hundred silver shekels, and a horse for a hundred and fifty : and 
they broug it them out for all the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Syria. 

So according to I he reading Di?, which is attested by the Sept, Vulg, some mss., and most print* while fiv 
the almost unmeaning DB> (posuit he had set) the majmltv of mss. and the Chald and the Syr. testify. 

2 l"..e Sept., Vnlg., Luther, etc., coirectly: HD3nO \ the nD3? of the Masoretes, yielding no tolerable ense 

appears to have crept into the text by looking back at vir. 3. 
2 the Pescbitl has * over all Israel;" coinp. 1 Kings iv. 1. 


1. Preliminary Remark, and elucidation of 
ver. 1.— The accounts contained in the fore- 
going two small sections, to which 1 Kings iii. 
4-15 and x. 26-29 are parallel, serve to introduce 
the report of the building and dedication of the 
temple, which occupy far the greatest space in 
the representation given by our author of the 
history of Solomon (i. 18-vii. ). As general 
superscription is prefixed ver. 1. "And Solo- 
mon the son of David was strengthened in his 
kingdom," properly, "on," or "with, his king- 
dom," iniaVj-^j; ; comp. btna*"^ p?nn>i. 

xvii. 1, and xii. 13, xiii. 21, xxi. 4, wdii di 
parallels likewise show that pjnnn, "be strength- 
ened," does not refer to pretenders to the crown, 
by setting aside of whom confirmation follows ; 
and hence there is here no concealed allusion to 
Adouijah (1 Kings ii.). — And the Lord his God 
was with him (coinp. 1 Chron. xi. 9), and magni- 
fied him exceedingly ; comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 25, 
xxii. 5. 

2. The Sacrifice at Gibeon : vers. 2-6 ; comp. 
1 Kings iii. 4. — And Solomon said unto all Israel, 
to tlie captain*, etc. This addition of the chiefs 
of the people and representatives of the kingdom 
at the sacrifice is not mentioned in the book of 
Kings ; but the matter is understood of itself 
\comp. the similar cases in the history of David, 
I Chron. xiii. 1 f., xxiii. 2, xxviii. 1). — The 

chiefs of houses. Before 't^XI, ~> is to be supplied, 

as the whole phrase is an explanatory apposition 

to 7X"lb' , "72^. — Ver. 4. For there was the tent 

of meeting of God. Comp. on 1 Chron. v. 30 ff., 
xvi. 39 f. — Ver. 4. But the ark of God had 
David, etc. ; comp. 1 Chron. xiii. and xv. For 
the elliptical construction pDH3, to (the place) 

which lie prepared for it, where the article in 3 

suppU"* the place of the relative "lE'K, comp. 

1 Chron. xv. 12, xxvi. 28; also Judg. v. 27; 
Ruth i. 5. — Ver. 5. And the brazen altar . . . 
was there, before the tabernacle of the Lord, that 
is, the Gibeonite sanctuary was still the legal, as 
it were the official and historically rightful place 
tor burnt -offeiings: comp. 1 Chron. xxi. 29 f., 
where, on the occasion of the choice of the floor 
of Oman on Moriah for a place of burnt-offering, 
it is shown why David could not go to Gibeon to 
offer there. On Bezaleel's construct ion of the brazen 
(copper) altar of burnt-offering, see Ex. xxxi. 2, 
xxxvii. 1. On the reading Qty, as undoubtedly 


to be preferred to the Masoretic rjg; (which arose 

from an unwarranted reference to Ex. xl. 29), see 
Crit. Note. — And Solomon and the congregation 
sought him, the Lord, not the altar ; comp. 

D\"6k Bn<|, l Chron. xxi. 30 ; 2 Chron. xv. 2. 

Yet, for the reference of the verb to the altar, may 
be quoted (Luther: "was wont to seek it"), at all 
events. Amos v. 5 ; comp. also 1 Chron. xxi. 28. — 
Ver. 6. There before the Lord, on the brazen altar 
which was at the tent of meeting. In the Heb. , 

rtfi"P 'JQ? stands before the relative sentence 
TjriD 'PHX? "IC'S- Because the altar of burnt- 
offering had its place before the tabernacle (Ex. 
xl. 6), it is designated as belonging to it ; comp. 
1 Kings vi. 22. 

3. God's Revelation to Solomon : vers. 7-13 : 
comp. 1 Kings iii. 5-15. — In that night, that 
followed the offering. That the manifestation of 
God to Solomon was effected by a nocturnal 
vision, seems at least to be indicated here, but is 
expressly stated in 1 Kings iii. 5, 15. — Ver. 8. 
Thou hast showed great mercy nnto David my 
father. The fuller speech of Solomon in 1 Kings 
iii. 6-10 appears here (vers. 8-10) much abbre- 
viated. — Ver. 9. Thy word . . . must be true, 
properly, "must be established"; comp. 1 Chron. 
xvii. 23; 2 Chron. vi. 17; 1 Kings viii. 26. — Ver. 
10. Give me now wisdom and knowledge. jhq 

(herewith Pattach in the second syllable; else- 
where JHD; aui0 vers. 11, 12) denotes knowledge. 

insight, and is found, besides the present passage, 
only in Dan. i. 4, 17 and Eccl. x. 20. — T7iut I 
may go out and in before this people, " may know 
all that belongs thereto, may worthily govern and 
defend them" (Starke); the phrase, reminding us 
of Dent. xxxi. 2, 1 Sam. xviii. 13, 16, 1 Kings 
iii. 7, denotes the unchecked public activity of 
the king toward his people. — Ver. 11. Because 
this was iu thy heart ; comp. 1 Chron. xxii. 7. — 
Riches, treasures, and glory. The same combina- 
tion appears in Eccl. vi. 2 ; Q'DSJ, treasures, 

also in Eccl. v. 18 (with i^'y) and Josh, xxii 8. 

— Ver. 12. Wisdom . . . given to thee. The con- 
struction ?p [>J"|3, as in Esth. iii. 11 (1 Kings iii. 

12, nsn, with the perf. »J!|n3). In the following 

words, the Lord promises to Solomon riches, 
treasures, and glory indeed, but not long life, as 
in 1 Kings iii. 14. Whether this omission is in- 
tentional ^because Solomon, on account of his 
subsequent fall, did not attain to old age) appears 
doubtful in the condensing manner of our author, 
which shows itself even in this promise of the 
Lord. On the ethical -eudasmonistic seutenci 

CHAR I. 18-11. 


contained in vers. 11, 12 may be compared tin; 
wold of Christ in the Sermon on the Mount: "Seek 

yc liist,"etc, Matt. v. 32. — Ver. 13. And Salomon 
came from the high place. On the correctness of 
this reading (nD3HD), see Crit. Note. The fol- 
lowing addition : "from the tent of meeting, " which 
appears superfluous after "from the high place," 
points again to the Gibeonite place of offering, 
and to the legal validity of the offerings presented 
there. Of the burnt and peace offerings, with the 
sacrificial feast, 1 Kings iii. 15, on the return of 
Solomon to Jerusalem before the ark, our author 
makes no mention, not because in his view the 
offering presented at the brazen altar in Gibeon 
only had legal validity (as Tbenius thinks, in 
defiance of the express statements of our author, 
1 Chron. xxi. IS, 26 ff.), but simply because these 
offerings, as well as the history there following 
(1 Kings iii. 26-28) of the strife between the two 
women, and its settlement by the wise judgment 
of Solomon, appeared to be of no special import- 
ance for his plan (chiefly regarding the brilliant, 
glorious, and magnificent features of Solomon's 
administration). — And he reigned over Israel. 
These closing words of our verse are introductory 
to what follows, and would stand more suitably at 
the head of the following section, vers. 14-17, as 
they are found, 1 Kings iv. 1, in this more suit- 
able position, and are there enlarged by the 
addition of -pg before PX"1L"\ which the Syr. 

exhibits here (see Crit. Note). 

4. Solomon's Power and Wealth: vers. 14-17. — 
This short account of that which Solomon had in 
chariots, riders, and treasures, the Chronist pre- 
sents as proof of the instant fulfilment of the 
promise of God to him in this passage, while in 
1 Kings x. 26-29 it is found near the close of the 
reign of Solomon (parallel to the fuller account of 
a similar nature in 2 Chron. ix. 13 ft'.). That 
accordingly that which is here recorded by our 
author is adduced a second time, the first time 
partly abbreviated, partly completed by additions 
(see ix. 25-28), Thenius (on 1 Kings x. 26 ff.) 
explains by the assumption of a second occurrence 
of the section in his sources, and an inadvertent 
admission of both accounts, the identity of which 

was discovered too late. More correctly, Berth., 

Keil, etc., explain that the Chronist used his 
sources in a free an 1 independent way, and ac- 
cordingly of purpose admitted the partial repeti- 
tion of the present account in eh. ix. 25 If. — And 
hf placed them in the charitit cities. Instead of 
Drn s V "laid them" (so also ix. 25 stands ill 

1 Kings x. 26 less definitely: Qn^V "and he 

brought them " ; with regard to the number of 
the chariots (1400) and riders (12,000), the two 
texts agree. The "chariot, cities" are cities in 
which the chariots and riders were stationed. 
They probably lay, partly near rich pasture 
grounds, partly in the neighbourhood of Egypt, 
principally in the south of the country ; and 
the conjecture that the Simeouite towns Beth- 
marehaboth and Hazar-susim (1 Chron. iv. 31) 
belonged to them (Then., Berth., Kamph.) is on 
this account the more probable. — Ver. 15. And 
the king made silver and gold in Jerusalem as 
stones. That the words "and gold" (3n?vnXl). 

which are wanting in the parallels ix. 27 and 
1 Kings x. 27, are to be erased, with the Pesch., 
in our passage also is very improbable ; and the 
Sept. and Vulg. testify for their genuineness in 
this place. For h, coinp. on 1 Chron. xxvii. 28. 
— Ver. 16. And the export of horses for Solomon, 
properly, "which belonged to Solomon." — The 
company of the king's merchants fetched a troop 
for a certain price. Even so 1 Kings x. 28, only 
that for the nipD there Xipo is here twice 

written. For the correct understanding of the 
passage, see Bahr, Bibelw. vol. vii. p. 103. — 
Ver. 17. And they brought up, and took out. of 
Egypt; 1 Kings x. 29: "and there was fetched 

and brought out " (KSFIl n?>ni instead of our 

IN^'Vl vJJ'l). otherwise literally as our passage, 

except that, perhaps by a corruption of the text, 

the p here wanting before OIK »3po is rightly 

supplied. For the exposition, see also Bahr as 

Ch. i. 18 


b. The Bun. dint, and the Dedication ok the Temple.— Ch. i. 18-vii. 
Treaty with the Phoenician King, and Preparations for Building: ch. i. 18— ii. 

18. And Solomon determined to build a house for the name of the Lord, and 

a house for his kingdom. Ch. II. And Solomon told out seventy thousand 
men to bear burdens, and eighty thousand to hew in the mountain, and three 
thousand and six hundred to oversee them. 

2 And Solomon sent to Huram the king of Tyre, saying, As thou didst 
with David my father, and sentest him cedars to build him a house to dwell 

3 in, so do also with me. Behold, I build a house to the name of the Lord my 
God, to dedicate it to Him, to offer sweet incense before Him, and the shew- 
bread continually, and the burnt-offerings for the morning and the evening, 
on the Sabbaths and the new moons, and the feasts of the LuRD our God : 

4 for ever this is ordained for Israel. And the house which I build is great ; 

5 for our God is greater than all gods. But who is able to build Him a house 1 
For the heaven, and huaven of heavens, cannot contain Him ; and who am I, 

6 that I should build Him a house, but to offer incense before Him ! And 
now send uie a wise man to work in gold, and silver, and brass, and iron, and 

1 If-. 


in purple, and crimson, ami blue, and who knoweth to make graven work 
with the wise men that are with me in Judah and Jerusalem, whom David 

7 my father appointed. And send me cedar-trees, cypresses, and sandal-wood 
out of Lebanon ; for I know that thy servants can cut timber in Lebanon ; 

8 and, behold, my servants shall be with thy servants. And shall prepare me 
wood in abundance ; for the house which I build is to be great and wonderful. 

9 And, behold, for the hewers, who fell the trees, I give of wheat as food l foi 
thy servants, twenty thousand cors, and of barley twenty thousand cors, and 
of wine twenty thousand baths, and of oil twenty thousand baths. 

10 And Huram king of Tyre answered in a letter, and sent to Solomon: 
Because the Lord loveth His people, He hath set thee over them as king. 

11 And Huram said, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, that made heaven and 
earth, who hath given to David the king a wise son, endued with prudence and 
understanding, that may build a house for the LORD, and a house for his king- 

12, 13 dom. And now I send a wise man of understanding, Huram my father, son 
of a woman of the daughters of Dan ; and his father was a Tyrian, who can 
work in gold, and silver, in brass, in iron, in stone, and wood, in purple, blue, 
and byssus, and crimson, and can do all graving, and devise every device that 
is given to him with thy wise men, and the wise men of my lord David thy 

14 father. And now the wheat and the barley, the oil and the wine, which 

15 my lord spake of, let him send his servants. And we shall fell timber out of 
Lebanon according to all thy need, and bring it to thee in floats to the sea of 
.Toppa, and thou shalt take it up to Jerusalem. 

lfi And Solomon counted all the men that were strangers in the land of 
Israel, after the number which David his father had counted, and they were 
found to be a hundred and fifty thousand, and three thousand and six 

1 7 hundred. And he made seventy thousand of them bearers of burdens, and 
eighty thousand hewers in the mountain, and three thousand and six hundred 
overseers to keep the people at work. 

1 . v o acvoi'dinK ro the probable correct reading J"v30 C~ H?2XD), us ihe parallel 1 Kings v. 2o exhibits it for 
the unmeaning H130 ("wheat cri beating," '"beaten-our wheat"?). 


1. Transition from the Foregoing to the Keport 
of the building of the Temple : eh. i. 18-ii. 1. — 
And Solomon determined to build. So according 
to the Vulg., Luther, and most of the ancients, 
while some moderns, as Berth., Kaniph., take \ 
IDXi with allusion to ch. i. 2, 1 Chron. xxi. 17, I 
in the sense of "command." The context,! 
especially the circumstance that instead of the 
execution of the building itself only preparations i 
for it follow, favours the older view. — A house 
tor the name of the Lord (comp. 1 Kings v. 17), 
and a house for his kingdom, that is, a royal 
palace for himself, the building of which is not 
more particularly described (as 1 Kings vii. 1-12), 
but which is mentioned several times, as ch. ii. 
11. vii. 11, viii. 1. — Ch. ii. 1. And Solomon told 
out seventy thousand, etc. This statement, re- 
clining, vers. 16, 17, in another connection, and 
in a fuller and more definite form, concerning the 
7(1,000 + 80,000 + 3600, in all 153,600, workmen 
to whom Solomon committed the labours pre- 
liminary to the building of the temple, stands 
here in briefer form, to indicate beforehand the 
magnitude of the measures undertaken by the 

2. Solomon's Embassy to Huram of Tyre : vers. 
2-9 ; comp. 1 Kings v. 15-26, which account, 
agreeing with the present in all essential respects, 

partly indeed to the letter, is opened with a 
notice of an embassy sent first by Huram to 
Solomon (to congratulate him on his accession to 
the throne), which our author has omitted as not 
sufficiently important. — And Solomon sent to 
Huram king of Tyre. On the three forms of 
the name, Huram (Chron.), Hiram (1 Kings v. 
15), and Hirom (1 Kings v. 2-1, 32, vii. 40), of 
which the last (in Menander in Joseph, c. Ap. i. 
18, 21 : Eip-jfias • in Herod and Syncell. : tipvfta;) 
appears to be the most original, comp. Bahr on 
1 Kings v. 15, where, with justice, the doubts of 
Clericus, Thenius, Ew., Berth., etc., regarding 
the identity of the present Huram witli the like- 
named contemporary and friend of David, are set 
aside. Hitz g (Clench, des V. Isr. p. 10 ; comp. p. 
155) gives as the probable time of the reign of 
Huram or Hirom, 1031-1000 B.C. (?).— As thou 
didst with David my father, and sentest him 
cedars; comp. 1 Chron. xiv. 1. The consequent to 
this antecedent is wanting; according to ver. 6 f., 
it must run thus : "So do also to me, and seud 
me cedars. " This construction is like that else- 
where after asseverations and oaths ; comp. also 
Ps. lvi. 7b (Ew. §§ 355, 356). Moreover, in the 
parallel account 1 Kings v. 16 ff., Solomon uoes 
not expressly remind Hiram of the aid which he 
had already given to his father David, but only 
of this, that David had been prevented by his 
wars from executing the project of building thf 

CHAP. II. 8-11. 


temple. Hence it is clear, from the various 
differences between the present and the previous 
form of the letter of Solomon, that it is not an 
authentic original document that is here given, 
but the result of free handling of the fundamental 
thoughts of older sources by the one as well as 
the other writer. — Ver. 3. Behold, I build, 
literally, " Behold me building," future of state ; 
see Ew. § 306, d. — To offer sweet incense before 

fltm, literally, "to perfume," "vopn^, with which 

infinitive (defining the foregoing C' ,T Ipn7 more 

exactly) are zeugmatieally connected the other 
objects named, " shew-breod " and "burnt-offer- 
ing." For t lie " sweet incense " and its burning 
every morning and evening on the altar of in- 
:ense, comp. Ex. xxv. 6, xxx. 7 f. ; for the 
continual laying of shew-bread (TOH n3"IJ?D), 

Ex. xxv. 30 ; for the burnt-ottering to be made 
every morning and evening, and on Sabbaths, 
new moons, and feast days, Num. xxviii. 29 and 

I Chron, xxiii. 31. — For ever this is ordained far 
Israel; comp. the passage already cited, 1 Chron. 

xxiii. 31, and the Q71JJ rrarp often occurring in 

tile law, for example, Num. xix. 10. — On ver. 4, 
comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 1, and Ex. xviii. 11, Dent, 
x. 17. — Ver. 5. But who is able, literally, "who 
will show power;" comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 14. On 
the following asseveration : " the heaven, and 
heaven of heavens, cannot contain Him," comp. 
Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the temple, 
eh. vi. 18 ; 1 Kings viii. 27. Obviously we have 
here a favourite saying of Solomon the theologian 
and philosopher: that our author has here, of 
his own will, put this formula in his mouth is 
improbable. — And who am I, that I should build 

II im 'i house, but to offer, etc.; that is, not a 
house for dwelling in, but only for sacrifice and 
worship i the incense, as symbol of prayer, is here 
mentioned instead of all offerings), may we build 
for Jehovah. — Ver. 6. And now send me a wise 
mnn skilful, see ver. 12 ; 1 Chron. xxii. 15 ; 
Ex. xxxi. 6) to work in nold. That, besides the 
works in brass and other metals, as they were 
actually executed by the craftsmen here men- 
tioned, according to eh. iv. 11-16 and 1 Kings 
vii. 13 ff. , skill also in weaving purple, hewing 
stone, and carving wood is ascribed to them, 
need not seem strange in Solomon's letter. But 
it seems surprising that, ver. 13, King Hurani 
also in his reply makes him exercise all these 
srafts. Yet ancient history knows several in- 
stances of universal genius in art ; comp. 
Ihelalus, and one Tutilo in St. Call of the 
Christian times. On purple (|1J-|K, l ater form 

"'" JDJ1S)' comp. Ex. xxv. 4 ; Dan. v. 7 ; on 
crimson (J*Q13 only here, ver. 13, and iii. 14, 
probably an old Persic word), the »yj- ni'TOFl 
elsewhere used to denote this fabric ; on blue or 
violet (n?3Jl). Ex. xxv. 4. — And who knoweth to 

make ura cm work, literally, "to grave gravings," 

here of every kind of sculpture in metal or wood 

(comp. ri"Fl3"^2. v er. 13 ; also 1 Kings vi. 29) ; 

elsewhere, specially of graving precious stones, 
Ex. xxviii. 9, 11, 36, xxxix. 6 ; Zech. iii. 9. — 

With the wise men, etc.; cump. 1 Chron x.\i: 3, 
15, xxviii. 21. In construction, D'cSniTDJ,' goes 

wit nit; 


: to work. 

-Ver. 7. Anil send «/< 

. . . sandal-wood out of Lebanon. If the alguin- 

wood(Q<Q!|J7}<"*VV) ' a '"-' "allied along with cedui'S 

and cypresses be actually sandal -wood, which, 

in the obvious identity of its name with QVjo^X- 

1 Kings x. 11, can scarcely be doubted, our 
author, in allowing it to come from Lebanon, 
inv lives Solomon in an inaccuracy (at least ii. 
expression) ; for, according to his own later state- 
ment (ch. ix. 10; 1 Chron. x. 11), algums be- 
longed rather to the products of Ophir. — Ver. 8. 

Prepare me wood in abundance ; the infin. pan"} 

is the continuation of the imperat. <p r)?2', ver. 

7; Keil's attempt to subordinate it to the previous 
clause is too artificial : "to prepare for me wood 
in abundance." On b, comp. ver. 4.— Ver. 9. 
And, behold, for the hewers, who felt the trees. 

W2'drb (with introductory *?) is more exactly 
defined by the added D^'i'D Mnb?i Mid for this 

reason, that 2un (= the afterwards more usual 
3iTI ; comp. vers 1, 17) appears to our author to 
need interpretation ; comp. besides, for 3un. 
Deut. xxix. 10; Josh. ix. 21, 23, 27. — / (jive 
ii-h. at as food for thy servants. For n?3D in- 
stead of the defective ni3D, see frit. Note. — 

Twenty thousand cars, hi this enumeration ot 
the provisions in grain, wine, and oil ottered by 
Solomon, our report seems to be more detailed 
than the parallel 1 Kings v. 25, which reports 
only 20,000 cors of wheat for the household of 
king Hiram, and twenty cors of the finest 
(beaten) oil for the same, as given by Solomon. 
But, in truth, the two passages speak of quite 
different supplies: there of a yearly contribution, 
which Solomon paid to the Tyrian king during 
the building at Tyre, but here of the provisions 
which he sent to the woodcutters placed at his 
disposal by Huram in Lebanon (so correctly Keil 
and Bohr on 1 Kings v. 25 ; otherwise Thenius, 
Bertheau, etc., who here find statements that are 
partly contradictory). 

3. Huram's Answer : vers. 10-15 ; comp. 1 Kings 
v. 21-25. — Because the Lord loceth J I is people, 
etc. Instead of this compliment (eump. ch. ix. 8 . 
1 Kings x. 9), in the parallel text 1 Kings v. 22, 
Hiram begins his letter immediately with the 
declaration : " I have heard the tilings the-' 
sentest to me for." On the contrary, an expres- 
sion of joy concerning Solomon's message as oral!* 
given by Hiram precedes the composing and send- 
ing of the reply. — Ver. 11 Ami Huram said, 
namely, as in the foregoing verse ; 3DD3, " i" 

writing." — Blessed be the Lord . . . that matle 
heaven ami earth. Are we to see in this doxology 
of the Phoenician king, readily following into 
Solomon's religious thought and phrase (which 
rises above that in 1 Kings v. 21), the product ol 
a half-poetic fiction, after the manner of a writer 
after the exile (as Dan. ii. 28, iii. 29 ff., iv. 31 
ff.)? It is perhaps more natural to take iut« 



account here partly the courtesies in expression, 
tfhich friendly sovereigns might ami must use, 
partly the community of speech, and even of 
religious tradition, which existed between the 
Phoenicians and Hebrews. — A ivise son endowed 
with prudence and understanding J comp. 1 Clii'on. 
xii. 32, xxii. 12. — Ver. 12. Huram my father. 

The introductory p before the accusative, as ch. 

v. 26. Luther takes »3j{ for an element of the 

proper name of the craftsman, who was called 
Hnrim-abi (or, ch. iv. 16, Huram-abiv). Most of 
the ancients as well as moderns take it here, as 
in ch. iv. 16, as a tropical appellative or name of 
honour = master, by comparison with Gen. xlv. 8. 
— Ver. 13. The son of a woman of the daughters 
of Dan, that is, perhaps the city Dan in the tribe 
of Naphtali ; see 1 Kings vii. 14 and the ex- 
positors on this passage, especially Thenius and 
liahr, whereas certainly Keil (with Berth., 
Kamph. , etc.) defends the more difficult and 
artificial assumption, that the mother of this 
craftsman belonged by birth to the tribe of Dan, 
but by her first husband to that of Naphtali. — 
Who can work in gold, etc. The Phoenician king 
enhances the praise of his craftsman by recount- 
ing a still greater number of crafts than those 
mentioned by Solomon, ver. 6. Hence the \ 
mention of stone and wood (after brass and iron), 
of byssus (|'i2. us 1 Chron. xv. 27), and of 
"devising every device that is given to him." 
Comp. for the last phrase, the remarks made, Ex. 
xxxi. 4, xxxv. 33, on Bezaleel. — On ver. 14, comp. 
ver. 9 ; the there expressed offer by Solomon of 
food for his people Huram expressly accepts. — ' 
Ver. 15. According to all thy need. *pV{, "need," 

only here in the Old Test, (in Aram, very c m- 
mon) ; likewise the following nilbSI, "floats," 

for which, 1 Kings v. 23, JV13M. — To the sea of 

Joppa, the sea at Joppa, the port of Jerusalem. 
Also, with respect to this reply of Huram, and its 
relation to the often-deviating parallel text 1 
Kings v. 21 11'., the above remark (ver. 2) on 
the two texts of the letter of Solomon applies. 
Neither text is wholly independent of the other, 
and neither coincides exactly with a presumed 
original. Both exhibit certainly a freely imitat- 
ing or rather extracting (partly also interpolating ; 
Bee especially the additions made by our author, 
ver. 13) treatment of the original text; as also 

Josephus, Antiq. viii. 2. 6 f., in his rendering ol 
the pieces, generally agrees witli 1 Kings v.. 
bat allows himself many peculiar forms of its 
language. The statements of this historian, that 
the ivr'iypzf* of the two letters were extant both 
in the Old Testament and in the public archives 
of Tyre (Antig. viii. 2. 8), mult therefore be 
received cum grano salis, and must refer not so 
much to the form as to the substance of the docu- 
ments. Eupolemus, in Euseb. Prcep. evamg. ii. 
33, 34, has copied still more freely than Josephus 
the correspondence between Solomon and Hiram. 
4. Expanded Repetition of the Number of 
"Workmen stated in ver. 1 : vers. 16, 17. — And 
Solomon counted all the men that were strangers 
in the land of Israel, all the serfs of Canaan - 
itish descent under the people of Israel ; comp. 
1 Citron, xxii. 2, to which place there is here 
express reference (by the following words : 
"after the number [133, 'muster,' only here 

in 0. T.] which David his father had counted "). 
— Ver. 17. Tlie eighty thousand "hewers" (2VH) 

in the mountain are chiefly to be regarded as 
hewers of stone (comp. 1 Chron. xxii. 2), but 
partly as fellers of timber. — And three thousand 
and six hundred overseers (Q > nX30; comp. Ezra 

iii. 8, 9), to keep the people at work, "to make 
them work " ; comp. Ex. vi. 5. With the 
present statements of the number of workmen 
levied by Solomon agree those contained iu 
1 Kings v. 27-30, with two points of difference : 
— 1. Of the 30,000 socagers levied out of Israel 
itself, there first named, that were te cut timbers 
successively in three parties of 10, 0( each, our 
text says nothing, as the enumeration of our 
author is perhaps confined intentionally to the 
q<-)3, perhaps, however, through a mistake in 

quite overlooking the statement in q. estion; 2. 
instead of 3600 overseers, the author of 1 Kings 
v. 30 names only 3300 ; perhaps lie had only in 
view those of lower rank, and not the higher, 
who, according to 1 Kings ix. 23, amounted in 
all to 550, namely, 250 Israelites (2 Chron. viii. 
10) and 300 strangers. As the Chronist men- 
tions here only the strangers, he enumerates only 
these 3000 non-Israelite upper overseers, and 
thus arrives at the total of 3600 QTISJO- He 

was aware also of the existence of 250 Israelite 
upper overseers, as is clear from ch. viii. 40 ot 
our book. 

Ii. The Building of the Temple, rind Making of the Holy Vessels : ch. iii. 1-v. 1. 

Uh. III. 1. And Solomon began to build the house of the Lord at Jerusalem on 
mount Moriah, which was shown to his father David, and which he had pre- 

2 pared in the place of David, in the floor of Oman the Jebusite. And he 
began to build in the second month, on the second 1 day in the fourth year ol 
his reign. 

3 And this is the foundation of Solomon, to build the house of God : the 
length after the former measure was sixty cubits, and the breadth twenty 

4 cuhits. And the porch that was before the length, before the breadth of the 
house, was twenty cubits, and the height a hundred and twenty*' ; and h 

5 overlaid it within with pure gold. And the great house he lined with cypress, 

6 and overlaid it with fine gold, and made thereon palms and garjands- And 
hi- garnished the house with precious stones for beauty ; and the gold was 

CHAP, ill.-v. i. it;g 

7 gold of Parvaim. And he overlaid the house, the beams, the sills, and its 
walls and its doors, with gold, and graved cherubim on the walls. 

8 And In; made the house of the most holy, that its length before the 
breadth of the house was twenty cubits, and its width twenty cubits; and 

9 overlaid it with tine gold, to six hundred talents. And the weight of the 
nails was fifty shekels of gold : and he overlaid the upper rooms with gold. 

10 And he made in the house of the most holy two cherubim of sculptured 

11 work, ami overlaid them with gold. And the wings of the cherubim were 
twenty cubits long; the wing of the one was five cubits, touehing the wall of 
the house, and the other wing five cubits, touching the wing of the c'J'CT 

12 cherub. And the wing of the other cherub was rive cubits, touching the. wall 
of the house, and the other wing five cubits, joining the wing of the first 

13 cherub. The wings of these cherubim spread forth twenty cubits; and they 
Stood on their feet, and their faces to the house. 

14 And he made the veil of blue, and purple, and crimson, and byssus, and 
raised cherubim thereon. 

15 And he made before (hi' house two pillars of thirty and five 3 cubits height; 
1G and the capital that was on the top was five cubits. And he made chains in 

the ring, 4 and put them on the pillars ; and he made a hundred pomegranates, 

17 and put them on the chains. And he set up the pillars before the temple, 

one on the right and one on the left ; and he called the name of the right 

pillar Jachin, and the name of the left Boaz. 

Ch. IV. 1. And he made an altar of brass, twenty cubits its length, and twenty 

2 cubits its breadth, and twenty cubits its height. And he made the sea 
molten ; ten cubits from brim to brim, round about, and five cubits its height; 

3 and a line of thirty cubits compassed it about. And figures of oxen 5 were 
under it, compassing it round about ; ten in a cubit, encircling the sea around : 

4 two rows the oxen formed, east out of its mass. It stood upon twelve oxen, 
three looking northward, and three looking westward, and three looking 
southward, and three looking eastward ; and the sea was set on them above, 

5 and all their hinder parts were inwards. And its thickness was a hand- 
breadth, and its brim was wrought like the brim of a cup, as a lily blossom, 

6 holding in it (many) baths ; it contained three thousand. 8 And he made ten 
lavers, and put five on the right and five on the left, to wash in them ; the 
work of the burnt-offering they washed in them ; but the sea was for the 

7 priests to wash in. And he made ten candlesticks of gold, after their plan, 

8 and set them in the temple, five on the right and five on the left. And he 
made ten tables, and placed them in the temple, five on the right, and five on 

9 the left : and he made basons of gold a hundred. And he made the court of 
the priests, and the great court, and doors for the court, and overlaid the 

10 door-leaves with brass. And he set the sea on the right side eastward, over 
against the south. 

11 And Huram made the pots, and the shovels, and the bowls : and Huram' 
finished the work which he made for King Solomon in the house of God- 

12 The two pillars, and the balls, and the capitals on the top of the two pillars, 
and the two grates to cover the two balls of the capitals which were on the 

13 top of the pillars. And the four hundred pomegranates on the two grates ; 
two rows of pomegranates on each grate, to cover the two balls of the capitals 

14 which were upon the two 8 pillars. And he made 9 stands, and he made lavers 
15, 16 upon the stands. One sea, and twelve oxen under it. And the pots, and 

the shovels, and the forks,' and all their vessels, made Huram his father for 

17 King Solomon, for the house of the Lord, of bright brass. In the plain of 
Jordan the king cast them, in the clay ground" between Succoth and Zere- 

18 dathah. And Solomon made all these vessels in great abundance ; for the 
weight of the brass was not found out. 

19 And Solomon made all the vessels that were for the house of God, the 

20 golden altar, and the tables with the shew-bread on them. And the candle- 
sticks with their lamps, to burn after their rule before the oracle of costly 



21 gold. And the flowers, and the lamps, and the snuffers : this was the most 

22 perfect gold. 12 And the knives, and the bowls, and the censers, and the 
extinguishers of costly gold : and the door of the house, its inner leaves to 
the most holy place, and the door leaves of the house for the temple, of gold. 

Ch. V. 1. Then was finished all the work that Solomon made for the house of the 
Lord : and Solomon brought in the holy gitts of David his father ; and the 
silver, and the gold, and all the instruments he put among the treasures of 
the house of God. 

1 *jtT3, which the Sept. and Vulg. do not express, appears a gloss brought into the text by the repetition of thn 
foregoing ^$n. 

2 DHC'i?! HSO appears a defective reading, as the Sept. cod. At., Syr , and Ar. have 20 for 120 Comp. the Exeg 
Expl. ' " 

3 According to the parallels 1 Kings vii. 15, 2 Kings xxv. 17, etc , instead of thirty-rive (PIP) must apparently be 
read eighteen (IT)- 

* So according to the emendation of Berth.: T3~13, instead of the Mjsoietic "V^B (Sept. U tu latfap), which 
yields no suitable sense. 

5 D ,_ lp3 appeal's a slip of the pen for D'VPS (1 Kings vii. 24, as in 6, 1p3H for D'JJpBH. 

<• For D'S?X riEvE' is to he read, according to 1 Kings vii 26, D'S^N (2000) ; the JIGvE^ before Q'S^N 

seems to have come into the text from the fourfold D^vt^ in the verse before. 

7 The KetAib has here Hiram (D'Vn), the only time this reading occurs in Chronicles. 

8 For *JBvy read ^t^~?i T , although *J2 stands also in 1 King.s vii. 42; but see Sept. there. 
B Hw-'y seems wrongly written for "IC'V, as the second time for mtl'if- Comp. 1 Kings vii. 43. 

10 flwTO is perhaps written wrongly for fllp^TD, " sprinkling cups," vex. 11. Comp. 1 Kings vii 44. 

u For *3}J3 some prints give *3J3- 

12 The words 3HT J1V3D 50H ate not represented in the Sept. 


Preliminary Remark. — From the description 
of the building of the temple in 1 Kings vi. and 
vii., the present account is distinguished — 1. By 
this, that in the introduction more precise state- 
ments are made with respect to the plan of the 
building, but less precise with respect to the time 
when it began, than there (comp. ch. iii. 1, 2 
with 1 Kings vi. 1) ; 2. By this, that our author 
describes, in unbroken connection, first (ch. iii. 
.5-17) the magnitude and arrangement of the 
edifice itself, then (ch. iv. 1-22) those of its 
several furnishings in the court and the sanc- 
tuary, whereas in 1 Kings vi. and vii. this 
description meets with two considerable inter- 
ruptions, inasmuch as — a. an account of a divine 
promise given to the king during the building 
(eh. vi. 11-13), and — b. a description of a palace- 
building of .Solomon, partly concurrent with that 
of the temple (ch. vii. 1-11), are there inserted ; 
3. By a somewhat different arrangement of the 
several objects enumerated and described in 1 
Kings ; i. By the greater fulness and circum- 
stantiality of the description, as contained in 
1 Kings (for example, witli respect to the ten 
brazen stands, ch. vii. 27-38, which our author, 
iv. 14, only slightly mentions); and 5. By the 
here again remarkable excerpting habit of the 
Chronist. In the following exposition, only that 
which is peculiar to our author will be fully dis- 
cussed ; but with regard to that which he has ill 
common with 1 Kings, or which he, compared 
witli the more ample details there, only briefly 
notices, reference will lie made to the exposition 

of Bahr (Bibelw. vii. pp. 38-70), which is cuau*;- 
terized by solidity and scientific ability. 

1. Place and Time of building the Temple: 
ch. iii. 1, 2. — And Solomon t>e<jan . . . on mow ! 
Mor'tah. Only here is the site of the temple so 
named; but the designation is no doubt identical 
with "the land of Moriah" (n'litsn ]~)N. "'and 

of the appearing of the Lord"), Gen. xxii. 2. The 
place of the celebrated sacrifice of Abraham was 
even that floor of Oman on which David pre- 
sented his offering, ami which he had conse- 
quently chosen for the site of the temple, the hill 
lying north-east of Zion, which is now called "the 
Haram," after the holy mosque of the Mahomme- 
dans standing on it. Comp. Rosen, Das Haram, 
Goth. i lSti6, and the plan and description in Ph. 
WoliFs Jerusalem (3d edit. 1S72), p. S'J ff.— Which 
was shown to hisfatlu r David, as the future site 
of the temple; see 1 Chron. xxi. 15 ff. Against 
this most usual exposition it may certainly be ob- 
jected (with Keil) that the Niphal i"|J03 else- 
where denotes, not "be shown," but "be seen, 
appear." Yet the rendering of Keil: "where He 
i (Jehovah) appeared to his father David" (so also 
the Sept.), has this defect, that the subject 
Jehovah has to be supplied, and that -|C'N has 

to be taken in the sense of Q& "IC'K, as elsewhere 

only in the phrase -ic'K DipB3 (Ew. § 331, c, 3)— 

(and) which lie had prepared In the place of David, 
which site he (Solomon) had prepared on the place 
fixed by David. So Berth., Kamph., etc., and in 



the main Luther, Starke, and other ancients (for 
example, Kambauh: '/hum donvum pnzparavit 
Salomo in loco Davidis). On the contrary, the 

Sept., Vul;,'., Syr., etc., translate as if ulpD3 
stood before j<;n TC'X, " in tne place which 

David hail prepared" t the building of the temple); 
ami Keil, in accordance with his supplying of 
Jehovah as subject to nN"0. interprets: "who 

( I Javi. 1 ) had prepared the house, that is, the 
Imilding of it, in the place appointed of David." 
None of these expositions is quite satisfactory; 
whence it is natural to suppose some corruption 
of the text. — Ver. 2. And he began to build in 
the second month, in tlie second. As Vii'3 cannot 

well (comp. Luther, etc.) signify "on the second 

day, 1 ' for this would be expressed by Q<;{jvj 

C'lh? or the like (with the cardinal number), 

it is strongly to be suspected that the word lias 
come into the text by an error of transcription : 
comp. I'rit. Note. The second month is Ziph, 
corresponding nearly with our .May (comp. 1 Kings 
vi. 37). — In the fourth ye r of lii.- reign, that is. 
as Solomon reigned from 1015, about the year 
1012 B.C. (comp. Hitzig, Gesch. p. 10 f., whose 
chronological determinations otherwise contain 
much that is arbitrary; among other things, the 
assumption that Solomon reigned from in:.:;, i: r , 
thus, on the whole, not forty but sixty years). 
2. The building of the Temple itsell ; and first, 

of tile Porch and the Holy I'la r the Front 

and Middle Room): vers. 3-7. — Ami this is the 
foundation of Solomon; these are the fundamental 
proportions which he employed in building. The 
inf. Jfoph. TD^n is used substantively, as in 

Ezraiii. 11. — Thelemjth after the former mt asure, 
the Mosai or holy cubit, that, Ezek. xl. 5, xliii. 
\Z, was a handbreadth longer than the civic cubit 
of the later time, in and after the exile (comp. on 
1 Chron. xxii. 13 f.). Only the length and the 
width of the temple are here given, not its h ight, 
which was. 1 Kings vi. 2, thirty cubits — Ver. 4. 
And the porch, that was before the length, that 
extended in front of the oblong house as its en- 
trance, — before the breadth of the house, was 
twenty cubits, w.^ measured in front: of the width 
of the house, twenty cubits. That the breadth 
or depth of this porch was not twenty cubits, but 
only ten (1 Kings vi. 8), is not here said, but 
follows of necessity from the following statements 
coneeniing the size of the most holy place com 
pared with that of the holy place, which was twice 
as long (comp. ver. 3 with ver. S). — And the 
height a hundred and twenty. A certainly erro- 
neous statement; a front building of 12o cubits 
height, before a house only thirty cubits high, 

could not be called D71X, DU t would have been a 
5RUO] "tower " (Keil). Behind the present de- 
fective reading is perhaps concealed the state- 
ment that the breadth of the porch was ten 
cubits. Berth, and Kamph. wish to arrange the 
text after 1 Kings vi. 3 : " And the porch, which 
was before the house, its breadth was ten cubits 
before it, and the length, which was be'bre the 
breadth of the house, was twenty cubits." But 
there are some objections to this emendation : see 
Keil, p 235 (Remark 1). — Ver. 5. And the ijreat 

him.-' fu lined with cypress. The holy place is called 

the great house, as forming the chief room of the 
whole house. " Line," nsn, coinciding essen- 
tially with the foregoing nsi". "overlay," standi 

here twice, first of lining the stone witl wood, 
and then of overlaying or plating this wood with 
gold. — Made then on palms "nil garlands, applied 
to it ornaments of palms and garlands (according 
to ] Kings vi. IS, in the form of bas-reliefs cut 
in the panels of the wall). Cn'tDH = the fern. 

nil'Sel used in the same sense, 1 Kings vi. 2!', 

35, figures of palms ; this masc. form occurs 
also Ezek. xli. 28. niTJ'TJ'. properly, chains of 

gold wire, — see ver. 16 and Ex. xxviii. 14, — but 
here ornaments wound like a chain on the gilded 
walls, representing garlands. — Ver. 6. And he 
garnished the house with precious stones for 
In until : comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 2, and Bahr on 
1 Kings vi. 7. — And the gold was gold of Par- 
Bairn, from Parvaim, a country, as the etymon 
of the probable Indian name seems to indicate, 
situated in the east, but of unknown, and not to lie 
determined, site. On its conjectured identity with 
Ophir, and the opinions regarding it, see the ex- 
cursus alter ch. viii. — Ver. 7. And he overlaid the 
house, the beams, those of the ceiling, as those 
next named, the sills that are under the doors. 
Somewhat more precise than the present state- 
ments concerning the internal decorations of the 
house (the holy place with its porch, which are 
here in question, as ver. S ff. show) are those 
contained in 1 Kings vi. 18, 29, '■ 0. 

3. The Most Holy Place, with its Cherubic 
Figures and Veil : Vers. S-14. — And he mode tin- 
house of the most holy, that its length . . . twenty 
cubits. That, besides the length and breadth, the 
height also was the same, and thus its form was 
cubic, see 1 Kings vi. 20. Our author does not 
specially set forth this certainly symbolic circum- 
stance; on the contrary, his love of the orna- 
mental and magnificent leads him to set forth 
another circumstance omitted in 1 Kings, that 
the weight of the gold plating for the inner wall 
of the most holy place was 600 talents. — Ver. 9. 
And the weight of the nails, that served for fasten- 
ing the gold plate on the wooden lining of the 
walls. And this statement concerning the weight 
of the nails being fifty shekels is peculiar to our 
author, and characteristic of him; as also the 
following one in 6, concerning the inner gilding 
of the upper chambers over the most holy place 
(comp. 1 Chron. xxviii. 11). — Ver. 10. Two 
cherubim of sculptured work, literally, "a work 
of imagery." D'JJVyV, from the Arab, root zua, 

finxit, formavit, only here in the O. T. — Overlaia 
them with gold, a remark occurring also 1 Kings 
vi. 28, but there forming the end of tl ■:. descrip- 
tion of the cherubim. — Vers. 10-12. The descrip- 
tion of the size and position of the four out- 
spread wings, each five cubits long, is clumsy 
and circumstantial, after the Eastern fashion, but 
at the same time perfectly obvious and clear. 
The expressions for the mutual contact of the 
tips of the wings are jj'jn and (once ver. 12; 

P21, properly ; cleave, adha?rere, — Ver. 13. The 
u-iiKjs of cherubim spread forth twenty 
cubits, literally, "were spreading forth (effected 



an expansion of) twenty cubits ;" conip. on BHS, 
1 Chron. xxviii. 18; 2 Chron. v. 8. Against 
Berth., who would expel -533 out of the text ; 

see Keilon this passage. —Stood on their feet, and 
their faces to the home, that is, to the holy place, 
not to one another, as the faces of the cherubs on 
the mercy-seat (Ex. xxv. 20). That they had in 
this upright position a height of ten cubits, the 
author of 1 Kings (vi. 26) affirms in his more 
exact statement of the proportions. Are we en- 
titled to infer from the statement of our author 
the human form of the cherubim ? This appears 
at all events very probable ; comp. Bahr on 1 
Kings vi. 23 ff., and Riehm, "Die Cherubim in 
der Stiftshiitte und im Tempel," Theol. Stud. 
and Kril. 1871, iii. p. 399 ff., where (as in the 
treatise De Datura et notion'' gymboliea cheru- 
borum, 1864) this theologian certainly, for the 
oldest time, conceives the cherubim as theophauic 
storm-clouds, and represents them in the form of 
birds, but, for the latter time (and certainly for 
that of Solomon), affirms a change of this prey- 
bird form to a winged human form. Similarly 
H. Schultz, Alttestamentl. Theol. i. 337 If., and 
Dillmann, Art. "Cherubim" in Schenkel's Bibel- 
Lex'kon. — Ver. 14. And he made the veil of blue, 
and purple, etc., thus of the same four materials 
of which the veil in the tabernacle had been 
made, and interwoven with the same cherubic 
figures as it was; see Ex. xxvi. 31. On this 
rOlS. t' le inner veil between the holy and the 

most holy place, the older description of the 
temple in 1 Kings vi. 21 says nothing. 

4. The Two Pillars Jachin and Boaz : vers. 
15-17; comp. the much fuller description in 1 
Kings vii. 15-22, 41, 42 (also ch. iv. 12 f.).— 
And he made before the home (in the porch) two 
pillars of thirty and. fire cubits height; in 1 Kings, 
rather of eighteen cubits ; see Crit. Note. — And 
the capital that icas on the top. Instead of the 
nSSn, head-piece (from nSS, cover, overlay), the 

parallel 1 Kings vii. 16 gives the term mri3, 

"crown, pommel." — Ver. 16. Andhe made chains 
in the rinu, in the girdle-formed network encir- 
cling the top of the pillars, that served for the 
fastening of the pomegranates, and is otherwise 
called roab', network, but here T31, collar 

(comp. Gen. xli. 42; Ezek. xvi. 11); for T>T\ 

is certainly to be read instead of "|»3*Ti which 

gives no tolerable sense, and has drawn away the 
old translations to strange explanations (Vulg. : 
quasi catenulas in oraculo ; Syr. and Arab. : 
"chains of fifty cubits length," that is, reaching 
from the most holy place to the pillars, etc.) ; 
comp. the Crit. Note. Moreover, the term T3 - ) 

seems to be a synonym rather of the n33b', »et- 

work, mentioned ch. iv. 12, 13, than of the 

ni?3, " balls, rolls," mentioned in the same place 

(against Keil). — Made a hundred pomegranates, 
and put them on the chains, perhaps so "that 
there was an apple on every link of the chain-like 
ornament" (Berth.). The number 100, which is 
given als > in Jer. Iii. 23, determines also merely 
the one of the two rows of pomegranates which 

hung on every ring or girdle of the network. 
That each of these bore 100 apples, and thus the 
sum total of all the apples on both pillars 
amounted to 400, is stated ch. iv. 13, in accord- 
ance with 1 Kings vii. 42. On ver. 17, especially 
on the names Jachin and Boaz. see BaBr on 1 
Kings vii. 21. 

5. The Holy Furniture of the Temple and its 
Court : ch. iv. 1-10. — Ver. 1. The brazen altar. 
And he made an altar of brass, the altar of burnt- 
offering. See more particularly concerning its 
construction, more exactly described in Ezek. xliii 
13-17, and its probably terrace-like appearance, in 
Keil, Archceol. p. 127, with the plan, plate iii. 
fig. 2. That our verse has no parallel in 1 Kings 
vi. and vii. is perhaps only accidental, but may 
arise from this, that there only articles made by 
Huram (Hiram) are fully described, to which the 
altar of burnt-offering did not belong. It is, 
moreover, only incidentally mentioned in 1 Kings, 
namely, in ch. viii. 22, 64, on occasion of the 
dedication of the temple, and again in ch. ix. 25. 
—Vers. 2-5. The Brazen Sea ; comp. 1 Kings 
vii. 23-26 and the expositors thereon. — A line of 
thirty cubits compassed it about, formed the mea- 
sure of its circumference (the actual existence of 
such a line is not to be supposed). — Ver. 3. And 
figures of oxen were under it, instead of which 
1 Kings vii. 24 has: "and coloeynths (or flower 
buds, according to Bahr) were under the brim of 
it round about." Our D*"ip3 therefore appears 

an error of transcription for D'l'pB, *s in the 
second member -)p3n for Q'ypgrt. — Ver. 5. Hold- 
ing in it (many) baths ; it contained three thou- 
sand. According to 1 Kings vii. 26, rather only 
2000, which number alone suits the size of the 
vessel as described in ver. 2 (comp. Crit. Note). 

Moreover, the p"3", " it contained," is by no 

means disturbing, as Berth, and Kampti. think, 
who condemn it as a gloss coming into the text 
from 1 Kings. The pleonastic phrase rather suits 
the effort of the author to represent the size of 
the vessel as very great ; and the construction is 
essentially the same as in the following verse. — 
Ver. 6. The Ten Lavers, with the incidental 
Statement of the Use of the Brazen Sea. — And he 
made ten lavers. Much more full is 1 Kings vii. 
27-38, where the stands bearing these lavers are 
described with special minuteness. — To trash in 
tin in ; the work of Hie burnt-offering they washed 
in them, the flesh of the burnt-offerings to be 
burned on the altar. On rpTI. scour, rinse, as a 

synonym of j»m, comp. Josh. iv. 4 ; Ezek. xl. 

38.— Ver. 7. The Golden Candlesticks in the Holy 
Place. The notice of these is wanting, as we'-' as 
the following one referring to the ten tablt:. and 
the next referring to the two courts, in the parallel 
text 1 Kings vii. 39, perhaps from a gap in the 
text. Yet incidental references to these objects 
are found there; see ch. vi. 36, vii. 12, 48, 49. — 
After their plan, properly, according to their 
right, Dt33B733, a reference to Ex. xxv. 31 ff. — 

Ver. 8. And he made ten tables, on which to place 
the ten candlesticks, scarcely for the shew-bread, 
as seems to follow from ver. 19; see rather on this 
passage, as on 1 Chron. xxviii. 16 (against Light- 
foot), Starke, Bahr, KeU, etc.— And lie inat't 

CHAP. IV. 9-V. 1. 


basins of gold, bowls or tankards for pouring the 
libation; comp. Amos vi. 6; scarcely bowls for 
receiving the blood of the victim (as lierth. 
thinks). — Ver. 9. Ami he made the courts of the 
priests, the smaller or inner court (1 Kings vi. 36, 
vii. 12), or also the upper court, as it is called, 
.ler. xxxvi. 10, on account of its greater elevation. 
-And the great court, the outer (nifiTI con- 
nected with ivn); comp. Ezek. xliii. 14 ff., xlv. 19, 
where it is distinguished as the " lower" or "new " 
court, from the inner or upper court of the priests. 
A more precise description of this outer court is 
wanting as well in 1 Kings vi. and vii., where it 
is not even mentioned, as in our passage, where 
inly its door leaves overlaid with brass are men- 
tioned. — Ver. 10. Addendum concerning the 
Position of the Brazen Sea; comp. 1 Kings vii. 

6. The Brass Works of Huram : vers. 11-18. 
The list is opened with the "pots, shovels, ami 
bowls." objects belonging to the furniture of the 
altar of burnt-offering in the court, that belong 
properly to the foregoing section. Even so 

1 Kings vii. 40, where likewise with 7p»l in the 

middle of the verse we pass to all that was made 
by Huram. — The puts, and tin shovels, ami tin 
bowls. nil'DH (for which 1 Kings vii. 40, defec 

tively: fliTan) are the pots for taking away tin 
ashes ; D'V'H, " le suove ' s f° r removing the ashes 
from the altar ; niplttSH (perhaps to be distin- 
guished from ryp-ijo, the sprinkling -bowls or 

wine tankards in ver. Sh), the bowds for receiving 
and sprinkling the blood. — And Huram finished 
the work. Comp. from this to the end of the 
section the almost literally agreeing verses 1 
Kings vii. 406-47, and Bahr on the passage. For 
the partial deviations and errors in our text, see 
Crit. Note. — Ver. 10. And all their vessels. 
Most recent expositors (also Keil) wish to read, 
after 1 Kings vii. 45: "all these vessels," "pg ]"IN 

npSiTI D'^SH, because we cannot thiuk in the 

"vessels" of the vessels hitherto named. But 
might not the forms (models) be meant in which 
the various vessels were cast ? The allusion to 
the foundries of the king in the next verse makes 

this very probable ; but the reading n^NH '" 

1 Kings vii. 45 appears by no means absolutely 
settled. — Made Huram his father. Fur V3N. 

see on eh. ii. 12. — Of bright brass, BVIB flBTU, 

accus. materia; ; in 2 Kings the equivalent J"I({7U 

U1DO stands for this. — Ver. 17. In the plain of 

Jordan (properly, in the circuit of Jordan) the Icing 
cast them, in the clay ground, properly, " in the 
densities of the ground," r.DIKn '31)3 ( or > if the 

reading »aj?a is to be preferred, sing.: in the den- 
sity of the ground; •» t* t^x" rn; yr,s, Sept.). 
According to the older exegesis, the phrase denoted: 
in the clay ground, in argillosa terra (Vulg. ). 
The designation of the hard forn s for the cast ing, 

which Berth, thinks are mentioned here, should 
rather be the Dri'TO'TO of v «r. 16. — Between 

Succoth and Zeredathah. In 1 Kings vii. 46 the 
name of the second place is Znrthan, which is on!) 
another form of Zeredathah ; comp. Jud^. vii. 22. 
— Ver. 18. For the weight or' the brass was not 
found out, or was not determined (Berth.); that 
is, there was so great a quantity, that, etc. (comp. 
ch. v. 6). 

7. Enumeration of the Golden Vessels of the 
Sanctuary, with the Close of the whole Account 
of the Building : ver. 19-ch. v. 1; comp. 1 Kings 
vii. 48-51, which section also deviates much in 
its first verses from the present one. — And the 
tables with the shew-bread on them. Oi .ginally, 
perhaps, only an inexact expression (synecdoche), 
as in 1 Chron. xxviii. 16, this mention of the 

niinbt? ' ias nere certainly the appearance of a 

multiplicity of tables for the shew-bread. But 
1 Kings vii. 48 names quite distinctly only one 
table. — Ver. 20. And the cantlesticks ... to burn 
lifter their rule (CBCT33. as ver - ') before the 

oracle, the "debir, " that is, the most holy place. 
The candlesticks had accordingly their place in 
the holy place immediately before the veil; and 
so the altar of incense (comp. Heb. ix. 4). — Ver. 
21. And the flowers, and the lamps. Comp. Bahr 
on 1 Kings vii. 49. — This was the most perfect 

gold. am RITOD, properly, " perfections of 
gold" ; the elsewhere not occurring J"li?3D (equi- 
valent to pTOia, Ps. 1. 2, or pifvjo, Ezek. xxiii. 

12) appears unintelligible to the Sept., and hence 
the whole clause is omitted. As it appears super- 
lluous along with the costly gold at the close of 
the verse before, and is wanting in 1 Kings vii. 
49, it awakens critical suspicion. — Ver. 22. And 
i/i kniees, serving perhaps to clean the lamps 
(with the snuffers), but also for other purposes. 
Their place among the vessels of the temple is 
attested also by 2 Kings xii. 14; Jer. lii. 18. For 
the next nanied bowls see on ver. 11. The ni£L3 

(trays for the incense) and ninno (extinguishers) 

are also named 1 Kings vii. 50: on the contrary, 
the ni3D (basons) named there first are wanting 

here. — And the door of the house, jyan nJIDI 

appears to be a general collective phrase for the 
"opening, doorway, outlet of the house;" for it 
includes two doors, that into the holy place, and 
that into the holy of holies. The parallel 1 Kings 

vii. 50: ri'an J"lir6"6 ninbni, leads to the con- 
jecture that nriBI is perhaps an error for J"liT13i\ 
"and the hinges " (in which case also WiriT^ 
must be put for VDiD^)- Ch. T - 1 agrees almost 
to the letter with 1 Kings vii. 51. The i before 
rpanTIX is best rendered by " namely"; comr. 

ch. iv. 19: less probable is the rendering: "as 
well the silver as also the gold" (Keil). Fo] 
these gifts of David, see the account in 1 Chron. 
xviii. 101'.; also 1 Chron. xxvi. 26 f, xxi.v. 3 tl. 


y. The Dedication of the Temple: ch. v. 2-vii. 10. 

1. Removal of the Ark from Zion to the Temple: ch. v. 2-14. 

9. Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the heads of the tribes, 
the chiefs of the fathers of the sons of Israel, to Jerusalem, to bring up the ark 

3 of the covenant of the Lord from the city of David, which is Zion. And all 
the men of Israel assembled unto the king in the feast, which was the seventh 

4 month. And all the elders of Israel came ; and the Levites bore the ark. 

5 And they brought up the ark and the tent of meeting, and all the holy vessels 
fi that were in the tent; the priests, the Levites, 1 brought them up. And king 

Solomon, and all the assembly of Israel that assembled with him before the ark, 
sacrificed sheep and oxen, that could not be told or numbered for multitude. 

7 And the priests brought the ark of the covenant of the Lord into its place, into 
the oracle of the house, the most holy place, under the wings of the cherubim. 

8 For the cherubim spread forth their wings over the place of the ark, and the 

9 cherubim covered the ark and its staves above. And they made the staves so 
long that the ends of the staves were seen from the ark, 2 before the oracle, but 

10 they were not seen without : and they were there unto this day. Nothing was in 
the ark save the two tables, which Moses put into it at Horeb, where the Lord 

11 made [a covenant] with the sons of Israel, when they came out of Egypt. And it 
came to pass, when the priests came out of the holy place — for all the priests 

I '? that were present had sanctified themselves, without observing the courses. And 

the Levites, the singers all of them, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, and their 
sons and brethren, arrayed in byssus, with cymbals, and psalteries, and harps, 
stood at the east of the altar, and with them a hundred and twenty priests 

13 sounding with trumpets. 3 And the trumpeters and singers were as one [man] to 
sound aloud with one voice to praise and thank the LORD, and when they lifted 
up the voice with trumpets, and cymbals, and instruments of song, and with 
praising the Lord : For He is good ; for His mercy endureth for ever : then the 

14 house was filled with the cloud of the house of the Lord. And the priests 
could not stand to minister before the cloud ; for the glory of the Lord filled the 
house of God. 

2. Solomon praises the Lord on his Entrance into the new Temple : ch. vi. 1-11. 

Ch. VI. 1. Then said Solomon, The Lord hath said that He would dwell in dark- 

2 ness. And I, even I, have built a house of abiding for Thee, and a place for Thy 
dwelling for ever. 

3 And the king turned his face, and blessed the whole congregation of Israel : 

4 and all the congregation of Israel stood. And he said, Blessed be the Lord 
God of Israel, who hath spoken with His mouth to David my father, and by His 

5 hands hath fulfilled it, saying, From the day that I brought my people out of 
the land of Egypt, I chose^no city among all the tribes of Israel to build a 
house, that my name might lie there ; and I chose no man to be ruler over my 

6 people Israel. And I chose Jerusalem, that my name might be there ; and I 

7 chose David to be over my people Israel. And it was in the heart of David my 

8 father to build a house to the name of the, Lord God of Israel. And the Lord 
said to David my father, Because it was in thy heart to build a house to my 

9 name, thou hast done well that it was in thy heart. But thou shalt not build 
the house ; but thy son, that cometh forth out of thy loins, he shall build to my 

1 name. And the Lord hath established His word that He hath spoken ; and I 
am risen up instead of David my father, and am set on the throne of Israel, as 
the Lord hath spoken ; and I have built the house to the name of the Lord God 

II of Isiael. And there I have put the ark, wherein is the covenant of the Lord 
that He made with the children of Israel. 

3. Solomon's Prayer of Dedication: ch. vi. 12—12. 
I •£ Ana ne stood belore ihe altar of the LORD, before all the congregation of 

CHAP. V. 2-VII. 10. 17S 

13 Israel, and spread forth his hands. Fur Solomon had made a scaffold of brass, 

and set it in the midst of the [outer] court : its length was five cubits, its breadth 
rive cubits, and its height three cubits ; and he stood upon it, and kneeled down 
on Ids knees before all the congregation of Israel, and spread forth Ins hands 

14 towards heaven. And said, LORD God of Israel, there is no God like Thee in 
the heaven nor in the earth, who keepest the covenant and the merry unto Thy 

15 servants that walk before Thee with all their heart. Who hast kept with Thy 
servant David that which Thou hast spoken to him ; and Thou speakest with Thy 

1G mouth, and hast fulfilled it with Thy hand, as it is this day. And now, LORE 
God of Israel, keep with Thy servant David my father that which Thou hasl 
spoken to him, saying, There shall not be cut off from thee a man in my sight to 
sit upon the throne of Israel, only if thy sons take heed to their way to walk in 

17 my law, as thou hast walked before me. And now, Lord God of Israel, let Thy 

18 word lie verified which Thou hast spoken unto Thy servant David. But -will 
God in truth dwell with men on the earth 1 Behold, heaven, and the heaven of 

I'.i heavens, cannot contain Thee; how much less this house which I have built ! But 
have respect unto the prayer of Thy servant, and to his supplication, LoRP my 
God, to hearken unto the cry and the prayer which Thy servant prayeth before 

20 Thee. That Thine eyes may be open upon this house day and night, to the 
place where Thou hast said that Thou wilt put Thy name ; to hearken unto the 

21 prayer which Thy servant prayeth in this place. And hearken unto the suppli- 
cation of Thy servant and of Thy people Israel, which they shall make in this 
place, and hear Thou from Thy dwelling-place, from heaven ; yea, hear, and for- 

22 give If a man sin against his neighbours, and he lay on him an oath to make 

23 him swear, and he enter into an oath before Thine altar in this house : Then 
hear Thou from heaven, and do, and judge Thy servants, to requite the wicked, 
and bring his way upon his own head ; and to justify the righteous, and give him 

24 according to his righteousness. And if Thv people Israel be smitten before the 
enemy, because they have sinned against Thee, and shall return and confess Thy 

25 name, and pray and entreat before Thee in this house : Then hear Thou from 
heaven, and forgive the sin of Thy people Israel, and bring them again unto the 

26 land which Thou gavest to them and to their fathers. When the heaven is shut 
up, ami there is no rain, because they have sinned against Thee, and they pray in 
this place, and confess Thy name, and turn from their sin, because Thou dost 

27 humble them: Then hear Thou from heaven, and forgive the sin of Thy servants 
and of Thy people Israel, because Thou teachest them the good way in which 
they should walk, and send rain upon the land which Thou hast given unto Thy 

28 people tor an inheritance. If there be dearth in the land, if there be pestilence. 
blasting, or mildew, locust or waster; if their enemies besiege them in the land 

29 of their gates ; if there be any plague or sickness. Every prayer, every suppli- 
cation that shall be made by any man or by all Thy people Israel, when they 
shall know every man his own plague and his own pain, and shall spread his 

30 hands to this house: Then hear Thou from heaven, Thy dwelling-place, and 
forgive, and render unto every man according to all his ways, as Thou knowest 

31 his heart : for Thou alone knowest the heart of the sons of man. That they 
may fear Thee to walk in Thy ways, all the days that they live on the ground 

32 which Thou gavest to our fathers. Ami also to the stranger, who is not of Thy 
people Israel, but cometli from a far country for sake of Thy great name and 
Thy mighty band, and Thy outstretched arm ; if they come and pray towards 

33 this house : Then hear Thou 4 from the heaven, from Thy dwelling-place, and do 
all that the stranger calleth to Thee for, that all peoples of the earth may know Thy 
name, and fear Thee as Thy people Israel, and may know that Thy name is called 

34 upon this house which I have built. If Thy people go out to war against their 
enemies in the way that Thou shalt send them, and they pray unto Thee toward 
this city which Thou hast chosen, and the house which 1 have built to Thy name: 

'i.o Then hear Thou from the heaven their prayer and their supplication, and main- 

30 tain their right. If they sin against Thee, for there is no man that sinneth not, 

and Thou be angry with them, and give them up before their enemies, and their 



M captors take them to a tar or near land. And they turn their heart in the land 
in which they are captive, and turn and pray unto Thee in the land of theii 

38 captivity, saying, We have sinned, we have been wrong and wicked. And 
they return to Thee with all their heart, and with all their soul, in the land of 
their captivity, whither they have taken them, and pray toward the land which 
Thou gavest to their fathers, and the city which Thou hast chosen, and toward 

39 the house which 1 have built to Thy name : Then hear Thou from the heaven, 
from Thy dwelling-place, their prayer and their supplication, and maintain their 

40 right, and forgive Thy people who have sinned against Thee. Now, my God, 
let Thine eyes now be open, and Thine ears attent unto the prayer of this place. 

41 And now arise, Lord God, unto Thy rest, Thou and the ark of Thy strength : 
let Thy priests, Lord God, be clothed with salvation, and let Thy saints be 

42 glad for the good. O Lord God, turn not away the face of Thy anointed ; re 
member the mercies of David Thy servant. 

4. The Divine Confirmation (if the Dedication of the Temple: ch. vii. 1-10. 

fire came down from 
and the glory of the 

Ch. vii. 1. And when Solomon had ended [h«] prayer, the 
heaven and consumed the burnt-offering and the sacrifices : 

2 Lord filled the house. And the priests could not enter the house of the Lord, 

3 because the glory of the Lord filled the house of the Loud. And all the sons 
of Israel saw the fire come down, and the glory of the Lord upon the house, and 
they bowed down their faces to the ground on the pavement, and worshipped and 

4 praised the Lord ; for He is good ; for His mercy endureth for ever. And the 

5 king and all the people offered sacrifices before the Lord. And king Solomon 
offered a sacrifice of twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty 
thousand sheep : and the king and all the people dedicated the house of God. 

6 And the priests stood at their posts, and the Levites with instruments of song of 
the Lord, which David the king had made, to thank the Lord, that His mercy 
endureth for ever, when David praised by their hand ; and the priests blew the 

7 trumpets 5 before them, and all Israel stood. And Solomon hallowed the middle 
of the court that was before the house of the Lord ; for there he offered the 
burnt-offerings and the fat of the peace-offerings : because the brazen altar which 
Solomon had made was not able to receive the burnt-offerings, and the meat- 

8 offerings, and the fat. And Solomon kept the feast at that time seven days, and 
all Israel with him, a very great congregation, from Hamath to the river of 

9 Egypt. And they made on the eighth day a solemn assembly ; for they kept the 
lO dedication of the altar seven days, and the feast seven clays. And in the twenty 

and third day of the seventh month he sent away the people to their tents, glad 
and merry in heart for the goodness that the Lord had shown to David, and to 
Solomon, and to Israel his people. 

' Before D 9 1?H is to be supplied 1, according to 1 Kings viii. 4. 

2 pIS'l'ISD appears to be an error of transcription for C'"lj3"|0- 

* Kethtb: D^YYrVO \ Keri: D^YflO i so ver. 13 and ch. vii. G. Comp. Exeg. Expl. on 1 Chron. XT. 24. 

• nntO. supported bv all the witnesses, Bertheau, without reason, changes into nHK (after 1 Kings viii. 43). 
' fieri D s "lVn?D, as above, ch. v 1-' 13 


Preliminary Remark. — The first three sec- 
tions or acts of this account agree with the 
parallel 1 Kings viii., mostly to the letter; only 
a notice referring to the part of the priests, 
Levites, and singers in the solemnity in vi. 11-13 
is peculiar to our author. In the fourth section 
(vii. 1—1 0) is found the more considerable devia- 
tion, thai instead of the blessing pronounced by 
Solomon on the community of Israel (1 Kings 
riii. 54-61), the consuming of the offerings by 

fire from heaven is narrated (vii. 1-3 ; comp. the 
similar account in the history of the census and 
the plague, 1 Chron. xxi. 26 f. ). 

1. Removal of the Ark from Zion to the 
Temple : ch. v. 2-11 ; comp. 1 Kings viii. 1-11 
(and thereon, Bahr, Bibelw. vii. 72 if. ). — Ver. 3. 
In thefeast, which teas the seventh month. Accord- 
ing to 1 Kings, the statement : "in the month 
Ethanim," appears to have fallen out before 
these words, though also C'lhn might be ■ 

mistake for CTna, "in the seventh montt " - 

CHAP. V. 5-VI. 42. 


V«r. 5. The supplement of a i between Q'jnan 

and yijnfsee Crit. Note) seems indispensable ; 
■' for even if Levitical priests bore tin- ark and 
the holy vessels of the tabernacle into the temple, 
vet it is certain that the tabernacle itself (its 
boards, curtains, and coverings) was not eon- 
rayed by the priests, but only by tin- Levites, 
Into the temple to be preserved as sacred relies, 
fhe copula i is perhaps left out only bya eopj ist, 
.vhc thought of Q*ipn D'jnan, Josh, iii 3 : Hint, 
xvii. !), IS" dveii'. — Ver. 10. The two tables 
which Mux** put into it at Horeb, properly, 
"gave," |ru, as Ex. xl. 20. More clear and lull 

is the parallel text 1 Kings viii. 9 : n^n ";*_"S 
q-_", "which he had put there." — Ver. 11, For 


(ill. the priests that were present hud sanctified 
themselves. These words begin the longer 
parenthesis inserted by the Chronist in the 
statement, 1 Kings viii. 10, concerning the 
priests, Levites, and singers, which extends to 
ver. 136. •'That were present," literally, "that 
were found" ; comp. 1 Chron, xxix. 17 ; Ezra 
viii. 25. — Without observing the courses j that is, 
on account of the greatness of the solemnity, and 
the multitude of persons required, the series ol 
exchanging courses of the priests (1 Chron. xxiv. ) 
could not be observed; all the courses must 
together sanctify themselves and co-operate. For 
the construction "liD5s6 PN, comp. 1 Chron. 

xxiii. 2d : Ew. § 321, ',.— Ver. 12. All of th m, 
Asaph, etc., properly, "as to all, Asaph," etc. ; 

the introductory p. as 1 Chron. v. 25 (see on 

this passage). — Sounding with trumpets. For 
D'lXirna, see °" I Chron. xv. 24 ; comp. also 

the remarks on the temple musicians and their 
instruments, 1 Chron. xv. 17-28. — Ver. 13. And 
the trumpeters and singers were o* one man, 
literally, "and it came to pass as one concern- 
ing the trumpeters and singers (^, as before), thai 
they sounded loud with one voice." For the 
construction •/"-"TP n'H, comp. Ew. § 237, and 
on the import of "'OCT, 1 Chron. xv. 16. The 
"ins Tip, "with one voice," is properly redundant, 
but is added to the JpDgfil? to strengthen the 
notion already lying in inx, "one" of the 

unisono of the trumpet sound, and the singing of 
the many voices. — Wlven they lifted up tin voice, 
literally, "and as the lifting of the voice"; 
comp. Ezra iii. 12, ix. 1. The words conned 
again with ver. 11a, and so prepare for the con- 
clusion, which, however, is formed by the last 
v. oi.l; of the verse: Then the house was filled 
irith the cloud of the house of tlie Lord, the well- 
known light-cloud (shechinah) dwelling in the 
tabernacle since the time of Moses, the manifesta-